The Colonization Society was formed in Washington, December 21st, 1816; and not in Virginia, as Abolitionists falsely assert. Amongst its most prominent promoters and founders3, were, Finlay—Caldwell—and Mills; than whom none were more excellent and pious5: they were not slave-holders, as Abolitionists falsely assert.
Although the simple object of this Society is the colonization of the free people of colour, who voluntarily desire to go abroad, yet the members of it are decidedly opposed to slavery. And although as a body they do not attempt to interfere6 with the rights of the slave-holder, yet as individuals they have, and do exercise their utmost powers to diminish the evils of slavery—to provide, for the liberated7 person of colour, and to induce the slave-holder to emancipate8 his slaves; and all this consistent with the legal interest of the owner, and consistent with the laws of God. Nothing could more satisfactorily prove the truth of these statements than the two following facts, 1st, that the actual PRO-SLAVERY party denounce the Colonization Society; and 2dly, that vast numbers of slaves have been emancipated9 through the influence of this Society. Dr. Reese says in his work before quoted, p. 41,
"The society does not merely "promise" to promote Abolition2, but exerts a mighty10 and successful moral influence in actually abolishing slavery. And here I will not refer to the truth, which he who runs may read, that in Kentucky, Delaware, Maryland, [67]and even Virginia itself, it is now openly avowed11 that 'colonization doctrines12 have sealed the death warrant of slavery!' Hence the pro-slavery party have declared that 'colonization and emancipation13 are synonymous terms, and that the approach of the former must be resisted!' At a meeting of the same party in Charleston, the following toast was given, 'May the infernal regions soon be colonized14 with the officers of the Colonization Society!' And while labouring with your misguided associates in the North, to hold up the Colonization Society, as hypocritical in its professions to exert a moral influence towards the voluntary and utter abolition of slavery, you are leagued with 'all the advocates of the negro's perpetual bondage16, who are the bitter uncompromising enemies of the society.' The Rev17. J. M. Danforth states on his own personal knowledge, that in South Carolina, 'the society, and every thing connected with it, are held in extreme abhorrence18 by our leading men, our politicians and wealthy planters. It is so unpopular an institution, that very few name it publicly,—it is regarded here as a northern scheme to wrest19 from us our slaves.' In your anti-colonization efforts then, you are associated in action with the very men, whose character as slave-holders is so odious20, that you deprecate their connexion with the colonization cause, as an unpardonable sin. Let me conjure21 you, sir, no longer to be 'jostled by the trafficker in human flesh,' in your crusade against the society or its benevolent22 objects, but abandon the 'bad eminence23' to which your 'want of information' has unhappily raised you."
"The following manumissions are the legitimate24 result of the 'moral influence' of the Colonization Society.
"[67:A]It would be endless to enumerate25 the cases of this kind that have occurred. Some of them must be recorded, that the acts and the names of the parties, where known, may have the applause to which they are entitled, and, what is of more consequence, that they may serve as stimuli26 to others, to follow the noble example.
"A lady, near Charleston, Va. liberated all her slaves, ten in number, to be sent to Liberia; and moreover purchased two, [68]whose families were among her slaves. For the one she gave $450, and for the other $350.
"The late William Fitzhugh bequeathed their freedom to all his slaves, after a certain fixed27 period, and ordered that their expenses should be paid to whatsoever28 place they should think proper to go. And, 'as an encouragement to them to emigrate to the American colony on the coast of Africa, where,' adds the will, 'I believe their happiness will be more permanently29 secured, I desire not only that the expenses of their emigration be paid, but that the sum of fifty dollars be paid to each one so emigrating, on his or her arrival in Africa.'
"David Shriver, of Frederick co. Maryland, ordered by his will, that all his slaves, thirty in number, should be emancipated, and that proper provision should be made for the comfortable support of the infirm and aged30, and for the instruction of the young in reading, writing, and arithmetic, and in some art or trade, by which they might acquire the means of support.
"Col. Smith, an old revolutionary officer, of Sussex county, Va. ordered in his will, that all his slaves, seventy or eighty in number, should be emancipated; and bequeathed above $5000 to defray the expense of transporting them to Liberia.
"Patsey Morris, of Louisa co., Va. directed by will, that all her slaves, sixteen in number, should be emancipated, and left $500 to fit them out, and defray the expense of their passage.
"The schooner31 Randolph, which sailed from Georgetown, South Carolina, had on board twenty-six slaves, liberated by a benevolent individual near Cheraw.
"Of 105 emigrants33, who sailed in the brig Doris, from Baltimore and Norfolk, sixty-two were emancipated on condition of being conveyed to Liberia.
"Sampson David, late a member of the legislature of Tennessee, provided by will, that all his slaves, twenty-two in number, who are mostly young, should be liberated in 1840, or sooner, at his wife's decease, if she died before that period.
"Herbert B. Elder, of Petersburg, Va. bequeathed their freedom to all his slaves, twenty in number, with directions that they should be conveyed to Liberia, by the first opportunity.
"A gentleman in Georgia, has recently left forty-nine slaves free, on condition of their removal to Liberia.
[69]"Mrs. Elizabeth Morris, of Bourbon co., Va. provided by will for the emancipation of her slaves, about forty in number.
"David Patterson, of Orange co., North Carolina, freed eleven slaves, to be sent to Liberia.
"Rev. Fletcher Andrew gave freedom to twenty, who constituted most of his property, for the same purpose.
"Nathaniel Crenshaw, near Richmond, liberated sixty slaves, with a view to have them sent to Liberia.
"Rev. Robert Cox, Suffolk co., Va. provided by his will for the emancipation of all his slaves, upwards34 of thirty, and left several hundred dollars to pay their passage to Liberia.
"Joseph Leonard Smith, of Frederick co., Md. liberated twelve slaves, who sailed from Baltimore for Liberia.
"Of 107 coloured persons who sailed in the Carolinian, from Norfolk for Liberia, forty-five were emancipated on condition of being sent there.
"In the brig Criterion, which sailed from Norfolk for Liberia, on the 2d August, 1831, there were forty-six persons who had been liberated, on condition of proceeding35 to Liberia; 18 by Mrs. Greenfield, near Natchez; 8 by Mr. Williams, of Elizabeth city, N. C.; 7 by Gen. Jacocks, of Perquimans, Ohio; 4 by Thomas Davis, Montgomery co. Miss.; 2 by two other individuals; and 5 by some of the Quakers in North Carolina. Of those liberated slaves, 2 only were above 40 years of age, 22 were under 35, and 22 under 20.
"A gentleman in N. C., last year, gave freedom to all his slaves, 14 in number, and provided 20 dollars each, to pay their passage to Liberia.
"Mrs. J. of Mercer co., Kentucky, and her two sons, one a clergyman, and the other a physician, lately offered the Colonization Society, sixty slaves, to be conveyed to Liberia.
"Henry Robertson, of Hampton, Va., bequeathed their freedom to seven slaves, and fifty dollars to each, to aid in their removal to Liberia.
"William Fletcher, of Perquimans, N. C., ordered by will, that his slaves, twelve in number, should be hired out for a year after his death, to earn wherewith to pay for their conveyance36 to Liberia.
"A gentleman in Kentucky, lately wrote to the secretary of [70]the society, 'I will willingly give up twelve or fifteen of my coloured people at this time; and so on gradually, till the whole, about sixty, are given up, if means for their passage can be afforded.'
"On board the Harriet, from Norfolk, of one hundred and sixty emigrants, between forty and fifty had been slaves, emancipated on condition of being sent to Africa.
"In addition to these instances, several others might be added, particularly that of Richard Bibb, Esq., of Kentucky, who proposes to send sixty slaves to Liberia—two gentlemen in Missouri, who desire to send eleven slaves—a lady in Kentucky offers forty—the Rev. John C. Burress, of Alabama, intends preparing all his slaves for Colonization—the Rev. William L. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, manumitted 11 slaves, who sailed a few weeks ago from New-Orleans.
"In this work of benevolence37, the Society of Friends, as in so many other cases, have nobly distinguished38 themselves, and assumed a prominent attitude. They have, in North Carolina, liberated no less than 652 slaves, whom they had under their care, besides, as says my authority, an unknown number of children, husbands and wives, connected with them by consanguinity39, and of whom, part went to Canada, part to Liberia, part to Hayti, and a portion to Ohio. In the performance of these acts of benevolence, they expended40 $12,759. They had remaining under their care, in December, 1830, 402 slaves, for whom similar arrangements were to be made.
"It holds out every encouragement to the Colonization Society, that the applications for the transportation of free negroes, and slaves proposed to be emancipated on condition of removal to Liberia, far exceed its means. There are, in North Carolina and the adjacent states, from three to four thousand of both descriptions, ready to embark41, were the society in a situation to send them away.
"R. S. Finlay, Esq., at a late anniversary says,—
"I know that much pains have been taken to calumniate42 our brethren of the south, by representing them to be the advocates of perpetual despotism. From an extensive and familiar acquaintance with their views and sentiments, formed upon actual [71]observation, I know this not to be the fact. I have publicly discussed this subject everywhere in the southern states, from the eastern shore of Maryland to the Gulf43 of Mexico, in the presence of hundreds of slaves at a time, and with the general approbation44 of the audience to which my addresses were delivered,—and have uniformly represented it as affording the best and only safe means of gradually and entirely45 abolishing slavery. Indeed, so well is the moral influence of the operations of this society understood in the extreme south, that all the advocates of perpetual slavery are bitterly opposed to it, and none are its advocates, but the friends of gradual, peaceful, and ultimate entire emancipation!" 16th Report.
"In a letter, dated Nov. 4, 1831, Mr. Clarkson says,
"For myself, I freely confess, that of all the things which have occurred in our favour since the year 1787, when the abolition of the slave trade was first seriously proposed, that which is now going on in the United States, under the auspices46 of the American Colonization Society, is most important. It surpasses anything which has yet occurred. No sooner had the colony been founded at Cape47 Montserado, than there appeared a disposition48 among the owners of slaves in the United States to give them freedom voluntarily, without one farthing of compensation, and to allow them to be sent to the land of their ancestors. This is to me truly astonishing! a total change of heart in the planters, so that many thousands of slaves may be redeemed49 without any cost of their redemption! Can this almost universal feeling have taken place without the intervention50 of the Spirit of God!"
"Within one year it is said that more than 2000 slaves have been offered the Colonization Society from five different States, with the desire expressed on the part of both master and slave, for a passage to Liberia. As Colonization gains ground, the freedom of untold51 thousands, it is to be hoped, will be secured, and Africa gladdened yet more and more with the light of civilization and christianity."
Abolitionists assert, with a degree of confidence that not unfrequently makes an unreflecting audience receive that for unquestionable truth, which has not a shadow [72]of truth in it, that the Colonization Society has done nothing as yet in the cause of the afflicted52 man of colour! However satisfactorily the preceding instances expose the fallacy of this accusation53; yet that which this Society has done, and is doing, is not confined to these cases; but extends to still further, and more important operations, which may be divided into two distinct heads. First, the happiness and comfort bestowed54 on those who have gone to Liberia; and secondly55, the considerable check already given to the African slave-trade, by its total suppression along the whole coast of Liberia.
I shall prove the first of these statements by documents drawn56 up and signed by the coloured inhabitants of Liberia, who themselves had once been slaves, which is, it is presumed, the very best possible evidence that could be adduced.
At a Public Meeting, held pursuant to notice, in Monrovia (Liberia) on Wednesday, Sept. 29th, 1836, J. C. Barbour, Esq., in the chair, the following resolutions were proposed and carried unanimously—
1. "On motion of the Rev. J. Revey,
"Resolved, That this meeting entertain the warmest gratitude57 for what the Colonization Society have done for the people of colour, and for us particularly, and that we regard the scheme as entitled to the highest confidence of every man of colour.
2. "On motion of S. Benedict, Esq.,
"Resolved, That we return our grateful acknowledgments to * * * *, * * * *, Esqrs., and other early and devoted58 friends of colonization; names for which we shall ever cherish the highest esteem59; that we hear with regret, from misrepresentation or want of accurate information, they have abandoned the noble scheme; and that we hope the day is not far distant in which they will again reunite their energies to advance the high and benevolent object.
3. "On motion of Mr. H. Teage,
"Resolved, That this meeting regard the colonizing60 institution [73]as one of the highest, holiest, and most benevolent enterprises of the present day; that as a plan for the amelioration of the coloured race it takes the precedence of all that have been presented to the attention of the modern world: that in its operations it is peaceful and safe; in its tendencies, beneficial and advantageous61; that it is entitled to the highest veneration62 and unbounded confidence of every man of colour; that what it has already accomplished63 demands our devout64 thanks and gratitude to those noble and disinterested65 philanthropists that compose it, as being, under God, the greatest earthly benefactors66 of a despised and depressed67 portion of the human family.
"The hour being late, on motion of Rev. B. R. Wilson,
"Resolved, That the meeting adjourn68 until to-morrow, 10 o'clock, A. M., to the First Baptist Meeting-house.
"Thursday, 10th.—Met according to adjournment69.
4. "On motion of James Brown, Esq.—Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be presented to those ladies of the United States, particularly to those of New-York, Philadelphia, and Richmond, for their disinterested efforts to educate the children of this colony; and that they be assured that, in no department of the colony, do the effects of colonization shine more conspicuously70 than in the schools supported by their benevolence.
5. "On motion of Doctor J. W. Prout,—Resolved, That this meeting entertain grateful remembrance of General Robert G. Harper of Baltimore, an early and devoted friend of colonization; also of the name of the late Daniel Murray, Esq. of Baltimore, and that we regard the Colonization Society and its friends as powerfully efficient in elevating the man of colour.
"Whereas it has been widely and maliciously71 circulated, in the United States of America, that the inhabitants of this colony are unhappy in their situation, and anxious to return:
6. "On motion of Rev. B. R. Wilson,—Resolved, That the report is false and malicious72, and originated only in a design to injure the colony, by calling off the support and sympathy of its friends: that, so far from a desire to return, we would regard such an event as the greatest calamity73 that could befall us.
7. "On motion of Rev. G. R. McGill,—Resolved, That the name of Rev. R. R. Gurley never be forgotten.
[74]8. "On motion of S. Benedict, Esq.,—Resolved, That we entertain lively feelings of gratitude towards H. R. Sheldon, Esq. for his munificent74 donation towards the erection of a high school in this colony.
9. "On motion of Mr. Uriah Tyner,—Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due to the members of the Colonization Society, for their unwearied zeal75 to promote the interest of this community.
10. "On motion of Mr. Lewis Ciples,—Resolved, That this meeting entertain the highest respect for the memory of the late Thomas S. Grimkey, of South Carolina, for his persevering76 efforts in behalf of the Colonization Society.
11. "On motion of Rev. Amos Herring,—Resolved, That this meeting entertain the deepest gratitude for the members of the Colonization Society, for the organization and continuation of an enterprise, so noble and praiseworthy as that of restoring to the blessings77 of liberty, hundreds and thousands of the sore oppressed and long neglected sons of Africa; that we believe it the only institution that can, under existing circumstances, succeed in elevating the coloured population; and that advancement78 in agriculture, mechanism79, and science, will enable us speedily to aspire80 to a rank with other nations of the earth.
12. "On motion of Mr. H. B. Matthews,—Success to the wheels of colonization; may they roll over every opposer, and roll on, until all the oppressed sons of Africa shall be rolled home!
13. "On motion of Mr. David Moore,—Resolved, That we recollect81, with peculiar82 satisfaction, the active part which the benevolent, in the state of Mississippi, have taken in the welfare of this colony.
14. "On motion of Major L. R. Johnson,—Resolved, That this meeting cherish the most grateful remembrance of the name of the late Rev. R. Finley, of New Jersey83, the founder4 and indefatigable84 patron of this colony.
15. "On motion of J. J. Roberts, Esq.,—Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be presented to the friends of this colony in England.
"On motion of Mr. Dixon B. Brown,—Resolved, That the resolutions of this meeting be published in the Liberia Herald85."
[75]The second statement which I have made respecting what the Colonization Society has done towards checking the slave-trade, cannot better be substantiated86 than by the following paragraph taken from the Colonization Herald of Sept. 5th, 1835.
"The success of the Colonization Society, may indeed be said to be little short of miraculous—for in the brief space of thirteen years, with funds whose aggregate87 amount scarcely equals the individual outlay88 of Sir Walter Raleigh in Virginia, they have banished89 the slaver from nearly 200 miles of coast, and rescued hundreds of his hapless victims—they have settled nearly 4000 emigrants (one half of them emancipated for the purpose,)—they have established schools, churches, temperance societies, and a newspaper:—agriculture, the mechanic arts, and a legitimate commerce, employing nearly twenty sail of coasting vessels90, have sprung up, while the activity of their foreign commerce is attested91 by our own marine92 lists.
"That the despised Colonizationists have effected all this, is beyond the reach of cavil—it is now a part of the history of our enterprising country. And while our opponents have been gravely debating the possibility of establishing one colony, a little constellation93 has risen—star by star—and shed its light along the dreary94 coast, giving promise of new 'United States' in due season. May not these benevolent founders of Liberia be well satisfied with their experiment? Need I blush to acknowledge that these results have dispelled95 all my doubts? And may not the statesman safely assume that if a feeble society, assailed96 from its very formation with ridicule97 and reproach, has been able to found and sustain a young state, the patriotism98, the philanthropy, and the piety99 of this great nation can accomplish the noble work of justice to them, and mercy to both? Nor is it among the least cheering of the results achieved by this noiseless and unpretending system of practical benevolence to the black man, that it has won its way to the love, and confidence, and gratitude of benevolent proprietors—so that the society has, from its very commencement, been distressed100 by offers of emancipation—distressed, because its funds have not enabled it to [76]relieve a tithe101 of the cases presented. There are at this moment, between one and two thousand applicants102 for the privilege of Colonization, and thousands more are in a state of training for the same purpose. Each year's developement of the ample resources of the colonies for securing the welfare of the colonists103, and of their importance to the commerce and manufactures of this country, will increase the tide of emigration, until, with due aid from the national treasury104, the stream shall exceed the annual increase, and then a rapid decrease in the existing total of coloured population will ensue. This I know will be denied—but I appeal to facts as the best data for my conclusions. Let us then remember that by official returns, the emigration from the United Kingdom was 76,000 last year. And have not our poor blacks quite as many reasons for seeking an asylum105 in that growing realm—so emphatically their own—from the increasing severity of Southern laws, and the horrors of Northern mobs? Will not this be the more extensively felt, as these African States open up new channels to profitable industry, until the emigration shall reach 56,000 per annum—which was the average yearly increase of the whole coloured population during the ten years from 1820 to 1830? And when we recollect that they would, under our system, be wafted106 thither107 free of expense to themselves, there is every reason to believe their numbers would soon equal the British emigration, which is in most cases at the proper cost of the parties themselves. If only that point was reached, an access of 20,000 per annum would accrue108 beyond the present natural increase, and thus create an actual diminution109 in our coloured population—augmented too, by the circumstance that the emigrants would generally be of the young, the active, and the procreating class—while the relative disproportion of the races would be rapidly felt through the great increase of the whites.
"I am well aware that it has been most gratuitously110 and absurdly asserted, 'that our whole marine is insufficient111 to convey to Africa this annual increase!' And yet 42,000 tons of shipping112, only making two trips each year, and allowing each emigrant32 six times the space allowed on board the slavers—or one ton and a half each—would accommodate the whole! What then shall we say to those who assert that the annual wealth of [77]this great nation, with a surplus of ten millions annually113, is unable to carry to Africa, one-third as many of the offspring of oppression, as a band of pirates and outlaws114 each year drag away in chains from her shores! A late writer in Blackwood's Magazine, asserts that no less than 200,000 slaves were shipped in 1831—Walsh that 50,000 were landed at Rio Janeiro alone, in 1828. We may, then, without difficulty, colonize15 100,000 annually—a number that would in thirty years transfer our whole coloured population to Africa, by an outlay of three millions of dollars yearly,—a sum which the weekly contribution of three cents by one-seventh of our people, would supply; or, if voted as a measure of justice for the many wrongs received at our hands by poor Africa and her children, would afford a safe mode of depleting115 our overburdened treasury."
To the above may be added the testimony116 of Mr. J. F. C. Finlay, who, writing from Millsburg, in the colony of Liberia, to the Rev. Dr. Wilson, of Cincinnati, under date of 6th December, 1834, says,—
"The colony of Liberia has done at least five times as much towards abolishing the slave-trade on this coast, as the whole of the United States."
As to the objections which have been raised against the climate of Liberia, and the ill-health which the settlers first suffered, I am only astonished how any one in America could allow such futile117 arguments to influence them! It is an undeniable fact that the first inhabitants of all new countries suffer much from ill-health, and that just in proportion to the fertility of the soil; which is evidently attributable to the impregnation of the air and water with the gases arising from the quantity of decomposing118 vegetable matter with which the ground is covered, and which renders the land, after due cultivation120, most productive. Do Americans forget the fact in respect to the now flourishing [78]State of Louisiana? The colony of Iberville was begun to be settled in 1699, and in the ensuing thirteen years, 2500 colonists were landed there, out of whom only 400 whites and 20 negroes remained at the end of that time. On the Island of Orleans, where a settlement was begun in 1717, the early settlers died by hundreds; and both settlements were given up once or twice, by those who began them, and commenced anew by other hands.
It was so with Jamestown: it was so with Plymouth, although in a northern climate. They were both desolated121 by sickness, and the mortality was far greater than it has ever been in Liberia. Five hundred emigrants at one time landed in Jamestown, in Virginia, and in less than five months their numbers were reduced to sixty. Disaster and defeat seemed to embitter122 all the struggles of the Pilgrim fathers at Plymouth. More than half their number died the first winter.
The following testimonies123 of several highly respectable gentlemen, Physicians and others, as published in the "Plea for Africa," (p. 233,) are so satisfactory that to say one word more in refutation of the Abolition misstatements, would be an insult to an enlightened community.
1st. "Dr. Shane, of Cincinnati, went with a company of emigrants to Liberia in 1832, sailing from New-Orleans; and, among other things, writes, 'I see not in Liberia as fine and splendid mansions124 as in the United States; nor as extensive and richly stocked farms as the well-tilled lands of Ohio; but I see a fine and very fertile country, inviting125 its poor and oppressed sons to thrust in their sickles126 and gather up its fullness. I here see many who left the United States in straitened circumstances, living with all the comforts of life around them; enjoying a respectable and useful station in society, and wondering that their brethren in the United States, who have it in their [79]power, do not flee to this asylum of happiness and liberty, where they can enjoy all the unalienable rights of man. * * I do not think an unprejudiced person can visit here without becoming an ardent127 and sincere friend of colonization. I can attribute the apathy128 and indifference129 on which it is looked by many, as arising from ignorance on the subject alone, and would that every free coloured man in the United States could get a glimpse of his brethren, their situation and prospects130. * * * Let but the coloured man come and see for himself, and the tear of gratitude will beam in his eye, as he looks forward to the not far distant day, when Liberia shall take her stand among the nations of the world, and proclaim abroad an empire founded by benevolence, offering a home to the poor, oppressed, and weary. Nothing but a want of knowledge of Liberia, prevents thousands of honest, industrious131 free blacks from rushing to this heaven-blessed land, where liberty and religion, with all their blessings, are enjoyed.'
2d. "Captain Kennedy, who visited Liberia in 1831, says, 'with impressions unfavourable to the scheme of the Colonization Society, I commenced my inquiries133.' The colonists 'considered that they had started into a new existence. * * They felt themselves proud in their attitude.' He further says, 'many of the settlers appear to be rapidly acquiring property; and I have no doubt they are doing better for themselves and for their children, in Liberia, than they could do in any other part of the world.'
3d. "Captain Nicholson of the United States' Navy, gave as favourable132 a report. Captain Abels says, 'My expectations were more than realized. I saw no intemperance134, nor did I hear a profane135 word uttered by any one. I know of no place where the Sabbath seems to be more respected than in Monrovia.'
4th. "A distinguished British naval136 officer, who passed three years on the African coast, published a favourable notice of the colony, in the Amulet137 for 1832, in which he bears this testimony:—'The complete success of this colony is a proof that the Negroes are, by proper care and attention, as susceptible138 of the habits of industry, and the improvements of social life, as any other race of human beings; and that the amelioration of [80]the condition of the black people on the coast of Africa, by means of such colonies, is not chimerical139. Wherever the influence of the colony extends, the slave-trade has been abandoned by the natives, and the peaceable pursuits of legitimate commerce established in its place. They not only live on terms of harmony and good will together, but the colonists are looked upon with a certain degree of respect by those of their own colour; and the force of their example is likely to have a strong effect in inducing the people about them to adopt it. A few colonies of this kind, scattered140 along the coast, would be of infinite value in improving the natives.' Governor Mechlin has said, 'As to the morals of the colonists, I consider them much better than those of the people of the United States; i. e. you may take an equal number of the inhabitants from any section of the union, and you will find more drunkenness, more profane swearers and Sabbath-breakers, than in Liberia. You rarely hear an oath, and as to riots and breaches141 of the peace, I recollect but one instance, and that of a trifling142 nature, that has come under my notice since I assumed the government of the colony.' Captain Sherman has said, 'There is a greater proportion of moral and religious characters in Monrovia than in the city of Philadelphia.'"
Lastly, Dr. George T. Todsen, Colonial Physician, writes thus,—
"Being requested to express my opinion of the climate of Liberia, and particularly as to its influence and action upon such persons of colour as are born, and have lived for years in the United States, previous to their arrival in the colony; I have no hesitation143 in saving that, after a residence in the colony of nearly five years, as Colonial Physician, I am convinced there is nothing there that, with ordinary prudence144, the necessaries and comforts of life, and care and medical attendance, can endanger the lives of emigrants of colour, in a greater degree, than would be done by their removal to almost any other foreign country, even the most healthy. I shall here state a few facts which the records of the colony will amply confirm. In 1830, in November, I embarked145 on board of the 'Volador,' with eighty-five emigrants, children included. We arrived at Cape Mesurado in [81]January, 1831, and on the 1st of February, 1833, two years after our arrival, I went round, inspected the company, and found, to my great satisfaction, that but three children and two adults had died. During that interval146, eleven children were born among that expedition; so that the whole company had increased to the number of ninety-one, six more than left the United States. The same success attended the succeeding expeditions, until June, when I was seized with a violent attack of fever, from which although I partially147 recovered, it returned at short intervals148, and reduced me to such a state of debility, that I became unable to pursue and discharge my arduous149 and exhausting duties. I dwell upon this circumstance, because it was one of those important events which produced less favourable results in the subsequent bills of mortality in Liberia, and created an apprehension150 in the minds of the friends to Colonization, that there is something in the climate of that country inevitably151 destructive to emigrants of colour from the United States. This impression has had a most injurious effect on the advancement and prosperity of the colony. But I feel most happy in my conviction that it is without the least foundation.
"I have read in 'a Narrative152 of an Expedition into the interior of Africa, by Macgregor Laird and R. A. K. Oldfield, surviving officers of the English expedition, to the Niger'—a pretended description of the motives153 for the establishment, &c. &c., of the colony of Liberia, of its condition as ascertained154 by them during a three days' visit to its shore.
"I will briefly155 state that I was at Caldwell, in the colony, when this expedition touched there. No sooner had the iron steamboat Quorra, dropt her anchor in the river St. Paul, than Lieut. Allen, R. N., Mr. Lander, and Dr. Briggs, paid me a visit, and invited me on board. Although very ill and unable to walk, I accepted their invitation. They were exceedingly kind and attentive156 to me; were with me during the greater part of the time they remained in the colony, (three days,) and we conversed157 freely as fellow-labourers in the African cause. They did not conceal158 the unhappy dissensions that existed among the members of their expedition. There were two parties; Lieut. Allen, R. N., Mr. Lander, and Dr. Briggs, belonging to the one; and Mr. Laird and Capt. Harris to the other. I had little or no [82]intercourse with the latter individuals, who were represented to me, particularly Laird, as having embarked in the expedition solely159 from mercenary motives. As regards his charges and statements about the real motives of the Colonization Society, they are too absurd to notice. His stuff about the sterility160 of the soil of Liberia, thousands can answer; besides, I am pretty certain he never put his foot on terra firma while there. Every friend to science and humanity must lament161 the premature162 death of by far the most able and respectable members of that expedition; and no one can be surprised that a man, actuated solely by the love of gain, should seize on calumny163 and detraction164, on any subject originating or connected with America or Americans, and to be presented to English readers, as a never-failing means of success.
GEO. T. TODSEN."
I shall conclude these testimonies with the following extract from the Colonization Herald of March 1838, which was written by a gentleman of most unquestionable veracity166, and who resided for some time in Liberia.
"It is now SIXTEEN YEARS since the first settlement in Liberia was established, on Cape Mesurado. In 1821 the American Colonization Society purchased a part of the Island of Sherboro, distant about 120 miles from Cape Mesurado, and during that year and the following a vigorous, but ineffectual effort was made to plant a colony there. The treachery of the natives, the insalubrity of the climate, and a series of melancholy167 disasters finally compelled its abandonment, and the society directed its attention to the more eligible168 scite mentioned above; where, in 1822, after a protracted169 negotiation170, a purchase was made, and a feeble band of emigrants took possession.
"As my object at present is not to trace the progress of the colony through its various fortunes, I shall reserve for another article an account of the early trials and difficulties, as well as the manly171 daring and heroic achievements with which its history is fraught172, and come at once to the bright picture of its present condition and prospects. Liberia (stretching along 300 [83]miles of the coast, and extending from 10 to 40 miles inland) now numbers four separate colonies, viz:
"Monrovia, established by the American Colonization Society, including the towns of Monrovia, New Georgia, Caldwell, Millsburgh, and Marshall—
"Bassa Cove119, established by the United Colonization Societies of New York and Pennsylvania. This colony includes Bassa Cove and Edina. The latter village was founded by the American Colonization Society, and lately ceded173 to the United Societies—
"Greenville, established by the Mississippi and Louisiana Colonization Societies, at Sinou—
"Maryland, established by the Maryland Colonization Society at Cape Palmos.
"In the NINE VILLAGES enumerated174 above, there is a population of about 5000—all of course coloured persons—of which THREE THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED are emigrants from this country, and the remainder natives of Africa, mostly youth, who have come into the colonies to learn 'Merica fash,' and make themselves 'white men,' by conforming to the habits of civilization, and becoming subject to our laws.
"The commerce of the colonies, though in its infancy175, is already extensive. From $80,000 to 125,000 is exported annually, in camwood, ivory, palm oil, and hides; and an equal or greater amount of the manufactures and productions of Europe and America are brought into the colonies in return. Monrovia, which is the largest town and principal seaport176, carries on a considerable coasting trade, by means of small vessels built and owned by her own citizens. Not less than 12 or 15 of these, averaging from 10 to 30 tons burden, manned and navigated177 by the colonists, are constantly engaged in a profitable trade along seven hundred miles of the coast.
"The harbour of Monrovia is seldom clear of foreign vessels; more than SEVENTY of which, from the United States, England, France, Sweden, Portugal and Denmark, touch there annually.
"Bassa Cove and Cape Palmas have both good harbours, and possess great advantages for commerce. Already their waters are gladdened by the frequent presence of traders from other countries, and in a few years, when the hand of enterprise shall [84]have developed the rich mines of wealth which nature has so abundantly provided there, these growing towns will become the centres of an extensive and important business.
"Sinou, too, possesses an excellent harbour, and is the natural outlet178 of a vast tract165 of rich and productive country. Under the fostering hand of its enterprising founders, it must soon become an important link in the great maritime179 chain of Americo-African establishments. The productions of the country, which may be raised in any quantity for exportation, are coffee, cotton, sugar, rice, indigo180, palm oil, together with the gums, dye-woods, ivory, &c., which are collected from the forests.
"The state of morals in the colonies is emphatically of a high order. Sabbath-breaking, drunkenness, profanity, and quarrelling are vices181 almost unknown in Liberia. A temperance society formed in 1834 numbered in a few weeks after its organization 500 members; at that time more than one-fifth of the whole population.
"At Bassa Cove and Cape Palmas, the sale and use of ardent spirits are forbidden by law. In the other colonies the ban of public opinion so effectually prohibits dram drinking that no respectable person would dare indulge an appetite so disreputable.
"There are EIGHTEEN CHURCHES in Liberia, viz. at Monrovia 4, New Georgia 2, Caldwell 2, Millsburgh 2, Edina 2, Bassa Cove 3, Marshall 1, Cape Palmas 2. Of these, 8 are Baptist, 3 Presbyterian, and 1 Episcopalian.
"As there are FORTY CLERGYMEN in the colonies, all the churches are not only regularly supplied with preaching, but religious meetings are weekly held in many of the native villages.
"Seven hundred of the colonists, or one-fifth of the whole population, are professed182 Christians183, in good standing184 with the several churches with which they are connected. As might be expected, where so large a proportion of the people is pious, the general tone of society is religious. No where is the Sabbath more strictly185 observed, or the places of worship better attended. Sunday schools and Bible classes are established generally in the churches, into which, in many cases, the native children are gathered with those of the colonists.
"There are ten week-day schools in all the settlements, supported generally by education and missionary186 societies in this [85]country. The teachers in most cases are coloured persons. A laudable thirst for knowledge pervades187 the community, and a great desire is expressed for an academic institution, toward the support of which they would contribute liberally; though as yet they are scarcely able to establish one single handed.
"In some places, as at Bassa Cove, literary societies are formed for mutual188 improvement, much on the plan of village lyceums in this country.
"At Bassa Cove and Monrovia there are public libraries for the use of the people. The one at the former place numbers 1200 or 1500 volumes.
"A monthly newspaper is published at Monrovia. The articles in this paper afford good testimony of the general intelligence of the people, and reflect great credit upon the talented editor, a coloured man.
"There are at present 25 or 30 white persons connected with the various missionary and education societies, or attached to the colonies as physicians, &c. The government of Liberia is essentially189 republican. All the officers, except the Governor, (who is appointed by the Colonization Society) being chosen by the people. Elections are held annually in every village, and are conducted with great propriety190 and decorum. A vice-governor, legislative191 councillors, a high sheriff, constables192, &c., are some of the officers elected annually. The militia193 is well organized and efficient. The officers and men exhibit a degree of enthusiasm in the performance of their duty seldom witnessed elsewhere; and on field days their neat and orderly appearance, their thorough discipline, and the promptness and precision of their evolutions, command the admiration194 of every observer.
"There are a number of volunteer corps195, regularly uniformed and equipped. These of course are the elite196 of the Liberia militia; and indeed many of them would lose nothing by a comparison with our own city guards.
T. B."
CONCLUSION OF THIS CHAPTER.
We have before shown that although the only object of the Colonization Society is to restore the free man of colour to the land of his fathers, yet that [86]the accomplishment197 of this very object necessarily involves the removal of the actual cause of slavery itself, and of all its horrors, viz. the African slave-trade. In this respect alone, if it did no more, it as far exceeds in utility, the Abolition Scheme, as the light of the sun exceeds that of a taper198. Moreover this one fact, and this alone, ought to secure for it the patronage199 of every friend of humanity; and would no doubt long since have done so, and have procured200 for it ample funds from the good people of this country and of England, had its objects not been misrepresented, particularly in the latter place, where there is no one sufficiently201 acquainted with the merits of the case to refute and put to silence those who were, and are employed, by the Anti-Slavery Society, for the express purpose of vilifying202 and calumniating203, before a British public, some of the greatest benefactors this country ever had. It is well known how that indefatigable and disinterested friend of the coloured man, Elliott Cresson, Esq., after he went to England, at his own expense, for the express purpose of promoting this cause in that country, was vilified204, calumniated205, and misrepresented by American Abolition Agents!
Let any man take a map of Africa in his hand, and ask himself the question, what Powers on earth could effectually stop a trade carried on along a coast of at least seven thousand miles, including the various bays and inlets, &c.? Could the combined naval forces of Europe and America accomplish it, not even taking into consideration the enormous annual expense of such an enterprise? The very idea is preposterously206 absurd! We all recollect the difficulty encountered last winter in attempting to guard the Canadian frontier of only a few hundred miles!
[87]Are fifty millions of Africans to be left exposed to the demoralising influence, and the unspeakable horrors of the slave-trade? And are we to talk of humanity and allow ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND miserable207 human beings to be annually dragged from their native land—from their homes—from their parents—from their friends—and be subjected to the horrors described in pages 41, 42? What means, what power, what system, except the Colonization Society, can check this climax208 of human barbarity? And by what means are the glorious truths of divine revelation to be disseminated209 amongst upwards of fifty millions of our fellow creatures except by the pure word of God, the Bible, which black man hands to black man, African hands to African—and so on, till this man of sin be consumed by the brightness of the Gospel, and the Ethiopian be enabled to lift up his hand to the living God?
The Colonization Society has, as already shown, done much in this work—and all that it has not done is justly attributable to the effects of the misrepresentations of the Abolition Champions, who are, in this sense, not only the slave-holders of thousands of slaves, but the Protectors of the African Slave-trade!
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1
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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8
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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14
colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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colonize
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| v.建立殖民地，拓殖；定居，居于 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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stimuli
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| n.刺激（物） | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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emigrant
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| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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consanguinity
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| n.血缘；亲族 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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calumniate
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| v.诬蔑，中伤 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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untold
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| adj.数不清的，无数的 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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benefactors
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| n.捐助者，施主( benefactor的名词复数 )；恩人 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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substantiated
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| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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95
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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97
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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98
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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99
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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100
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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101
tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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102
applicants
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| 申请人，求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
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103
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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104
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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105
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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106
wafted
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| v.吹送，飘送，（使）浮动( waft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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108
accrue
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| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
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109
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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110
gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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111
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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112
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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113
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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114
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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115
depleting
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| 使大大的减少，使空虚( deplete的现在分词 )； 耗尽，使枯竭 | |
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116
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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117
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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118
decomposing
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| 腐烂( decompose的现在分词 )； （使）分解； 分解（某物质、光线等） | |
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119
cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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120
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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121
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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122
embitter
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| v.使苦；激怒 | |
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123
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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124
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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125
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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126
sickles
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| n.镰刀( sickle的名词复数 ) | |
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127
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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128
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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129
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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130
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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131
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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132
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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133
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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134
intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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135
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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136
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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137
amulet
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| n.护身符 | |
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138
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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139
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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140
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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141
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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142
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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143
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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144
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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145
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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146
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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147
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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148
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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149
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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150
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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151
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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152
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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153
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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154
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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156
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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157
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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158
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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159
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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160
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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161
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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162
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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163
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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164
detraction
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| n.减损；诽谤 | |
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165
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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166
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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167
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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168
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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169
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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170
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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171
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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172
fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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173
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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174
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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176
seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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177
navigated
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| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的过去式和过去分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
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178
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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179
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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180
indigo
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| n.靛青，靛蓝 | |
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181
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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182
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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183
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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184
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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185
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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186
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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187
pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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188
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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189
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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190
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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191
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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192
constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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193
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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194
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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195
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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196
elite
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| n.精英阶层；实力集团；adj.杰出的，卓越的 | |
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197
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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198
taper
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| n.小蜡烛，尖细，渐弱；adj.尖细的；v.逐渐变小 | |
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199
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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200
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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201
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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202
vilifying
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| v.中伤，诽谤( vilify的现在分词 ) | |
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203
calumniating
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的现在分词 ) | |
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204
vilified
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| v.中伤，诽谤( vilify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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205
calumniated
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206
preposterously
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| adv.反常地；荒谬地；荒谬可笑地；不合理地 | |
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207
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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208
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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209
disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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