Since Lodge’s edition (fol. 1614), no complete translation of Seneca has been published in England, though Sir Roger L’Estrange wrote paraphrases6 of several Dialogues, which seem to have been enormously popular, running through more than sixteen editions. I think we may conjecture7 that Shakespeare had seen Lodge’s translation, from several allusions8 to philosophy, to that impossible conception “the wise man,” and especially from a passage in “All’s Well that ends Well,” which seems to breathe the very spirit of “De Beneficiis.”
“’Tis pity —
That wishing well had not a body in it
Which might be felt: that we, the poorer born,
Whose baser stars do shut us up in wishes,
Might with effects of them follow our friends
And show what we alone must think; which never
Returns us thanks.”
All’s Well that ends Well,” Act i. sc. 1.
Though, if this will not fit the supposed date of that play, he may have taken the idea from “The Woorke of Lucius Annaeus Seneca concerning Benefyting, that is too say, the dooing, receyving, and requyting of good turnes, translated out of Latin by A. Golding. J. Day, London, 1578.” And even during the Restoration, Pepys’s ideal of virtuous9 and lettered seclusion10 is a country house in whose garden he might sit on summer afternoons with his friend, Sir W. Coventry, “it maybe, to read a chapter of Seneca.” In sharp contrast to this is Vahlen’s preface to the minor11 Dialogues, which he edited after the death of his friend Koch, who had begun that work, in which he remarks that “he has read much of this writer, in order to perfect his knowledge of Latin, for otherwise he neither admires his artificial subtleties12 of thought, nor his childish mannerisms of style” (Vahlen, preface, p. v., ed. 1879, Jena).
Yet by the student of the history of Rome under the Caesars, Seneca is not to be neglected, because, whatever may be thought of the intrinsic merit of his speculations13, he represents, more perhaps even than Tacitus, the intellectual characteristics of his age, and the tone of society in Rome — nor could we well spare the gossiping stories which we find imbedded in his graver dissertations14. The following extract from Dean Merivale’s “History of the Romans under the Empire” will show the estimate of him which has been formed by that accomplished15 writer:—
“At Rome, we, have no reason, to suppose that Christianity was only the refuge of the afflicted17 and miserable18; rather, if we may lay any stress on the documents above referred to, it was first embraced by persons in a certain grade of comfort and respectability; by persons approaching to what we should call the MIDDLE CLASSES in their condition, their education, and their moral views. Of this class Seneca himself was the idol19, the oracle20; he was, so to speak, the favourite preacher of the more intelligent and humane21 disciples22 of nature and virtue23. Now the writings of Seneca show, in their way, a real anxiety among this class to raise the moral tone of mankind around them; a spirit of reform, a zeal24 for the conversion25 of souls, which, though it never rose, indeed, under the teaching of the philosophers, to boiling heat, still simmered with genial1 warmth on the surface of society. Far different as was their social standing-point, far different as were the foundations and the presumed sanctions of their teaching respectively, Seneca and St. Paul were both moral reformers; both, be it said with reverence27, were fellow-workers in the cause of humanity, though the Christian16 could look beyond the proximate aims of morality and prepare men for a final development on which the Stoic28 could not venture to gaze. Hence there is so much in their principles, so much even in their language, which agrees together, so that the one has been thought, though it must be allowed without adequate reason, to have borrowed directly from the other. 2
But the philosopher, be it remembered, discoursed29 to a large and not inattentive audience, and surely the soil was not all unfruitful on which his seed was scattered30 when he proclaimed that God dwells not in temples of wood and stone, nor wants the ministrations of human hands;3 that He has no delight in the blood of victims;4 that He is near to all His creatures;5 that His Spirit resides in men’s hearts;6 that all men are truly His offspring;7 that we are members of one body, which is God or Nature;8 that men must believe in God before they can approach Him;9 that the true service of God is to be like unto Him;10 that all men have sinned, and none performed all the works of the law;11 that God is no respecter of nations, ranks, or conditions, but all, barbarian31 and Roman, bond and free, are alike under His all-seeing Providence32.12
“St. Paul enjoined33 submission34 and obedience35 even to the tyranny of Nero, and Seneca fosters no ideas subversive36 of political subjection. Endurance is the paramount37 virtue of the Stoic. To forms of government the wise man was wholly indifferent; they were among the external circumstances above which his spirit soared in serene38 self-contemplation. We trace in Seneca no yearning39 for a restoration of political freedom, nor does he even point to the senate, after the manner of the patriots40 of the day, as a legitimate41 check to the autocracy42 of the despot. The only mode, in his view, of tempering tyranny is to educate the tyrant43 himself in virtue. His was the self-denial of the Christians44, but without their anticipated compensation. It seems impossible to doubt that in his highest flights of rhetoric45 — and no man ever recommended the unattainable with a finer grace — Seneca must have felt that he was labouring to build up a house without foundations; that his system, as Caius said of his style, was sand without lime. He was surely not unconscious of the inconsistency of his own position, as a public man and a minister, with the theories to which he had wedded46 himself; and of the impossibility of preserving in it the purity of his character as a philosopher or a man. He was aware that in the existing state of society at Rome, wealth was necessary to men high in station; wealth alone could retain influence, and a poor minister became at once contemptible47. The distributor of the Imperial favours must have his banquets, his receptions, his slaves and freedmen; he must possess the means of attracting if not of bribing48; he must not seem too virtuous, too austere49, among an evil generation; in order to do good at all he must swim with the stream, however polluted it might be. All this inconsistency Seneca must have contemplated50 without blenching51; and there is something touching52 in the serenity53 he preserved amidst the conflict that must have perpetually raged between his natural sense and his acquired principles. Both Cicero and Seneca were men of many weaknesses, and we remark them the more because both were pretenders to unusual strength of character; but while Cicero lapsed54 into political errors, Seneca cannot be absolved55 of actual crime. Nevertheless, if we may compare the greatest masters of Roman wisdom together, the Stoic will appear, I think, the more earnest of the two, the more anxious to do his duty for its own sake, the more sensible of the claims of mankind upon him for such precepts of virtuous living as he had to give. In an age of unbelief and compromise he taught that Truth was positive and Virtue objective. He conceived, what never entered Cicero’s mind, the idea of improving his fellow-creatures; he had, what Cicero had not, a heart for conversion to Christianity.”
To this eloquent56 account of Seneca’s position and of the tendency of his writings I have nothing to add. The main particulars of his life, his Spanish extraction (like that of Lacan and Martial), his father’s treatises57 on Rhetoric, his mother Helvia, his brothers, his wealth, his exile in Corsica, his outrageous58 flattery of Claudius and his satiric59 poem on his death —”The Vision of Judgment,” Merivale calls it, after Lord Byron — his position as Nero’s tutor, and his death, worthy at once of a Roman and a Stoic, by the orders of that tyrant, may be read of in “The History of the Romans under the Empire,” or in the article “Seneca” in the “Dictionary of Classical Biography,” and need not be reproduced here: but I cannot resist pointing out how entirely60 Grote’s view of the “Sophists” as a sort of established clergy61, and Seneca’s account of the various sects62 of philosophers as representing the religious thought of the time, is illustrated63 by his anecdote64 of Julia Augusta, the mother of Tiberius, better known to English readers as Livia the wife of Augustus, who in her first agony of grief at the loss of her first husband applied65 to his Greek philosopher, Areus, as to a kind of domestic chaplain, for spiritual consolation66. (”Ad Marciam de Consolatione,” ch. iv.)
I take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude67 to the Rev26. J. E. B. Mayor, Professor of Latin in the University of Cambridge, for his kindness in finding time among his many and important literary labours for reading and correcting the proofs of this work.
The text which I have followed for De Beneficiis is that of Gertz, Berlin (1876.).
AUBREY STEWART
London, March, 1887.
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1 genial | |
adj.亲切的,和蔼的,愉快的,脾气好的 | |
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2 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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3 albeit | |
conj.即使;纵使;虽然 | |
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4 doctrines | |
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5 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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6 paraphrases | |
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7 conjecture | |
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8 allusions | |
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9 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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10 seclusion | |
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11 minor | |
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12 subtleties | |
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13 speculations | |
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14 dissertations | |
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15 accomplished | |
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16 Christian | |
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17 afflicted | |
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18 miserable | |
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19 idol | |
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20 oracle | |
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21 humane | |
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22 disciples | |
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23 virtue | |
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24 zeal | |
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25 conversion | |
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26 rev | |
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27 reverence | |
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28 stoic | |
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29 discoursed | |
演说(discourse的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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30 scattered | |
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31 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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32 providence | |
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33 enjoined | |
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34 submission | |
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35 obedience | |
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36 subversive | |
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37 paramount | |
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38 serene | |
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39 yearning | |
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40 patriots | |
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42 autocracy | |
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43 tyrant | |
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44 Christians | |
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45 rhetoric | |
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46 wedded | |
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47 contemptible | |
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48 bribing | |
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49 austere | |
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50 contemplated | |
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51 blenching | |
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52 touching | |
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53 serenity | |
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55 absolved | |
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56 eloquent | |
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57 treatises | |
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58 outrageous | |
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59 satiric | |
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60 entirely | |
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61 clergy | |
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62 sects | |
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63 illustrated | |
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64 anecdote | |
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65 applied | |
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66 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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67 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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