The harbour was busy, too, with the traffic in railway material, and with the movements of troops along the coast. The O.S.N. Company found much occupation for its fleet. Costaguana had no navy, and, apart from a few coastguard cutters, there were no national ships except a couple of old merchant steamers used as transports.
Captain Mitchell, feeling more and more in the thick of history, found time for an hour or so during an afternoon in the drawing-room of the Casa Gould, where, with a strange ignorance of the real forces at work around him, he professed12 himself delighted to get away from the strain of affairs. He did not know what he would have done without his invaluable13 Nostromo, he declared. Those confounded Costaguana politics gave him more work — he confided14 to Mrs. Gould — than he had bargained for.
Don Jose Avellanos had displayed in the service of the endangered Ribiera Government an organizing activity and an eloquence15 of which the echoes reached even Europe. For, after the new loan to the Ribiera Government, Europe had become interested in Costaguana. The Sala of the Provincial16 Assembly (in the Municipal Buildings of Sulaco), with its portraits of the Liberators on the walls and an old flag of Cortez preserved in a glass case above the President’s chair, had heard all these speeches — the early one containing the impassioned declaration “Militarism is the enemy,” the famous one of the “trembling balance” delivered on the occasion of the vote for the raising of a second Sulaco regiment17 in the defence of the reforming Government; and when the provinces again displayed their old flags (proscribed in Guzman Bento’s time) there was another of those great orations18, when Don Jose greeted these old emblems19 of the war of Independence, brought out again in the name of new Ideals. The old idea of Federalism had disappeared. For his part he did not wish to revive old political doctrines20. They were perishable22. They died. But the doctrine21 of political rectitude was immortal23. The second Sulaco regiment, to whom he was presenting this flag, was going to show its valour in a contest for order, peace, progress; for the establishment of national self-respect without which — he declared with energy —“we are a reproach and a byword amongst the powers of the world.”
Don Jose Avellanos loved his country. He had served it lavishly24 with his fortune during his diplomatic career, and the later story of his captivity25 and barbarous ill-usage under Guzman Bento was well known to his listeners. It was a wonder that he had not been a victim of the ferocious26 and summary executions which marked the course of that tyranny; for Guzman had ruled the country with the sombre imbecility of political fanaticism27. The power of Supreme28 Government had become in his dull mind an object of strange worship, as if it were some sort of cruel deity29. It was incarnated30 in himself, and his adversaries31, the Federalists, were the supreme sinners, objects of hate, abhorrence32, and fear, as heretics would be to a convinced Inquisitor. For years he had carried about at the tail of the Army of Pacification33, all over the country, a captive band of such atrocious criminals, who considered themselves most unfortunate at not having been summarily executed. It was a diminishing company of nearly naked skeletons, loaded with irons, covered with dirt, with vermin, with raw wounds, all men of position, of education, of wealth, who had learned to fight amongst themselves for scraps34 of rotten beef thrown to them by soldiers, or to beg a negro cook for a drink of muddy water in pitiful accents. Don Jose Avellanos, clanking his chains amongst the others, seemed only to exist in order to prove how much hunger, pain, degradation35, and cruel torture a human body can stand without parting with the last spark of life. Sometimes interrogatories, backed by some primitive36 method of torture, were administered to them by a commission of officers hastily assembled in a hut of sticks and branches, and made pitiless by the fear for their own lives. A lucky one or two of that spectral37 company of prisoners would perhaps be led tottering38 behind a bush to be shot by a file of soldiers. Always an army chaplain — some unshaven, dirty man, girt with a sword and with a tiny cross embroidered39 in white cotton on the left breast of a lieutenant’s uniform — would follow, cigarette in the corner of the mouth, wooden stool in hand, to hear the confession40 and give absolution; for the Citizen Saviour41 of the Country (Guzman Bento was called thus officially in petitions) was not averse42 from the exercise of rational clemency43. The irregular report of the firing squad44 would be heard, followed sometimes by a single finishing shot; a little bluish cloud of smoke would float up above the green bushes, and the Army of Pacification would move on over the savannas45, through the forests, crossing rivers, invading rural pueblos46, devastating47 the haciendas of the horrid48 aristocrats49, occupying the inland towns in the fulfilment of its patriotic51 mission, and leaving behind a united land wherein the evil taint53 of Federalism could no longer be detected in the smoke of burning houses and the smell of spilt blood. Don Jose Avellanos had survived that time. Perhaps, when contemptuously signifying to him his release, the Citizen Saviour of the Country might have thought this benighted54 aristocrat50 too broken in health and spirit and fortune to be any longer dangerous. Or, perhaps, it may have been a simple caprice. Guzman Bento, usually full of fanciful fears and brooding suspicions, had sudden accesses of unreasonable55 self-confidence when he perceived himself elevated on a pinnacle56 of power and safety beyond the reach of mere57 mortal plotters. At such times he would impulsively58 command the celebration of a solemn Mass of thanksgiving, which would be sung in great pomp in the cathedral of Sta. Marta by the trembling, subservient59 Archbishop of his creation. He heard it sitting in a gilt60 armchair placed before the high altar, surrounded by the civil and military heads of his Government. The unofficial world of Sta. Marta would crowd into the cathedral, for it was not quite safe for anybody of mark to stay away from these manifestations61 of presidential piety62. Having thus acknowledged the only power he was at all disposed to recognize as above himself, he would scatter63 acts of political grace in a sardonic64 wantonness of clemency. There was no other way left now to enjoy his power but by seeing his crushed adversaries crawl impotently into the light of day out of the dark, noisome65 cells of the Collegio. Their harmlessness fed his insatiable vanity, and they could always be got hold of again. It was the rule for all the women of their families to present thanks afterwards in a special audience. The incarnation of that strange god, El Gobierno Supremo, received them standing66, cocked hat on head, and exhorted67 them in a menacing mutter to show their gratitude68 by bringing up their children in fidelity69 to the democratic form of government, “which I have established for the happiness of our country.” His front teeth having been knocked out in some accident of his former herdsman’s life, his utterance70 was spluttering and indistinct. He had been working for Costaguana alone in the midst of treachery and opposition71. Let it cease now lest he should become weary of forgiving!
Don Jose Avellanos had known this forgiveness.
He was broken in health and fortune deplorably enough to present a truly gratifying spectacle to the supreme chief of democratic institutions. He retired72 to Sulaco. His wife had an estate in that province, and she nursed him back to life out of the house of death and captivity. When she died, their daughter, an only child, was old enough to devote herself to “poor papa.”
Miss Avellanos, born in Europe and educated partly in England, was a tall, grave girl, with a self-possessed73 manner, a wide, white forehead, a wealth of rich brown hair, and blue eyes.
The other young ladies of Sulaco stood in awe74 of her character and accomplishments75. She was reputed to be terribly learned and serious. As to pride, it was well known that all the Corbelans were proud, and her mother was a Corbelan. Don Jose Avellanos depended very much upon the devotion of his beloved Antonia. He accepted it in the benighted way of men, who, though made in God’s image, are like stone idols76 without sense before the smoke of certain burnt offerings. He was ruined in every way, but a man possessed of passion is not a bankrupt in life. Don Jose Avellanos desired passionately77 for his country: peace, prosperity, and (as the end of the preface to “Fifty Years of Misrule” has it) “an honourable78 place in the comity79 of civilized80 nations.” In this last phrase the Minister Plenipotentiary, cruelly humiliated81 by the bad faith of his Government towards the foreign bondholders, stands disclosed in the patriot52.
The fatuous82 turmoil83 of greedy factions84 succeeding the tyranny of Guzman Bento seemed to bring his desire to the very door of opportunity. He was too old to descend85 personally into the centre of the arena86 at Sta. Marta. But the men who acted there sought his advice at every step. He himself thought that he could be most useful at a distance, in Sulaco. His name, his connections, his former position, his experience commanded the respect of his class. The discovery that this man, living in dignified87 poverty in the Corbelan town residence (opposite the Casa Gould), could dispose of material means towards the support of the cause increased his influence. It was his open letter of appeal that decided88 the candidature of Don Vincente Ribiera for the Presidency89. Another of these informal State papers drawn90 up by Don Jose (this time in the shape of an address from the Province) induced that scrupulous91 constitutionalist to accept the extraordinary powers conferred upon him for five years by an overwhelming vote of congress in Sta. Marta. It was a specific mandate92 to establish the prosperity of the people on the basis of firm peace at home, and to redeem93 the national credit by the satisfaction of all just claims abroad.
On the afternoon the news of that vote had reached Sulaco by the usual roundabout postal94 way through Cayta, and up the coast by steamer. Don Jose, who had been waiting for the mail in the Goulds’ drawing-room, got out of the rocking-chair, letting his hat fall off his knees. He rubbed his silvery, short hair with both hands, speechless with the excess of joy.
“Emilia, my soul,” he had burst out, “let me embrace you! Let me —”
Captain Mitchell, had he been there, would no doubt have made an apt remark about the dawn of a new era; but if Don Jose thought something of the kind, his eloquence failed him on this occasion. The inspirer of that revival95 of the Blanco party tottered96 where he stood. Mrs. Gould moved forward quickly and, as she offered her cheek with a smile to her old friend, managed very cleverly to give him the support of her arm he really needed.
Don Jose had recovered himself at once, but for a time he could do no more than murmur97, “Oh, you two patriots98! Oh, you two patriots!”— looking from one to the other. Vague plans of another historical work, wherein all the devotions to the regeneration of the country he loved would be enshrined for the reverent99 worship of posterity100, flitted through his mind. The historian who had enough elevation101 of soul to write of Guzman Bento: “Yet this monster, imbrued in the blood of his countrymen, must not be held unreservedly to the execration102 of future years. It appears to be true that he, too, loved his country. He had given it twelve years of peace; and, absolute master of lives and fortunes as he was, he died poor. His worst fault, perhaps, was not his ferocity, but his ignorance;” the man who could write thus of a cruel persecutor103 (the passage occurs in his “History of Misrule”) felt at the foreshadowing of success an almost boundless104 affection for his two helpers, for these two young people from over the sea.
Just as years ago, calmly, from the conviction of practical necessity, stronger than any abstract political doctrine, Henry Gould had drawn the sword, so now, the times being changed, Charles Gould had flung the silver of the San Tome into the fray105. The Inglez of Sulaco, the “Costaguana Englishman” of the third generation, was as far from being a political intriguer106 as his uncle from a revolutionary swashbuckler. Springing from the instinctive107 uprightness of their natures their action was reasoned. They saw an opportunity and used the weapon to hand.
Charles Gould’s position — a commanding position in the background of that attempt to retrieve108 the peace and the credit of the Republic — was very clear. At the beginning he had had to accommodate himself to existing circumstances of corruption109 so naively110 brazen111 as to disarm112 the hate of a man courageous113 enough not to be afraid of its irresponsible potency114 to ruin everything it touched. It seemed to him too contemptible115 for hot anger even. He made use of it with a cold, fearless scorn, manifested rather than concealed116 by the forms of stony117 courtesy which did away with much of the ignominy of the situation. At bottom, perhaps, he suffered from it, for he was not a man of cowardly illusions, but he refused to discuss the ethical118 view with his wife. He trusted that, though a little disenchanted, she would be intelligent enough to understand that his character safeguarded the enterprise of their lives as much or more than his policy. The extraordinary development of the mine had put a great power into his hands. To feel that prosperity always at the mercy of unintelligent greed had grown irksome to him. To Mrs. Gould it was humiliating. At any rate, it was dangerous. In the confidential119 communications passing between Charles Gould, the King of Sulaco, and the head of the silver and steel interests far away in California, the conviction was growing that any attempt made by men of education and integrity ought to be discreetly120 supported. “You may tell your friend Avellanos that I think so,” Mr. Holroyd had written at the proper moment from his inviolable sanctuary121 within the eleven-storey high factory of great affairs. And shortly afterwards, with a credit opened by the Third Southern Bank (located next door but one to the Holroyd Building), the Ribierist party in Costaguana took a practical shape under the eye of the administrator122 of the San Tome mine. And Don Jose, the hereditary123 friend of the Gould family, could say: “Perhaps, my dear Carlos, I shall not have believed in vain.”
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1
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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beacons
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| 灯塔( beacon的名词复数 )； 烽火； 指路明灯； 无线电台或发射台 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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corrugated
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| adj.波纹的；缩成皱纹的；波纹面的；波纹状的v.（使某物）起皱褶(corrugate的过去式和过去分词) | |
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cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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perishable
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| adj.（尤指食物）易腐的，易坏的 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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lavishly
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| adv.慷慨地，大方地 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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incarnated
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| v.赋予（思想、精神等）以人的形体( incarnate的过去式和过去分词 )；使人格化；体现；使具体化 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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spectral
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| adj.幽灵的，鬼魂的 | |
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tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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savannas
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| n.（美国东南部的）无树平原( savanna的名词复数 )；（亚）热带的稀树大草原 | |
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pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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51
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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53
taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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56
pinnacle
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| n.尖塔，尖顶，山峰；(喻)顶峰 | |
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57
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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impulsively
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| adv.冲动地 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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60
gilt
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| adj.镀金的；n.金边证券 | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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sardonic
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| adj.嘲笑的，冷笑的，讥讽的 | |
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noisome
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| adj.有害的，可厌的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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70
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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comity
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| n.礼让，礼仪；团结，联合 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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fatuous
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| adj.愚昧的；昏庸的 | |
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turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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postal
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| adj.邮政的，邮局的 | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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tottered
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| v.走得或动得不稳( totter的过去式和过去分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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reverent
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| adj.恭敬的，虔诚的 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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intriguer
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| 密谋者 | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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108
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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naively
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| adv. 天真地 | |
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brazen
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| adj.厚脸皮的，无耻的，坚硬的 | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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