The professed4 object of the Abolition1 Society is to procure5 the immediate6, instantaneous, and unconditional7 emancipation8 of all the slaves in America.—And the means adopted by this Society to accomplish this object are the publication and circulation of vast numbers of papers and pamphlets, by way of enlightening the slave, and the slaveholder—but which consist, for the most part, of exhortations9, and encouragement, to the slave, to disobedience, insubordination, and rebellion. This advice is coupled with the most galling11 denunciations and threats towards the slaveholder. [25]How very far, in the nature of things, these means are from accomplishing the object, every man of common reflection must perceive. Besides, it is an undeniable fact, which might have been anticipated by every man, not a hater of "caution, prudence12, and judiciousness14," that the condition of the slaves has, since the origin of the Anti-Slavery Society, become much more severe. Since that Society commenced its distribution of incendiary papers, and pamphlets, many of the slave-holders have prevented their slaves learning to read; so that if the slaves were before bound with fetters16 of hemp17, the Abolitionists have converted the hemp into fetters of iron.—But who can blame the slave-holder for this? We, in the Northern and Eastern States, in which the white population far exceeds that of the coloured, cannot justly estimate, or form a correct opinion of the merits of the case, unless we transport ourselves down to the South.—Let us go there for a few moments and then consider the case.—Here we are then in South Carolina, where the slaves are in vast numbers: unaccustomed to guide, or take care of themselves, without either "caution, prudence, or judiciousness"! We have got our wives, our daughters, our sons, our property, all at their mercy—a quantity of papers and pamphlets are circulated among them, in which the slave-holder is portrayed18 as a monster of hell—a picture or plate of some act of cruelty generally heads the production—individual acts of cruelty and oppression are selected, and so related as if similar deeds were daily committed by every slave-holder in the South! What must the poor man of colour think upon reading, or seeing, this? Why he says within himself, although my master is very good to me, and [26]I have every thing I want, yet as this paper says all masters treat their slaves in this cruel way, the sooner I run off the better! And this paper tells me there is something called liberty which gives money, and houses, and pleasure in abundance; the sooner I get these good things the better! Moreover this good paper also tells me that my master has no right to keep me—that my master's property is not his, but it belongs to his slaves, for they have earned it—and that if I run away the white man will immediately receive, protect, and give me plenty of money, plenty of fine clothes, plenty of pleasure, plenty of no work! I will tell all these good things to all my black brethren—if I have a right to go, so have THEY—if my master's property is mine, so is it theirs also.—The poor deluded19 slave is thus set on fire, and thus he inflames20 the minds of all he knows.—They talk and converse21, and dream of these good things—but they cannot easily run off—they become discontented—surly—unruly—idle—disobedient—and he who feeds, clothes, and takes care of them, can get little from them! Who can blame the slave-holder under such circumstances adopting every means in his power to check this spirit of rebellion, to prevent the possibility of such doctrines23 being inculcated amongst his slaves, which every man, except a hater of "caution, prudence, and judiciousness," must be fully24 aware, would, if left unchecked, sooner or later break out into open rebellion, and place himself and his children at the mercy of ignorant men, inflamed25 by the hope of gain and the stimulus26 of lust27! One or the other party would conquer.—If the coloured population became the victors (to grant the wish of the Abolitionists) awful would be the condition of both whites and [27]blacks—the male whites would be exposed to all the consequences of revenge and malice28, for the victory could not be achieved without some resistance, and that very resistance on the part of the whites would be deemed by the blacks, a sufficient cause for retaliation29; the wives and daughters of the white population would then be subjected to consequences of unbridled, and unrestrained lust, to deeds too shocking to think of, and too brutal30 to relate.—Think, oh think, on this, ye virtuous31 females, who innocently aid, and incautiously lend your voices and influence to the promotion32 of a cause, which, if successful, would inevitably33 produce these consequences.—Turn, oh turn, from such a course, and lend your powerful aid to emancipate34 the mind of both slave and slave-holder.
But setting aside all these consequences to the white, and admitting, for the sake of every possible latitude35 to the Abolitionist, that the white population richly deserve such results, what would be the condition of the coloured population after such a victory? Let us suppose that after a month's hard fighting, in which the soil of the south would be drenched36 with the blood of white and black, that the white population became annihilated37, and not one left south of the Potomac. Behold38 the black placed in immediate, full, and unrestrained possession of the whole South—What think you would be the result ere one year could elapse? Does it require much penetration39, or much acumen40, to foresee that it would be far better for them, had they, to a man, fallen in the contest? Ignorant—unaccustomed to liberty—unacquainted with the principles of government, or the means of producing order, or of providing for futurity,—his blood still under the stimulus of success—his actions now unrestrained—all the brutal passions of man at[28]their highest pitch of excitement, indulging in all the luxuries of their late Master's house—what would be the inevitable consequences? First, black would fight with black, till the land would now become drenched with black blood—parties and associations of blacks would be formed, according to the dispositions41, desires, views, temperaments42, and morals of each party. Ignorant, dissipated, idle, and ambitious for superiority, party would fight with party, till scarcely a party would be left. During the scenes of blood, of carnage, of idleness, of devastation43, and of debauchery, the soil becomes uncultivated, the seed not sown, if in spring,—the earth's produce not gathered, if in harvest! The stores of the former years become consumed—each man, thinks that each man, but himself, ought to work; and each man thinks that he himself ought now to enjoy liberty. The very attempt of any, to induce any to work, would be a sufficient provocation44 for mortal combat! Wants would now begin—still appetites must be gratified—"Caution, prudence, and judiciousness" they have either never learned, or have been taught by the great Champion of Abolitionism, to hate! Each day diminishes the stores, and increases the demands—and each day, fresh indications of abolition-liberty, manifest themselves in blood and outrage45! At length, and that not many weeks after their victory, famine, with all her horrors, stares them in the face—children and infants, and mothers cry in vain for help—for nourishment46.—Her ever constant companion, Pestilence47, now attends, and thousands and thousands die of want and disease, calling down from heaven eternal curses on the heads of those who excited them to rebellion—the authors of all their sufferings—the Abolitionists!
[29]On the other hand, suppose that, in such a rebellion throughout the South, the whites were to conquer—this could not be accomplished without the destruction of vast numbers of the people of colour—nor without the loss of the lives of many whites. What then would be the condition of the surviving blacks? Common justice, and prudence, would oblige the white population to deprive the slaves of many of those privileges which they now enjoy, and to rivet48 their fetters more securely—whom would they have to thank for all this? Abolitionists! Whom have they even now to thank for the loss of many indulgences? The Abolitionists! And whom have thousands now to thank for being still in slavery? Abolitionists!
Take a view of the subject in any possible way, let the black conquer, or let him be conquered, ruination to him is the inevitable result, totally independent of the awful calamities49 to which the white population would be subjected. Here is a two-horned dilemma50: let the Abolitionist sit upon either horn so long as he can, consistently with his profession of charity—of philanthropy, of christianity!
Leaving this part of our subject for the present, I will ask any man of common sense, and of the least reflection, whether the means adopted by Abolitionists to enlighten the slave-holder, so as to make him emancipate his slaves, are the most judicious13, or the most likely to accomplish that end? I will venture to aver15, without fear of contradiction, that they are so far—very far, from being likely, in the very nature of things, to accomplish the professed object (the emancipation of the slaves,) that no surer method could possibly be used more calculated to increase their sufferings, and to rivet their chains! And so convinced am [30]I of this, that I cannot conceive how any man of intellect, who has a single eye to this object, would for a moment sanction such means! Let us place ourselves in the situation of slave-holders, and then see the effect such conduct would have upon ourselves; recollecting51 that by nature all men are alike, for, "as in water face answereth to face, so doth the heart of man to man": so says the Bible at all events, no matter what you may think to the contrary! Here we are then, a pair of slave-holders (not slave-traders). Our parents left slaves to us, as "our inheritance" (Lev. xxv. 44, 46). We are surrounded by them. The subsistence of our wives, and of our little ones, depends on their labour and exertion53. We treat them kindly54, and they have abundance of food and raiment. We instruct them—and pay a physician to attend them when ill.[30:A] A party has got up in the North, whose professed object is to enlighten us slave-holders. Pamphlets and Papers in abundance are sent down to us. We read them—when lo! we find ourselves portrayed as Monsters! Our characters slandered55. Our legal rights denied. Our heads branded with the epithet—"Men stealers"—"Tyrants57"—"Devils incarnate"—"Objects peculiarly deserving the eternal wrath59 and vengeance60 of Heaven"—the world called upon to abhor61 and detest62 us, and we held up to public and everlasting63 infamy64! But this is not all. The very persons whom the providence65 of God gave us—whom we feed, clothe, instruct, attend in sickness and in health, and who thus enjoy more comfort and happiness, than nine-tenths of the labouring class of white free persons in any part of Europe!—[31]these very persons are, in said pamphlets, taught and encouraged to look upon us as their oppressors, as the only barriers to their wealth and happiness—as having no lawful66 right to possess them—and that all our substance—all our property—is in fact, not ours, but theirs! Moreover, that the Law of God authorises them to run off as quick as they can, and, if practicable, with as much of our property as they can convey away!
What think you would be our feelings—our conduct on perusing67 such productions? Would they be calculated to make us listen, and give a ready ear to their authors? Unquestionably not—but the very reverse! Such is the nature of man, that, however well disposed he may be to listen to instruction, and to take advice, the moment he is assailed69 with harsh words, with opprobrious70 epithets71, with threats of vengeance, and particularly, with what he deems likely to affect his purse, he shuts his ears, hardens his heart, and shuns72 you. The proceedings73 of Abolitionists, may be compared to stopping a man's ears, and then punishing him for not hearing; or knocking out his eyes, and then calling upon him to read; or lastly, like attempting to separate a block of wood, by applying to the crevice74, the base, instead of the apex75, of the wedge; against which you may strike in vain, till either you break the wedge, or spend your strength, without ever even once entering the crevice!
If then such would be the effect upon us, placed in the circumstances of the Southerner, is it right or judicious, or prudent76, to assail68 him with abuse, accuse him of conduct to which Abolitionists have driven him, or continue to encourage and pursue a system which, so far from accomplishing the desired object, [32]tends only to augment77 the sufferings of the slave, and to produce consequences the most awful and calamitous78 to all concerned, both to whites and to blacks!
Again, the slave is taught, in those Abolition productions, to consider all slave-holders, cruel tyrants! This statement, no man, with any regard for truth, or possessing the least information or reflection, will venture to affirm. How galling, therefore, must it be, for those conscious of rectitude, to have the crimes of others attributed to them! How would the Abolitionists of this City, or of Boston, like to have it proclaimed to the world, that all the married men in these two cities are cruel and unnatural79, husbands, masters, and parents; because there are some persons in those places, who richly deserve to be so designated? Moreover, I am convinced that there are in these, our cities, ten cruel and unnatural (white) parents, husbands, and masters, to one cruel and unnatural slave-holder in the South! What think you of that, Mr. Abolitionist? I would recommend you to "cast the beam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast the mote80 out of thy brother's eye;" and to recollect52 the admonition of the sacred writer, "Therefore, thou art inexcusable, O man, whosoever thou art that judgest: for wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself; for thou that judgest, doest the same things. And thinkest thou this, O man, that judgest them which do such things, and doest the same, that thou shalt escape the judgment81 of God!" (Rom. ii. 1-3.)
Let us now contrast the advice and commands of Christ and of his Apostles, with the advice and doctrines of Abolitionists—
[33] The Bible teaches— Abolitionism teaches—
1. "Having food and raiment be therewith content." 1. Be not content with food and raiment unless you get free!
2. "Let every man abide82 in the same calling wherein he was called."—1 Cor. vii. 20. 2. Let no slave abide for one moment as such, if he can get off!
3. "Art thou called being a slave,[33:A] care not for it."—1 Cor. vii. 21. 3. If you are a slave never cease caring for it!
4. "If thou mayest (can lawfully) be made free, use it rather."—1 Cor. vii. 21. 4. Whether thou mayest or mayest not (lawfully or unlawfully) get free!
5. "Slaves, be obedient to them that are your masters, according to the flesh."—Eph. vi. 5. 5. Slaves, be not obedient to your masters; but leave them as quick as you can!
6. "Slaves, obey in all things your masters."—Col. iii. 22. 6. Obey your masters as little as possible, that they may be compelled to cast you off!
7. "Let as many slaves, as are under the yoke83, count their own masters worthy84 of all honour."—1 Tim. vi. 1. 7. Masters are worthy of no honour or respect, but contempt and infamy!
8. "Let those who have believing masters, not despise them."—1 Tim. vi. 2. 8. There are no slave-holders believers:—despise them all!
9. "Love them that hate you, and do good to them that despitefully use you."—Matt. v. 44. 9. Hate your masters, for they oppress you: and do evil to them, for they despitefully use you!
10. "Love your enemies."—Matt. v. 44. 10. Your masters are your enemies, therefore despise them.
These few instances will show how different is the spirit which guided the sacred penmen, and that which now actuates the Abolitionists.—If there were no other evidences that Abolitionism is not the cause of God, the foregoing ought to be sufficient to convince every [34]man who believes in the divine origin of the Sacred Scriptures85, and who is willing to submit his judgment to the authority of HIM, "whose ways are not as our ways, and whose thoughts are not as our thoughts."
I think I have now fully proved my propositions, viz., "that the principles of Abolitionism are injurious to the slaves themselves, and are contrary to the express commands of God."
We shall now accomplish to the fullest extent the professed wish of Abolitionists, and see what would be the probable result! Suppose I possessed86 the power of granting, at the stroke of my pen, instantaneous emancipation to all the slaves in America, and were this moment to issue the following proclamation: "To all whom it may concern, greeting! I do hereby command and order, that all slaves throughout the union be instantly set free, and they are now free accordingly!" Let us now ascend87 in a balloon and take a view of TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF, of poor, ignorant, pennyless, men, women, and children, cast abroad on the world, without a home—without a guide—without "caution, prudence, or judiciousness!" Is not this exactly what you want, Mr. Abolitionist? What awful consequences must ensue! Not so much to the whites, but more particularly to the poor ignorant people of colour! Can that be called friendship, or charity, or philanthropy, which would lead to such a result? Those ignorant, poor, unprotected, people have now liberty! Will liberty cover them—feed them—protect them—stop the crying of the hungry child—or the cravings of the famished88 mother? What have they given for this liberty; and what have they got by it? They have given up, peace, plenty, protection, and contentedness89! And they have got liberty, with starvation, [35]anxiety, and want! What a glorious exchange! What a profitable bargain! How thankful they ought to be, to their pseudo-friends, the Abolitionists!
But come out now, Abolitionists, like men, and answer this question, "Are the slaves in the South, now in a proper condition for immediate emancipation?" Are they, or are they not? Reflect upon the above picture, and then answer like men.—Do you reply, that you think they ought to have first some education—some provision made for them—some arrangements to guard against possible consequences?—If this be your answer, I congratulate you on the first symptoms of restoration to sound mental health: I now entertain hopes of your speedy recovery, and ere you have read the last page of this humble90 treatise91, I doubt not, but you and I will perfectly92 agree, and I will give you a certificate of health!
There will nevertheless remain some stubborn Abolitionists, even all who "hate prudence, caution, and judiciousness," who will still exclaim "the slaves are now fit for instantaneous and unconditional emancipation!" A word or two with such characters before I close this chapter. Pray from what premises93 do you draw your conclusions? Is it from the present condition of those already made free, or from the emancipation of slaves in other countries. I shall examine both of these grounds. First then as to the condition of those already emancipated94, which condition if it even favoured the views of Abolitionists, would not be a justifiable95 or parallel case, forasmuch as the free people of colour amongst us now were not suddenly, but gradually emancipated—and were not totally ignorant, for many of them knew how both to read and to write. Therefore with all these points [36]strong in favour of every thing the Abolitionist could possibly desire, we shall fearlessly investigate the result.
In the facts I am about adducing, I wish it to be clearly understood, that I do not attribute them to any natural peculiarity96, or natural inferiority of coloured persons, but distinctly to the want of education, and to the peculiar58 and trying circumstances in which these persons are placed. If even the free persons of colour, turned out good and worthy citizens to the utmost wish of every benevolent97 man, it would not, as I have just stated, prove any thing in favour of Abolition; but so far from this being the case—so far, notwithstanding all the advantages of gradual emancipation, and a preparatory course of instruction, from the result substantiating99 the opinion of Abolitionists, viz. "that the slaves may, with safety to themselves, and to others, be instantaneously emancipated;" it stands an incontrovertible evidence against them—a warning that it is difficult to conceive how any man in his senses, would not be admonished100 by; if he be one who regards the welfare and happiness of this country, and the real good of the black! The following paragraph is taken from "the Plea for Africa," p. 179.
"It has been asserted that, of free blacks collected in our cities and large towns, a great portion are found in abodes101 of wretchedness and vice10, and become tenants102 of poor-houses and prisons. As a proof of the tendency of their condition, the following striking facts among others, ascertained103 a year or two since, have been mentioned: In Massachusetts, where the coloured population is small, being less than 7,000 souls, (only 1-74th part of the whole population,) hand pointing right about 1-6th part of the whole number of convicts in the state-prison are blacks. In Connecticut, 1-34th part of the population is coloured, and hand pointing right 1-3d part of the convicts. In New-York, 1-35th part are [37]blacks; hand pointing right 1-4th part of the convicts in the city state-prison are blacks. In New-Jersey, the proportion is 1-13th coloured; and of the convicts 1-3d. In Pennsylvania, 1-34th part of a population of more than a million of souls, is coloured; and more than one-third part of the convicts are black.
"I need not pursue these illustrations of the degradation104 of the free blacks in the non-slave-holding States. It appears from these statements, which I find in the First Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, that about one quarter part of all the expense incurred105 by these States for the support of their institutions for criminals is for coloured convicts. The bill of expense in three of these States stands thus: that is, the expense for the support of coloured convicts for the specified106 number of years preceding the report from which this schedule is made, is in
Massachusetts, 10 years, $17,734
Connecticut, 15 years, 37,166
New-York, 27 years, 109,166 in one prison.
————
$164,066
hand pointing right This sum was expended107 in an average of less than eighteen years, on convicts from among a population of only 54,000 coloured persons.
"Illustrations, borrowed from the criminal statistics of the South, would place this matter in a far more unfavourable light. References to the expenses for the maintenance of paupers109, would give a similar result."
According to the above statement, it appears, that in Massachusetts, there are (in proportion to the whole population) TWELVE coloured persons to one white, in poor-houses and prisons!
In Connecticut, ELEVEN Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
In New-York, EIGHT Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
In New-Jersey, FOUR Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
In Pennsylvania, ELEVEN Coloured, to one White, in Do.!
If the trial of 300,000 Coloured free persons, (the number now in the States,) emancipated gradually, [38]and under the most favourable108 circumstances possible, be not sufficient to open the eyes of the Abolitionists to the recklessness of their course, I know not what could. Can this result afford any encouragement or satisfaction? And if not, why persevere110 in attempting to bring about what cannot take place; and which if it could, would produce incalculable misfortunes throughout the States?
We shall now investigate the other appeal, viz., that no evils arose from the immediate emancipation of the slaves in Mexico—the British slaves in the West Indies, those in Chili111, Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and New York. In the first place, then, give me leave to remark that as to Mexico, the slaves there were only comparatively a handful, about 20,000. Secondly112, they were incorporated into the Army, as the condition of emancipation; so that they actually only changed from civil to martial113 law! And thirdly, so far from the slaves in Mexico having been set free in one day, it took them TWELVE YEARS to buy their freedom! The law, granting them this privilege, was, it is true, made in one day; but the accomplishment114 of it, took TWELVE YEARS! See Dr. Reese's Letters to the Hon. William Jay, p. 104. As to the English slaves in the West Indies, every one knows their emancipation was not immediate, for in fact they are not as yet literally115 emancipated! Besides, the British found it necessary not only to pay handsomely for them; but they find it indispensably necessary still to maintain there a considerable standing98 Army! And the venerable Mr. Clarkson, writing on the subject, said, "I never stated that our West Indian slaves were to be emancipated suddenly, but by degrees. I always, on the other hand, took it for granted, that they [39]were to have a preparatory school, also." Lastly, as to the four other places, it is notorious, that the slaves were not in one single instance, immediately and unconditionally116 emancipated. Here are the cases so frequently referred to by Abolitionists, as a ground of justification117 for their project, and yet we perceive there is not one of them a case, parallel, to the condition of the Southern States; moreover, where any of them, have any resemblance to the circumstances of our country, the result shows the madness of the Abolition Scheme! There is one more fatal objection to the Abolition system, viz., that its whole aim is the removal of the effect, and not the cause! Now the first principle in philosophy, indeed in common sense, is, "to remove the cause:" and every system built upon any other principle is absurd, and must turn out useless. Abolitionism is therefore unphilosophical, absurd, fallacious, and inefficacious! That slavery is the cause of much evil, I do not pretend to deny; but then slavery itself is only an effect. For example, a person gets a splinter of wood into his finger—the finger inflames—the arm inflames—the whole body (as it were) inflames—delirium118 or lockjaw supervenes, and death closes the scene! Now the inflamed finger is the cause of the inflamed arm; and that the cause of the general fever; and that the cause of the delirium; and that the cause of death![39:A] What kind of empirical practice would every attempt be to remove the inflammation of the finger, of the arm, or of the body, while the cause (the splinter) still remained in the finger? The very first thing any man of science would, under such circumstances, do, would be to [40]extract the splinter—the original cause of all—when once the cause had been removed, then, but not till then, would he attempt to remove the effects.
The attention of Abolitionists is directed solely119 to the removal of the effect—for slavery is only the effect of the African Slave-trade. Now if there never had been slave-trade, there would be now no slavery: and this cause—the slave-trade, still exists. One hundred thousand Africans are annually120 torn away by the hand of violence from their native land; and of this number, ere they reach their destination, SIXTY THOUSAND die of hard and cruel treatment. Yet to all this Abolitionists pay no attention,—they weep and wail121 over, and preach and brawl122 about, the people of colour in these States, nine-tenths of whom are slaves only in name, and who are far better off, far happier, far more contented22—far better provided for, than nine-tenths of the white labouring population of civilized123 Europe.
The ingenuity124 of Abolitionists, I am aware, will readily find for them a plausible125 answer to this charge: they will reply, oh if we stop slavery here—if we break up the system in our States, if there be no market to which the slave-trader can bring his slaves, the African traffic will soon cease. Admitted, if the little "IF," which always professes126 to accomplish great things, could work miracles. But pray, would breaking up the slave-trade in these States, break up the market elsewhere? Certainly not! For those 100,000 slaves now annually exported from Africa, are not brought here; but to the Brazils, Havanna, &c. &c.
A short quotation127 from "the Plea for Africa" will furnish the reader with still more extensive views of the horrors of the SLAVE-TRADE, to which Abolitionists, with all their philanthropy, pay no attention.
[41]"Mr. Clarkson divides the slaves into seven classes. The most considerable class consists of kidnapped, or stolen Africans. In obtaining these, every species of injustice128, treachery and cruelty are resorted to. This class, Mr. C. supposes, embraces one half of the whole number transported from Africa. The second class consists of those whose villages are set on fire and depopulated in the darkness of night, for the purpose of obtaining a portion of their inhabitants. The third class consists of those who have been convicted of crimes. The fourth, of prisoners in wars that originate from common causes, or in wars made solely for the purpose of procuring129 captives for slaves. The fifth, such as are slaves by birth. The sixth and seventh, such as have surrendered their liberty by reason of debt, or by other imprudences, which last, however, are comparatively few in number.
"They are sometimes brought a distance of a thousand miles; marched over land in droves, or caufles as they are called, secured from running away, by pieces of wood which yoke them together by the neck, two and two, or by other pieces fastened with staples130 to their arms.
"Some are carried to what are called slave-factories; others immediately to the shore, and conveyed in boats to the different ships whose captains have captured or purchased them. The men are confined on board the ship, two and two together, either by the neck, leg, or arm, with fetters of iron; and are put into apartments, the men occupying the forepart, the women the afterpart, and the children the middle. The tops of these apartments are grated for the admission of light and for ventilation when the weather is suitable for the grates to be uncovered, and are about three feet three inches in height, just sufficient space being allotted131 to each individual to sit in one posture132, the whole stowed away like so much lumber133.
"It is said that many of them whilst the ships are waiting for their full lading, and whilst they are near their native shore which they are no more to set foot upon for ever, have been so depressed134, and overwhelmed with such unsupportable distress135, that they have been induced to die by their own hands. Others have become deranged136 and perfect maniacs137, or have pined away and died with despairing, broken hearts.
[42]"In the day-time, in fair weather, they are sometimes brought on deck. They are then placed in long rows on each side of the ship, two and two together. As they are brought up from their apartments, a long chain is passed through the shackles138 of each couple, successively, and thus the whole row is fastened down to the deck. In this situation, they receive their food. After their coarse and meagre meal, a drum is beaten by one of the sailors, and at its sound the Negroes are all required to exercise, for their health, jumping in their chains as high as their fetters will let them; and if any refuse to exercise in this way, they are whipped until they comply. This jumping, the slave-merchants call "dancing."
"The middle passage is the whole from the time the ship weighs anchor until she arrives at her destined139 port. On the passage, the situation of the slaves is, indeed, doubly deplorable, especially if the ship have a long passage, and is very full. A full-grown person is allowed, in the most commodious140 slave-ships, but sixteen inches in width, three feet three inches in height, and five feet eight inches in length. They lie in one crowded mass on the bare planks141, and by the constant motion of the ship, are often chafed142 until their bones are almost bare, and their limbs covered with bruises143 and sores. The heat is often so great, and the air they breathe so poisoned with pestilence by the feverish144 exhalations of the suffering multitude, that nature can no longer sustain itself. It is no uncommon145 occurrence, to find, on each successive morning, some who have died during the night, in consequence of their suffering and confined situation. A large proportion of those who are shipped, die before they have crossed the ocean. Many also die soon after completing the voyage, from what is called "the seasoning146;" that is, in becoming acclimated147 in the country to which they are carried.
"It is said that when the slave-holders first visited the western coast of Africa, the country was most delightful148. The coast was covered with villages, or thickly settled towns, which swarmed149 with inhabitants. Simple in their manners, amiable150 in their dispositions, in quiet enjoyment151 of the profuse152 bounties153 of nature, they are represented as exceeding happy.
"They were a comparatively innocent, unoffending, contented, happy race. It was not until slave-dealers introduced among [43]them every thing that could please the fancy and awaken154 the cupidity155 of uncivilized men, that they were at all prone156 to interfere157 with each other's happiness. By the more than brutal cruelty of white men, quarrels were fomented158, tribe was set against tribe, and each supplied with the means of mutual159 destruction."
"Then what is man? And what man, seeing this,
And having human feelings, does not blush,
And hang his head, to think himself a man?"
Besides all this, recollect that there are about FIFTY MILLIONS of Africans left exposed to the debasing influence of this hellish practice. And if the Colonization160 Society did nothing more than stop or check this torrent161 of infernal iniquity162, it ought to render its friends and advocates immortal163, and make those blush (if blush they could) who vilify164 and slander56 them.
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2
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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3
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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4
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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5
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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6
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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7
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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8
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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9
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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10
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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11
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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12
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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13
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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14
judiciousness
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| n.明智 | |
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15
aver
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| v.极力声明；断言；确证 | |
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16
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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17
hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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18
portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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19
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20
inflames
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| v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的第三人称单数 ) | |
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21
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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22
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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23
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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24
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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25
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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27
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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28
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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29
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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30
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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31
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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32
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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33
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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34
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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35
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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36
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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37
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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38
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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39
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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40
acumen
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| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
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41
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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42
temperaments
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| 性格( temperament的名词复数 )； （人或动物的）气质； 易冲动； （性情）暴躁 | |
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43
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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44
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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45
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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46
nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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47
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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48
rivet
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| n.铆钉；vt.铆接，铆牢；集中(目光或注意力) | |
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49
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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50
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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51
recollecting
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| v.记起，想起( recollect的现在分词 ) | |
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52
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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53
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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54
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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55
slandered
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| 造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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57
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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58
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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59
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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60
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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61
abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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62
detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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63
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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64
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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65
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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66
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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67
perusing
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的现在分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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68
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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69
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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70
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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71
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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72
shuns
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的第三人称单数 ) | |
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73
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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74
crevice
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| n.(岩石、墙等)裂缝；缺口 | |
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75
apex
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| n.顶点，最高点 | |
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76
prudent
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|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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77
augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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78
calamitous
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|
| adj.灾难的，悲惨的；多灾多难；惨重 | |
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79
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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80
mote
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| n.微粒；斑点 | |
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81
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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82
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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83
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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84
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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85
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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86
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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87
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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88
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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89
contentedness
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90
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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91
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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92
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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93
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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94
emancipated
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|
| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
justifiable
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|
| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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96
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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97
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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98
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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99
substantiating
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| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的现在分词 ) | |
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100
admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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101
abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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102
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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103
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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105
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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106
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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107
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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108
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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109
paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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110
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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111
chili
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| n.辣椒 | |
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112
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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113
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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114
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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115
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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116
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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117
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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118
delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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119
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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120
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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121
wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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122
brawl
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| n.大声争吵，喧嚷；v.吵架，对骂 | |
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123
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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124
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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125
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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126
professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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127
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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128
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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129
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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130
staples
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| n.（某国的）主要产品( staple的名词复数 )；钉书钉；U 形钉；主要部份v.用钉书钉钉住( staple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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133
lumber
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| n.木材，木料；v.以破旧东西堆满；伐木；笨重移动 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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136
deranged
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| adj.疯狂的 | |
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137
maniacs
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| n.疯子（maniac的复数形式） | |
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138
shackles
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| 手铐( shackle的名词复数 )； 脚镣； 束缚； 羁绊 | |
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139
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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140
commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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141
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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142
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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143
bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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144
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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145
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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146
seasoning
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| n.调味；调味料；增添趣味之物 | |
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147
acclimated
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| v.使适应新环境，使服水土服水土，适应( acclimate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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149
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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150
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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151
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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152
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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153
bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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154
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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155
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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156
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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157
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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159
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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160
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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161
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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162
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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163
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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164
vilify
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| v.诽谤，中伤 | |
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