The conduct of the enemy after his complete failure was really impressive. I saw despairing soldiers with the same lost, wondering look in their eyes as I saw in the eyes of our soldiers during the period of 316 Caporetto. I heard it said that several Austrian officers had wept with rage, for they asserted that this was the first great offensive which Austria had really lost.
The reports sent to me by Brunora were truly comforting. The Austrians had lost more then 250,000 men, including dead, wounded and missing, and as though this were not enough, on this day I was able to read a report sent down to the population from the aeroplanes:
“All the region between the old Piave and the new Piave has been reconquered and, furthermore, since the fifteenth of June we have taken 24,000 prisoners, 63 cannon1 with a great deal of material and have also recaptured our guns which were in the advanced zone and which had to be abandoned during the early phases of the struggle. The side thrust, the terrible salient which menaced Venice exists no more. Venice is safe forever!”
317 My joy reached its culmination2 at the news of this counter-offensive; certainly it was attempted also because of the information given in all my pigeon messages. I had given them detailed3 information concerning the losses suffered by eighteen enemy divisions which could no longer be considered efficient; I told them of the exhaustion4 of forces on the lower Piave thus inviting5 our forces to attempt a counter-offensive if the condition of our army and that of the Allies permitted it. Everything had happened as I had foreseen, it had all ended in a victory which, if not decisive, had enabled us to take a great step forward towards the final solution, towards the end of the war. I had not even noticed that our aeroplanes had not come to fetch me as they had promised.
The long journey I had to take to arrive at the field of Praterie Forcate on the evening of the twenty-sixth did not seem long to me for I carried the joy of victory in my 318 heart. I was not at all disappointed that I did not see the “Voisin” land, in fact, I felt pleased, for I believed my presence might still be useful on the enemy side of the lines.
It was really diverting to read the comments in the Austrian newspapers on the failure of the Piave offensive. The Gazetta del Veneto said that events had followed exactly their outlined plans, that the aim of the offensive was not absolutely to break through the line, but to compel all the Italian troops to congregate6 on their front so that no reinforcements might be sent to the French that the Germans might thereby7 be enabled to obtain decisive results. These decisive results, however, had still to come to pass. The Alkotmany of Budapest found solace8 in the fact that the Austrian command had been more considerate of the safety of the troops than of gaining tactical points. The Az Uisag said that while the Italians had used their reserves, the Austrians 319 still held theirs intact. The Pesti Naplo wrote, “Our infantry9 did its best to try to achieve brilliant successes during the first days, but if the Italian artillery10 bombarded all our bridges and so made it impossible to send reinforcements of munition11 and food and heavy artillery, it certainly is not the fault of the Magyar troops.” Truly elegiac is the tone with which the Budapesti Hirlap described the battle of the Montello: “Among the precipices12 of the Montello the horrors of the battle of Doberdó were renewed; there were Italian mortars13 of 40 cm., fire hurlers, heavy grenades, and above reappeared the reckless Italian aviators14 from whom it was impossible to find a refuge in the cruel ground.” The Italian aviators did not “re-appear,” they have always been active and the Austrian aviators, who at the time of Caporetto tried to be audacious, know something of the result of their activities.
But beside all these more or less ridiculous 320 phrases which tried to hide the failure of the offensive, there was in the Hungarian press a strong resentment15 against the leaders who did not know how to lead the troops to the coveted16 victory, and all the factions17 which for the time being had been quieted in the hope of a decisive action, resumed their wrangling18 in tones more threatening than formerly19.
The great work of cleaning up was in full blast. All the troops, especially those who had been put to the hardest test, were sent to regions far from the front to receive auxiliary20 forces and to renew their supplies of arms and equipment. Therefore, even the region we were living in, which at first was so calm, was now often traversed by soldiers who came to the woods to cut grass for their horses. Near Fregona artillery regiments22 which expected to be sent to France were stationed. According to the latest reports it seemed that five Austrian divisions would be sent to the French front. 321 I reported this also to our command and as I did not know whether they had received my pigeon messages I wanted to try to find out. In my last message I had asked that our next plane coming to photograph the signals, fire as many shots as the number of pigeons received. Great was my satisfaction when the plane which came to photograph my signals (calm on all the front), fired five shots, indicating that they had received five pigeons. This was excellent news and I wished I might decorate the brave little creatures which had fulfilled their duty so well.
Important changes had occurred in our daily life. For several days now we had ceased to live in the little stable which sheltered us for more than a month and pitched our tent on the other side of the hill near the house of a poor woman who had assumed the task of feeding us. This change was instigated23 by the arrival of many soldiers in our region. The house of the Toneli which was 322 near the road was not well-suited for sheltering us. Furthermore, after having been for so long in one place it was better to make a change so as not to make our presence too noticeable. The poor woman whose name was Maria de Luca and whose progeny24 was abundant, willingly prepared our frugal25 repast, and we gained a point because in this way we now ate warm meals. At night we slept in a little hut covered with straw which was well-concealed in a field of wheat surrounded by several rows of grape-vines. However, affairs in general were becoming more complicated and even Brunora reported that in these days the surveillance had greatly increased, because in the first place many of the gendarmes26 who were at the front with the troops had returned; secondly27, because there were many deserters about, and finally because it seemed as if the Austrians were beginning to suspect something and to attribute the failure of their offensive to the presence of a spy in 323 their territory. They had found several pigeons and had posted a notice at Vittorio announcing that whoever found a pigeon must bring it at once to the command and anyone found despatching a bird would be shot. Searches in the vicarages had been begun under the pretext28 of looking for precious metals. The gendarmes hoped to find through them some clue to the ramifications29 of the spy-work they suspected was being carried on in their midst. The pastor30 of Castel Roganziol whom I did not know at all had been arrested, and it was said he had been transported to the interior of Austria. Nevertheless I continued to wander about and now that I knew well the habits of the invading army I increased the number of my peregrinations and wandered far with Rino, because my soldier, especially on account of his youthful appearance, preferred to remain hidden.
In one of these trips I went as far as Cimetta, where my father owns vast tracts31 324 of land, and for a day I was the guest of the peasants there who greeted me cordially and with great hospitality. The meeting with old Tomasella, who was almost eighty years old, and who still remembered my great grandfather was really touching32. Not to arouse suspicion and that the women might not learn of my presence, I stopped in a wheat-field near the house of our planters. The sun was high in the heavens and its burning rays gave life to the country and tinged33 with red the wheat in the fast ripening34 fields.
The old man had come to meet me at a spot whither one of his sons had escorted me. He leaned heavily on a stick and I found him completely changed; the strong man I knew formerly had been reduced to a truly pitiful condition by a few months of privation. When he saw me he took off his hat and embraced me. Out of respect for his venerable old-age I also removed my hat and kissed him with great feeling while 325 several tears slowly streaked35 the bronzed cheeks of two other men who witnessed the scene.
“Make haste and return here, else I cannot hope to see you ever again. I shall die peacefully on the day that I know I shall die Italian.”
I started on my return journey and along the road I passed several Austrian aviation camps, among them the one in San Fior where the chasing machines were concentrated. Several “D-5’s” were practicing firing; they would make a few rapid evolutions and then volplane, directing their volley against a target. Perhaps the Austrians, anticipating an Italian counter-offensive and having realized the utility of their aviation branch in warfare36 through the heavy losses they had suffered at the hands of our airmen, were trying to prepare this weapon for use in future contingencies37. The Austrians however, did not realize that the fault lay not in their machines but in their men.
326 I spoke38 several times, to the great terror of Bottecchia, who feared I was too hazardous39, with Austrian soldiers I met in the woods. I adopted the theory that the best way in which not to arouse suspicion, and to avoid being seized, was to play one’s cards with audacity40. For instance, at times when I must cross a district in which I feared to meet gendarmes, I waited for a military wagon41 with some kind-hearted driver, preferably an old soldier, and I asked him if I might ride with him. Usually he offered no objection and so I was certain to be safe because the gendarmes would not dream of arresting a man who was with one of their soldiers. To gain the good graces of the soldiers and to commence a conversation I asked them for a bit of tobacco and exchanged some flour for it. They were usually well pleased with this barter42 and so they adopted a rather friendly, confidential43, tone and told me their feelings and opinions. I spoke to them in German which, I told 327 them, I learnt during the many years I worked in Prussia as a mason, as might be true of many of our mountaineers. They spoke sincerely with me, but when their army was mentioned, even though they were not very enthusiastic about the war, they hid their true feelings and opinions, prompted by shame and a sense of discipline. The different nationalities which compose the Austro-Hungarian army mutually hated one another. An intelligent soldier explained to me that what we considered the weakness of the Austro-Hungarian army was really its strength, because the government, by taking advantage of the schisms44 and divergences45, applied46 with excellent results the old system of “Divide at Impera.” For example, when a Bohemian regiment21 revolted, and in these times mutinies were frequent, it was easy to find a Hungarian regiment eager to fire on the rebels. With the exception of the few Italians, all the other peoples of the vast 328 empire were united by their great sentiment of devotion towards the House of Hapsburg. For example, once on meeting a group of Slovene soldiers who seemed unusually hilarious47 and joyous48, I stopped them on some pretext and asked them the reason for their unbounded glee, and one of them answered they had just seen the Emperor, their Charles; that he had stopped and spoken familiarly with them, and that they had been able to express all their reverence49 for him by repeating the word, “servus-servus.”
The soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian army were very badly informed on military matters and when they asserted one thing, the very opposite was sure to occur. For instance, they now assured me that the places of Austrian divisions, which were leaving for the French front, would be taken by German troops, whereas, I was certain from reports received from Brunora that the condition 329 of the Germans would not permit them to send a single man to our front.
I was now beginning to believe that my presence in enemy territory was commencing to be useless. I was convinced that the conditions of the Austrian army were such as would not permit of another offensive for a long time; in fact, I was certain that they would never again be able to attempt a heavy offensive and that hereinafter their program would have to be limited to defensive50 warfare for the protection of the boundaries of the empire.
I learned of great fortification works which were being constructed on the Tagliamento and from several prisoners who worked recently on the Carso I heard that the majority of the artillery which took part in the last move had been sent back to be stationed beyond the Isonzo in view of a possible future offensive by our forces.
Lately, in Brunora’s messages I had read a certain fear, not so much for the 330 military situation, as for our personal safety. He told me that from certain circumstances which he could not yet explain and which perhaps were not yet ripe he inferred it was very dangerous for us to delay much longer in enemy territory. He therefore advised me to hasten my preparations for arriving on the other side even without the help of aeroplanes. Brunora told me that he knew the surveillance on the Piave near Vidor had been so reduced that several prisoners succeeded in crossing to the other side. The river there is so broad and shallow that it is easily waded51. Furthermore, our supply of food which, during the first days of our stay was abundant, had gradually decreased and all those who at first helped us in the belief that our stop would be very brief, now found they could not continue to give us aid. Our supply of money had also decreased and I had had to send to my agent at Vittorio for funds. However, all he sent me was a few crowns and a great many Venetian 331 bank notes, issued by the Austrians but considered worthless by the population. For all these reasons it was no longer possible for us to remain in this region and it seemed well for us to try to escape in the direction indicated by Brunora. I had found out that in the region about Vidor, in many wheat-fields which had been sown before the retreat, the grain was now ripe. I had further learnt that the Austrian authorities, cognizant of the terrible condition of the people in the invaded territories because of the depleted52 food stocks, had at times stretched a point and permitted the refugees from those districts to return and reap the wheat. Therefore, I did not see why we might not venture so far. Not to arouse suspicion, it seemed well to have some refugee from those districts to act as our guide. In the very house in which they now prepared our meals there were refugees who used to live in the region about Vidor before the retreat, and several of the women 332 were eager to attempt a return in the hope that they might bring back with them something to eat for the nestful of hungry children they had to feed.
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1
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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culmination
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| n.顶点；最高潮 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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congregate
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| v.(使)集合，聚集 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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munition
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| n.军火；军需品；v.给某部门提供军火 | |
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12
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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14
aviators
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| 飞机驾驶员，飞行员( aviator的名词复数 ) | |
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15
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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wrangling
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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progeny
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| n.后代，子孙；结果 | |
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frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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ramifications
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| n.结果，后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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33
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ripening
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的现在分词 )；熟化；熟成 | |
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35
streaked
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| adj.有条斑纹的，不安的v.快速移动( streak的过去式和过去分词 )；使布满条纹 | |
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36
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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39
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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40
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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41
wagon
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| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
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42
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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43
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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44
schisms
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| n.教会分立，分裂( schism的名词复数 ) | |
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45
divergences
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| n.分叉( divergence的名词复数 )；分歧；背离；离题 | |
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46
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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47
hilarious
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| adj.充满笑声的，欢闹的；[反]depressed | |
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48
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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49
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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50
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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51
waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
depleted
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| adj. 枯竭的, 废弃的 动词deplete的过去式和过去分词 | |
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