Nothing dies so hard as prejudice, unless it be sentiment. Indeed, prejudice and sentiment are but different manifestations1 of the same principle by which men pronounce on things according to individual feeling, independent of facts and free from the restraint of positive knowledge. And on nothing in modern times has so much sentiment been lavished2 as on the Irish question; nowhere has so much passionately4 generous, but at the same time so much absolutely ignorant, partisanship5 been displayed as by English sympathisers with the Irish peasant. This is scarcely to be wondered at. The picture of a gallant7 nation ground under the heel of an iron despotism—of an industrious8 and virtuous9 peasantry rackrented, despoiled10, brutalised, and scarce able to live by their labour that they may supply the vicious wants of oppressive landlords—of unarmed men, together with women and little children, ruthlessly bludgeoned by a brutal11 police, or shot by a bloodthirsty soldiery for no greater offence than verbal protests against illegal evictions—of a handful of ardent14 patriots15 ready to undergo imprisonment16 and contumely in their struggle against one of the strongest nations in the world for only so much political freedom as is granted to-day by despots themselves—such a picture as this is calculated to excite the sympathies of all generous souls. And it has done so in England, where "Home Rule" and "Justice to Ireland" have become the rallying cries of one section of the Liberal party, to the disruption and political suicide of the whole body; and where the less knowledge imported into the question the more fervid17 the advocacy and the louder the demand.
It is worth while to state quite quietly and quite plainly how things stand at this present moment. There is no need for hysterics on the one side or the other; and to amend18 one's views by the testimony19 of facts is not a dishonest turning of one's coat—if confession20 of that amendment21 is a little like the white sheet and lighted taper22 of a penitent23. Things are, or they are not. If they are, as will be set down, the inference is plain to anyone not hopelessly blinded by preconceived prejudice. If they are not, let them be authoritatively24 contradicted on the basis of fact, not sentiment—demonstration, not assertion. In any case it is a gain to obtain material for a truer judgment26 than heretofore, and thus to be rid of certain mental films by which colours are blurred27 and perspective is distorted.
No one wishes to palliate the crimes of which England has been guilty in Ireland. Her hand has been heavy, her whip one of braided scorpions28, her rule emphatically of blood and iron. But all this is of the past, and the pendulum29, not only of public feeling but of legal enactment30, threatens to swing too far on the other side. What has been done cannot be undone31, but it will not be repeated. We shall never send over another Cromwell nor yet another Castlereagh; and there is as little good to be got from chafing32 over past wrongs as there is in lamenting33 past glories. Malachi and his collar of gold—the ancient kings who led forth34 the Red Branch Knights—State persecution35 of the Catholics—rack-rents and unjust evictions, are all alike swept away into the limbo36 of things dead and done with. What Ireland has to deal with now are the enactments37 and facts of the day, and to shake off the incubus38 of retrospection, as a strong man awaking would get rid of a nightmare.
Nowhere in Europe, nor yet in the United States, are tenant39-farmers so well protected by law as in Ireland; nor is it the fault of England if the Acts passed for their benefit have been rendered ineffectual by the agitators40 who have preferred fighting to orderly development. So long ago as 1860 a Bill was passed providing that no tenant should be evicted41 for non-payment of rent unless one year's rent in arrear42. (Landlord and Tenant Act, 1860, sec. 52.) Even then, when evicted, he could recover possession within six months by payment of the amount due; when the landlord had to pay him the amount of any profit he had made out of the lands in the interim43. The landlord had to pay half the poor rate of the Government Valuation if a holding was ￡4 or upward, and all the poor rate if it was under ￡4. By the Act of 1870 "a yearly tenant disturbed in his holding by the act of the landlord, for causes other than non-payment of rent, and the Government Valuation of whose holding does not exceed ￡100 per annum, must be paid by his landlord not only full compensation for all improvements made by himself or his predecessors44, such as unexhausted manures, permanent buildings, and reclamation45 of waste lands, but also as compensation for disturbance46, a sum of money which may amount to seven years' rent." (Land Act of 1870, secs. 1, 2, and 3.) Under the Act of 1881 the landlord's power of disturbance was practically abolished—but I think I have read somewhere that even of late years, and with the ballot47, certain landlords in England have threatened their tenants48 with "disturbance" without compensation if their votes were not given to the right colour—while in Ireland, even when evicted for non-payment of rent, a yearly tenant must be paid by his landlord "compensation for all improvements, such as unexhausted manures, permanent buildings, and reclamation of waste land." (Sec. 4.) And when his rent does not exceed ￡15 he must be paid in addition "a sum of money which may amount to seven years' rent if the court decides that the rent is exorbitant49." (Secs. 3 and 9.) (a) Until the contrary is proved, the improvements are presumed to have been made by the tenants. (Sec. 5.) (b) The tenant can make his claim for compensation immediately on notice to quit being served, and cannot be evicted until the compensation is paid. (Secs. 16 and 21.) A yearly tenant when voluntarily surrendering his farm must either be paid by the landlord (a) compensation for all his improvements, or (b) be permitted to sell his improvements to an incoming tenant. (Sec. 4.) In all new tenancies the landlord must pay half the county or Grand Jury Cess if the valuation is ￡4 or upward and the whole of the same Cess if the value does not exceed ￡4. (Secs. 65 and 66.) Thus we have under the Land Act of 1870 (i) Full payment for all improvements; (2) Compensation for disturbance.
The famous Land Act of 1881 gave three additional privileges, (1) Fixity of tenure50, by which the tenant remains51 in possession of the land for ever, subject to periodic revision of the rent. (Land Act, 1881, sec. 8.) If the tenant has not had a fair rent fixed52, and his landlord proceeds to evict12 him for non-payment of rent, he can apply to the court to fix the fair rent, and meantime the eviction13 proceedings53 will be restrained by the court. (Sec. 13.) (2) Fair rent, by which any yearly tenant may apply to the Land Commission Court (the judges of which were appointed under Mr. Gladstone's Administration) to fix the fair rent of his holding. The application is referred to three persons, one of whom is a lawyer, and the other two inspect and value the farm. This rent can never again be raised by the landlord. (Sec. 8.) (3) Free sale, by which every yearly tenant may, whether he has had a fair rent fixed or not, sell his tenancy to the highest bidder54 whenever he desires to leave. (Sec. 1.) (a) There is no practical limit to the price he may sell for, and twenty times the amount of the annual rent has frequently been obtained in every province of Ireland. (b) Even if a tenant be evicted, he has the right either to redeem55 at any time within three months, or to sell his tenancy within the same period to a purchaser who can likewise redeem and thus acquire all the privileges of a tenant. (Sec. 13.)
Even more important than this is the Land Purchase Act of 1885, commonly called Lord Ashbourne's Act, by which the whole land in Ireland is potentially put into the hands of the farmers, and of the working of which much will have to be said before these papers end. This Act, in its sections 2, 3, and 4, sets forth this position, briefly56 stated: If a tenant wishes to buy his holding, and arranges with his landlord as to terms, he can change his position from that of a perpetual rent-payer into that of the payer of an annuity57, terminable at the end of forty-nine years—the Government supplying him with the entire purchase-money, to be repaid during those forty-nine years at 4 per cent. This annual payment of ￡4 for every ￡100 borrowed covers both principal and interest. Thus, if a tenant, already paying a statutory rent of ￡50, agrees to buy from his landlord at twenty years' purchase (or ￡1,000) the Government will lend him the money, his rent will at once cease, and he will not pay ￡50, but ￡40, yearly for forty-nine years, and then become the owner of his holding, free of rent. It is hardly necessary to point out that, as these forty-nine years of payment roll by, the interest of the tenant in his holding increases rapidly in value. (Land Purchase Act, 1885, secs. 2, 3, and 4.)
Under the Land Act of 1887, the tenants received the following still greater and always one-sided privileges, (i) By this Act leases are allowed to be broken by the tenant, but not by the landlord. All leaseholders whose leases would expire within ninety-nine years after the passing of the Act have the option of going into court and getting their contracts broken and a judicial59 rent fixed. No equivalent power is given to the landlords. (Land Act of 1887, secs, 1 and 2.) (2) The Act varies rent already judicially60 fixed for fifteen years by the Land Courts in the years 1881, 1882, 1883, 1884, and 1885. (Sec. 29.) (3) It stays evictions, and allows rent to be paid by instalments. In the case of tenants whose valuation does not exceed ￡50, the court before which proceedings are being taken for the recovery of any debt due by the tenant is empowered to stay his eviction, and may give him liberty to pay his creditors61 by instalments, and can extend the time for such payment as it thinks proper. (Land Act of 1887, sec. 30.)
By these extracts, which do not exhaust the whole of the privileges granted to the Irish tenant, it may be seen how exceptionally he has been favoured. Nowhere else has such wholesale62 interference with the obligations of contract, such lavish3 protection of the tenant, such practical persecution of the landlord been as yet demanded by the one-half of the nation; nor, if demanded, would such partiality have been conceded by the other half. Yet, in the face of these various Acts, and all they embody63, provide for, and deny, our hysterical64 journal par6 excellence65 is not ashamed to publish a wild letter from one of those ramping66 political women who screech67 like peacocks before rain, setting forth how Ireland could be redeemed68 by the manufacture of blackberry jam, were it not for the infamous69 landlords who would at once raise the rent on those tenants who, by industry, had improved their condition. And a Dublin paper asserts that anything will be fiction which demonstrates that "Ireland is not the home of rackrenters, brutal batonmen, and heartless evictors"; while political agitation70 is still being carried on by any means that come handiest, and the eviction of tenants who owe five or six years' rent, and will not pay even one to clear off old scores, is treated as an act of brutality71 for which no quarter should be given. If we were to transfer the whole method of procedure to our own lands and houses in England, perhaps the thing would wear a different aspect from that which it wears now, when surrounded by a halo of false sentiment and convenient forgetfulness.
The total want of honesty, of desire for the right thing in this no-rent agitation, is exemplified by the following fact:—When Colonel Vandeleur's tenants—owing several years' rent, refused to pay anything, and joined the Plan of Campaign, arbitration73 was suggested, and Sir Charles Russell was accepted by the landlord as arbitrator. As every one knows, Sir Charles is an Irishman, a Catholic, and the "tenants' friend." His award was, as might have been expected, most liberal towards them. Here is the result:—"We learn that the non-fulfilment by a number of the tenants of the terms of the award made by Sir C. Russell is likely to lead to serious difficulties. They refuse to carry out the undertaking74 which was given on their behalf, having so much bettered the instruction given to them that they insist upon holding a grip of the rent, and not yielding to even the advice of their friends. About thirty of them have not paid the year's rent, which all the Plan of Campaign tenants were to have paid when the award was made known to them. This is the most conspicuous75 instance in which arbitration has been tried, and the result is not encouraging, although landlords have been denounced for not at once accepting it instead of seeking to enforce their legal rights by the tribunal appointed by the Legislature."
With a legal machinery76 of relief so comprehensive and so favourable77 to the tenant, it would seem that the Plan of Campaign, with its cruel and murderous accompaniments, was scarcely needed. If anyone was aggrieved78, the courts were open to him; and we have only to read the list of reduced rents to see how those courts protected the tenant and bore heavily on the landlord. Also, it would seem to persons of ordinary morality that it would have been more manly79 and more honest to pay the rents due to the proprietor80 than to cast the money into the chest of the Plan of Campaign—that boite à Pierrette which, like the sieve81 of the Dana?des, can never be filled. The Home Rule agitators have known how to make it appear that they, and they alone, stand between the people and oppression. They have ignored all this orderly legal machinery; and their English sympathisers have not remembered it. Nor have those English sympathisers considered the significant fact that this agitation is literally82 the bread of life to those who have created and still maintain it. Many of the Home Rule Irish Members of Parliament have risen from the lowest ranks of society—from the barefooted peasantry, where their nearest relations are still to be found—into the outward condition of gentlemen living in comparative affluence83. It is not being uncharitable, nor going behind motives84, to ask, Cui bono? For whose advantage is a certain movement carried on?—especially for whose advantage is this anti-rent movement in Ireland? For the good of the tenants who, under the pressure put on them by those whom they have agreed to follow, refuse to pay even a fraction of rent hitherto paid to the full, and who are, in consequence, evicted from their farms and deprived of their means of subsistence?—or is it for the good of a handful of men who live by and on the agitation they created and still keep up? Do the leaders of any movement whatsoever85 give a thought to the individual lives sacrificed to the success of the cause? As little as the general regrets the individuals of the rank and file in the battalions86 he hurls87 against the enemy. The ruined homes and blighted88 lives of the thousands who have listened, believed, been coerced89 to their own despair, have been no more than the numbers of the rank and file to the general who hoped to gain the day by his battalions.[B] The good in this no-rent movement is reaped by the agitators alone; and for them alone have the chestnuts90 been pulled out of the fire. Furthermore, whose hands among the prominent leaders are free from the reflected stain of blood-money? These leaders have counselled a course of action which has been marked all along the line by outrage91 and murder; and they have lived well and amassed92 wealth by the course they have counselled.
From proletariats in their own persons they have become men of substance and property. These assertions are facts to which names and amounts can be given; and that question, Cui bono? answers itself. The inference to be drawn93 is too grave to be set aside; and to plead "charitable judgment" is to plead imbecility.
The plain and simple truth is—the protective legislation that was so sorely needed for the peasantry is fast degenerating94 into injustice95 and oppression against the landlords. Thousands of the smaller landowners have been absolutely beggared; the larger holders58 have been as ruthlessly ruined. For, while the rents were lowered, the charges on the land, made on the larger basis, were kept to their same value; and the fate of the landlord was sealed. Between the hammer and the anvil96 as he was and is placed, his times have not been pleasant. Families who have bought their estates on the faith of Government sales and Government contracts, and families who have owned theirs for centuries and lived on them, winter and summer—who have been neither absentees nor rack-renters, but have been friendly, hospitable97, open-handed after their kind, always ready to give comforts and medicine to the sick and a good-natured measure of relief to the hard pressed—they have now been brought to the ground; and between our own fluid and unstable98 legislation and the reckless cruelty of the Plan of Campaign their destruction has been complete. Wherever one goes one finds great houses shut up or let for a few summer months to strangers who care nothing for the place and less than nothing for the people. One cannot call this a gain, look at it as one will. Nor do the tenantry themselves feel it to be a gain. Get their confidence and you will find that they all regret the loss of their own—those jovial99, frank, and kindly100 proprietors101 who did the best they knew, though perhaps, judged by present scientific knowledge that best was not very good, but who at least knew more than themselves. Carrying the thing home to England, we should scarcely say that our country places would be the better for the exodus102 of all the educated and refined and well-to-do families, with the peasantry and an unmarried clergyman left sole masters of the situation.
In the desire of Parliament to do justice to the Irish peasant, whose condition did once so loudly demand amelioration, justice to the landlord has gone by the board. For we cannot call it justice to make him alone suffer. His rents have been reduced from 25 to 30 per cent. and over, but all the rent charges, mortgages, debts and dues have been retained at their full value. The scheme of reduction does not pass beyond the tiller of the soil, and the landlord is the sole loser.[C]
Beyond this he suffers from the want of finality in legislation. Nothing is left to prove itself, and the tinkering never ends. A fifteen years' bargain under the first Land Act is broken up under the next as if Governmental pledges were lovers' vows103. When, on the faith of those pledges, a landlord borrowed money from the Board of Works for the improvement of his estate, for stone cottages for his tenantry, for fences, drainage, and the like, suddenly his income is still further reduced; but the interest he has to pay for the loan contracted on the broader basis remains the same. Which is a kind of thing on all fours with the plan of locking up a debtor104 so that he cannot work at his trade, while ordering him to pay so much weekly from earnings105 which the law itself prevents his making.
If the sum of misery107 remains constant in Ireland, its distribution has changed hands. The small deposits in the savings-banks have increased to an enormous extent, and in many places where the tenants have for some years refused to pay their rents, but have still kept the land, the women have learned to dress. But the owners of the land—say that they are ladies with no man in the family—have wanted bread, and have been kept from starvation only by surreptitious supplies delivered in the dead darkness of the night. These supplies have of necessity been rare and scanty108, for the most honest tenant dared not face the vengeance109 of the League by openly paying his just due. Did not Mr. Dillon, on August 23rd, 1887, say, "If there is a man in Ireland base enough to back down, to turn his back on the fight now that Coercion110 has passed, I pledge myself in the face of this meeting, that I will denounce him from public platform by name, and I pledge myself to the Government that, let that man be whom he may, his life will not be a happy one, either in Ireland or across the seas." With such a formidable organisation111 as this, what individual would have the courage to stand out for abstract justice to a landlord? It would have been, and it has been, standing112 out for his own destruction. Hence, for no fault, no rack-renting, have proprietors—and especially ladies—been treated as mortal enemies by those whom they had always befriended—for no reason whatever but that it was an easy victory for the Campaigners to obtain. Women, with never a man to defend them, could be more easily manipulated than if they were so many stalwart young fellows, handy in their turn with guns and revolvers, and man for man a match even for Captain Moonlight. If these ladies dared to evict their non-paying tenants they would be either boycotted113 or "visited," or perhaps both. Besides, who would venture to take the vacant land? And how could a couple of delicate ladies, say, till the ground with their own hands? The old fable114 of the dog in the manger holds good with these Campaigners. Those who will not pay prevent others who would; and the hated "landgrabber," denounced from altar and platform alike, is simply an honest and industrious worker, who would make his own living and the landlord's rent out of a bit of land which is lying idle and going to waste.
All through the disturbed districts we come upon facts like this—upon the ruin and humiliation115 of kindly and delicately-nurtured ladies, of which the English public knows nothing; and while it hysterically116 pities the poor down-trodden peasant and goes in for Home Rule as the panacea117, the wife of a tenant owing five years' rent and refusing to pay one, dresses in costly118 attire—and the lady proprietor knows penury119 and hunger; not to speak of the agonies of personal terror endured for months at a stretch. Let us, who live in a well-ordered country, realize for a moment the mental condition of those who dwell in the shadow of assassination—women to whom every unusual noise is as the sentence of death, and whose days are days of trembling, and their nights of anguish120 for the fear of death that encompasses121 them. Is this according to the law of elemental justice? Are our sympathies to be confined wholly to one class, and are the sorrows and the wrongs done to another not to count? Surely it is time for some of the sentimental122 fog in which so many of us have been living to be dispelled123 in favour of the light of truth!
Here is an instructive little bit on which we would do well to ponder:—
A certain authority gives the following anecdote:—He says that he "has just had a long conversation with one of the leading Galway merchants. 'A farmer of this county,' said he, 'told me yesterday that he had let his meadowing at ￡8 an acre. I bought all his barley124, and he confessed that on this crop too he had made ￡8 an acre. Now the judicial rent of this man's holding is 10s. the acre. He said, "I have nothing to complain of."' This man was a tenant of Lord Clanricarde; one of those people who decline to pay a farthing in the way of rent to the lawful125 owner of the soil. The case we have cited may be an extreme one, but it is generally admitted by those who are acquainted with the facts, and who speak the truth that the rents on the Clanricarde property, speaking generally, are low rents, and yet not only is it impossible to collect these rents, but the agent who represents Lord Clanricarde, and whose only fault is that he tries to do his duty to his employer without unnecessary harshness to the tenantry, dare not go outside his house without an escort of police, and every time he leaves his house, he risks his life. Referring to this agent, Mr. Tener, the correspondent says:—
"No one would think from looking at him that he literally carries his life in his hand, and that if he were not guarded as closely as he is he would be shot in twenty-four hours. He never goes outside the walls of the Portumna demesne126 without an escort of seven policemen—two mounted men in front, two behind, and three upon his car. He, too, as well as the driver, is armed, so the would-be assassins must reckon with nine armed men. In the opinion of those who know the neighbourhood his escort is barely strong enough. He was fired at a few weeks ago, and the horse which he was driving shot dead. The police who were with him on the car were rolled out upon the road, and before they could recover themselves and pursue the Moonlighters had escaped.' And this is supposed to be a civilised country, and is a part of the United Kingdom!
"Whereas it seems to us Lord Clanricarde is to blame is in not living, at any rate for some part of the year, upon his Irish property. This nobleman represents one of the most ancient families in Ireland. He is the representative of the Clanricarde Burkes, who have been settled upon this property for 700 years. He draws, or rather drew, a very large income from it, and there can be little question that his presence would encourage and sustain smaller proprietors who are fighting a losing battle in defence of their rights. These proprietors may fairly claim that the leading men of their order should stand by them in the time of trial. Unfortunately, this assistance has not been invariably, or even as a rule, rendered by the great Irish landowners. It is, indeed, largely because they have failed in their duty that the present troubles have come upon Irish landlords as a body. If only in the past the great landowners had lived in Ireland and spent at least a portion of the incomes they derived127 from Ireland upon their estates, the present agitation against landlordism would never have reached the point at which it has arrived. The absence of the landlords, and in many cases their refusal to recognise the legitimate128 claims of their districts upon them, has made it possible for the agitators who have now the ear of the people to bring about that severance129 of classes, and that embittered130 feeling of class against class, which is doing Ireland more injury at the present time than all the rack-renters put together."
Those who plead for the landlords who have been so cruelly robbed and ruined are weak-voiced and reticent131 compared to the loudly crying advocates for the peasantry. English tourists run over for a fortnight to Ireland, talk to the jarvies, listen to the peasants themselves, forbear to go near any educated or responsible person with knowledge of the facts and a character to lose, and accept as gospel everything they hear. There is no check and no verification. Pat and Tim and Mike give their accounts of this and that, bedad! and tell their piteous tales of want and oppression. The English tourist swallows it all whole as it comes to him, and writes his account to the sympathetic Press, which publishes as gospel stories which have not one word of truth in them. In fact, the term "English tourist" has come to mean the same as gobemouche in France; and clever Pat knows well enough that there is not a fly in the whole region of fable which is too large for the brutal Saxon to swallow. Abject132 poverty without shoes to its feet, with only a few rags to cover its unwashed nakedness, and an unfurnished mud cabin shared with the pigs and poultry133 for its sole dwelling-place—abject poverty begs a copper134 from "his honour" for the love of God and the glory of the Blessed Virgin135, telling meantime a heartrending story of privation and oppression. Abject poverty points to all the outward signs and circumstances of its woe136; but it forgets the good stone house in which live the son and the son's wife—the dozen or more of cattle grazing free on the mountain side—that bit of fertile land where the very weeds grow into beauty by their luxuriance—and those quiet hundreds hidden away for the sole pleasure of hoarding137. And the English tourist takes it all in, and blazes out into wrath138 against the tyrannous landlord who has reduced an honest citizen to this fearful state of misery; knowing nothing of the craft which is known to all the residents round about, and not willing to believe it were he even told. For the dramatic instinct is strong in human nature, and in these later days there is an ebullient139 surplusage of sympathy which only desires to find an object. Across the Bristol Channel, the English tourist finds these objects ready-made to his hand; and the question is still further embroiled140, and the light of truth still more obscured, that a few impulsive141, credulous142, and non-judicially-minded young people may find something whereon to excite their emotions, and give vent106 to them in letters to the newspapers when excited.
Only the other day a young Irishman who has to do with the land question was mistaken for a brutal but credulous Saxon by the jarvey who had him in tow. Consequently, Pat plied143 his fancied victim with the wildest stories of this man's wrongs and that lone72 widow's sufferings. When he found out his mistake he laughed and said: "Begorra, I thought your honour was an English tourist!" And at a certain trial which took place in Cork144, the judge put by some absurd statement by saying, half-indignant, half amused: "Do you take me for an English tourist?" Nevertheless the race will continue so long as there are excitable young persons of either sex whose capacity for swallowing flies is practically unlimited145, and an hysterical Press to which they can betake themselves.
The following authoritative25 instance of this misplaced sympathy may suffice. The Westminster Review published a certain article on the Olphert estate, among other things. Those who have read it know its sensational146 character. At Cork the other day the priest concerned had to confess on oath that only three of the Olphert tenants had received relief.[D]
In the famous Luggacurren evictions the poor dispossessed dupes lost their all at the bidding of the Campaigners, on the plea of inability to pay rents voluntarily offered by Lord Lansdowne to be reduced 20 per cent. After these evictions the lands were let to the "Land Corporation," which had some short time ago four hundred head of cattle over and above the full rent paid honestly down; but the former holders are living on charity doled148 out to them by the Campaigners, and in huts built for them by the Campaigners on the edge of the rich and kindly land which once gave them home and sustenance149. How bitterly they curse the evil counsels which led to their destruction only they and the few they dare trust know. Take, too, these two authoritative stories. They are of the things one blindly believes and rages against—with what justice the dénouement of the sorry farce150, best shows:—
"The correspondents of the Freeman's Journal, in response to the circular some time ago addressed to them continue to supply fictitious151 and exaggerated statements of events alleged152 to have happened 'in the country,' nearly every day some example is afforded. One of the latest is a pathetic tale of the 'suicide of a tenant.' It represents that Andrew Kelly, of Cloonlaugh, 'one of the three tenants against whom A.W. Sampey, J.P., landlord, obtained ejectments,' became demented from the fear of eviction, and drowned himself in a bog153 hole in consequence. The account is a gross misrepresentation of the facts. Andrew Kelly was not a tenant of Mr. Sampey's, nor had he been for the last five years. His son, it is true, is one of the tenants against whom a decree was obtained, but this did not apparently154 trouble the father much, as he had been living away from his son for a long time, although he had come to see him a few days before he was drowned. There was no suspicion either of foul155 play or suicide, and the coroner's jury returned no such verdict as that given in the Freeman. The veracious156 correspondent of that journal stated that the jury found that 'Andrew Kelly came by his death through drowning on the 22nd October while suffering under temporary insanity157 brought about by fear of eviction.' The following is the verdict which the coroner's jury actually arrived at:—'We find that Andrew Kelly's death was caused by suffocation158; that he was found dead in the townland of Clooncriur, on the 24th day of October, 1889.' This is the way in which sensational news is manufactured for the purpose of promoting an anti-landlord crusade and prejudicing the owners of property in the eyes of the country."
"Speaking at Newmarch, near Barnsley, last month, Mr. Waddy drew a heartrending picture of the tyranny practised in Ireland, and illustrated159 his theme and moved his audience to the execration160 of Mr. Balfour by the artistic161 recital162 of a horrible tale. He declared that a little child had been barbarously sentenced by resident magistrates163 to a month's imprisonment for throwing a stone at a policeman. Some hard-headed or hard-hearted Yorkshireman, however, would not believe Mr. Waddy offhand164, and challenged him to declare names, place, and date. On the 15th of November, Mr. Waddy gave the following particulars in writing. He stated that the magistrates who had imposed the brutal punishment were Mr. Hill and Colonel Bowlby, that the case was tried at Keenagh on the 23rd of April, 1888, that the child's name was Thomas Quin, aged165 nine, and that the charge was throwing stones at the police.
"The clue thus afforded has been followed up. It is grievous that cool and calculating investigation166 should spoil a pretty story, but here is the truth.
"On the 20th of April, before Colonel Stewart and Colonel Bowlby, resident magistrates, Thomas Quin, aged 19 years, was convicted of using intimidation167 towards William Nutley, in consequence of his having done an act which he had a legal right to do—viz., to evict a labourer, Michael Fegan, of Clearis, who refused to work for him. Thomas Quin was sentenced to one month's imprisonment.
"I am quite sure that Mr. Waddy will publicly acknowledge that he played upon the feelings of his hearers with a trumped-up tale of woe, but I wonder whether anything will teach the British political tourist that a great number of my countrymen unfortunately feel a genuine delight in hoaxing168 them.
"Your obedient servant,
"AN IRISH LIBERAL."
As for the assertion of poverty and inability to pay, so invariably made to excuse defaulting tenants, I will give these two instances to the contrary.
"Writing on behalf of Mr. Balfour to Mr. E. Bannister, of Hyde, Cheshire, Mr. George Wyndham, M.P., recounts a somewhat remarkable169 circumstance in connection with the position and circumstances of a tenant on Lord Kenmare's estate who declined to pay his rent on the plea of poverty:—'Irish Office, Nov. 28, 1889. Dear Sir,—In reply to your letter of the 22nd inst., I beg to inform you that I have made careful inquiries170 into the case of Molloy, a tenant on Lord Kenmare's estate. I find that so far from exaggerating the scope of this incident, you somewhat understate the case. The full particulars were as follow:—The estate bailiffs visited the house of Molloy, a tenant who owed ￡30 rent and arrears171. They seized his cows, and then called at his home to ask him if he would redeem them by paying the debt. Molloy stated that he was willing to pay, but that he had only ￡7 altogether. He handed seven notes to the bailiff, who found that one of them was a ￡5 note, so that the amount was ￡11 instead of ￡7. On being pressed to pay the balance he admitted that he had a small deposit of ￡20 in the bank, and produced a document which he said was the deposit receipt for this sum. On the bailiff examining this receipt he found it was for ￡100 and not for ￡20. On being informed of his mistake, Molloy took back the ￡100 receipt and produced another, which turned out to be for ￡40. A further search on his part led to the production of the receipt for ￡20, with which and ￡10 in notes he paid the rent. You will observe that this tenant, refusing to pay ￡30, and obliging his landlord to take steps against him, possessed147 at the time ￡171, besides having stock on his land.—Yours faithfully, GEORGE WYNDHAM.'"
And I have it on the word of honour of one whose word is his bond, that certain defaulting tenants lately confessed to him that they had in their pockets as much as the value of three years' rent for the two they owed, but that they dared not, for their lives, pay it. They would if they dared, but they dared not. The plea of inability to pay the reduced scale of rent is for the most part simple moonshine; and the terrorism imported into this question comes from the Campaigners, not from the landlords, nor yet from the police. If these paid political agitators were silenced, and if the laws already passed were suffered to work by themselves according to their intent, things would speedily settle. But then the agitators would lose their means of subsistence, their social status, and their political importance. As things are these men are ruining the country they affect to defend; while the worst enemies of the peasant are those who call themselves his friends, and the blind-eyed sympathisers who bewail the wrongs he does not suffer and the misery he himself might prevent. All that Ireland wants now is rest from political agitation, the orderly development of its resources;—and especially finality in legislation;[E]—so that the one side may know to what it has to trust, and the other may be freed from those illusive172 dreams and demoralising hopes which destroy the manlier173 efforts after self-help in the present for that universal amelioration to be found in the coming of the cocklicranes in the future.
There is, however, a good work quietly going on which will touch the evil root of things in time, but not in the sense of the Home Rulers and Campaigners. This good work will render it unnecessary to follow the advice of that rough and ready politician who saw no way out of the wood save to "send to Hell for Oliver Cromwell"; also that of the facetious174 Dove who winked175 as he offered his olive branch:—"Shure the best way to pacify176 Oireland is for the Queen to marry Parnell." A more practicable method than either is silently making headway against the elements of disorder177; and in spite of the upsetters and their opposition178 the rough things will be made smooth, and, the troubled waters will run clear, if only the Government of order may be allowed time to do its beneficent work of repression179 and re-establishment thoroughly180 and to the roots.
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1
manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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2
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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3
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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4
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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5
Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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6
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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9
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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10
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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12
evict
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| vt.驱逐，赶出，撵走 | |
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13
eviction
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| n.租地等的收回 | |
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14
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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15
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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16
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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17
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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18
amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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19
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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20
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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21
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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22
taper
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| n.小蜡烛，尖细，渐弱；adj.尖细的；v.逐渐变小 | |
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23
penitent
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| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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24
authoritatively
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| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
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25
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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26
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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27
blurred
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| v.（使）变模糊( blur的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）难以区分；模模糊糊；迷离 | |
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28
scorpions
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| n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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29
pendulum
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| n.摆，钟摆 | |
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30
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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31
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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32
chafing
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| n.皮肤发炎v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的现在分词 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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33
lamenting
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| adj.悲伤的，悲哀的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
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34
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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35
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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36
limbo
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| n.地狱的边缘；监狱 | |
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37
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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38
incubus
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| n.负担；恶梦 | |
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39
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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40
agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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41
evicted
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| v.（依法从房屋里或土地上）驱逐，赶出( evict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
arrear
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| n.欠款 | |
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43
interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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44
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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45
reclamation
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| n.开垦；改造；（废料等的）回收 | |
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46
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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47
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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48
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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49
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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50
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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51
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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52
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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53
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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54
bidder
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| n.(拍卖时的)出价人，报价人，投标人 | |
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55
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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56
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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57
annuity
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| n.年金；养老金 | |
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58
holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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59
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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60
judicially
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| 依法判决地，公平地 | |
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61
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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62
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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63
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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64
hysterical
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| adj.情绪异常激动的，歇斯底里般的 | |
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65
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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66
ramping
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| 土堤斜坡( ramp的现在分词 )； 斜道； 斜路； （装车或上下飞机的）活动梯 | |
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67
screech
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| n./v.尖叫；(发出)刺耳的声音 | |
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68
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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69
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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70
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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71
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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72
lone
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| adj.孤寂的，单独的；唯一的 | |
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73
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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74
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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75
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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76
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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77
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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78
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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79
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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80
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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81
sieve
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| n.筛，滤器，漏勺 | |
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82
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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83
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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84
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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85
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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86
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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87
hurls
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的第三人称单数 )；大声叫骂 | |
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88
blighted
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| adj.枯萎的，摧毁的 | |
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89
coerced
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| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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90
chestnuts
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| n.栗子( chestnut的名词复数 )；栗色；栗树；栗色马 | |
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91
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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92
amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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94
degenerating
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的现在分词 ) | |
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95
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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96
anvil
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| n.铁钻 | |
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97
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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100
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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101
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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102
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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103
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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104
debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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105
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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106
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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107
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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108
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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109
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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110
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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111
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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113
boycotted
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| 抵制，拒绝参加( boycott的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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115
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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116
hysterically
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| ad. 歇斯底里地 | |
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117
panacea
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| n.万灵药；治百病的灵药 | |
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118
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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119
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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120
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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121
encompasses
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| v.围绕( encompass的第三人称单数 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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122
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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123
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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125
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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126
demesne
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| n.领域，私有土地 | |
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127
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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128
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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129
severance
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| n.离职金；切断 | |
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130
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reticent
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| adj.沉默寡言的；言不如意的 | |
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132
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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133
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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134
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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135
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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136
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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137
hoarding
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| n.贮藏；积蓄；临时围墙；囤积v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的现在分词 ) | |
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138
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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139
ebullient
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| adj.兴高采烈的，奔放的 | |
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140
embroiled
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| adj.卷入的；纠缠不清的 | |
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141
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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142
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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143
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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144
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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145
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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148
doled
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| 救济物( dole的过去式和过去分词 )； 失业救济金 | |
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149
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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150
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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151
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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152
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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153
bog
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| n.沼泽；室...陷入泥淖 | |
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154
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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156
veracious
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| adj.诚实可靠的 | |
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157
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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158
suffocation
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| n.窒息 | |
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159
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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160
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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161
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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162
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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163
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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164
offhand
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| adj.临时，无准备的；随便，马虎的 | |
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165
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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166
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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167
intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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168
hoaxing
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| v.开玩笑骗某人，戏弄某人( hoax的现在分词 ) | |
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169
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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170
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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171
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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172
illusive
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| adj.迷惑人的，错觉的 | |
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173
manlier
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| manly（有男子气概的）的比较级形式 | |
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174
facetious
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| adj.轻浮的，好开玩笑的 | |
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175
winked
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| v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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176
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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177
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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178
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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179
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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180
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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