We know but little about his early life. Though he did not attend any of the celebrated4 schools or universities of England, his education seems to have been carefully conducted by private tutors.[9] As with many other students of his day, the Bible was his principal text-book. He could read it in the original: he was a master of both Greek and Hebrew. And he brought to the reading a vigorous intellect and a more original and independent judgment5 than is commonly applied6 to theological studies.
23Samuell Gorton probably dwelt in the vicinity of his birthplace until he was about twenty-five years of age.[10] Here he made the acquaintance of a Separatist Elder, afterwards connected with the church in Holland, whence came the Mayflower Pilgrims. His mind readily assimilated the spirit of the Puritan revolt against the degenerate7 formalism of the times; yet his Puritanism was without taint8 of dogmatic narrowness. He always retained an affection for the church of his fathers. “I drew my tenets,” he says, “from the breasts of my mother, the Church of England.”[11]
In his early manhood he left Gorton and went to seek his fortune in the great 24English metropolis9. In London he engaged in business, and built for himself a home. In a certain conveyance10 signed during his residence there, he is described as “Samuell Gorton, clothier,” and also as “Professor of the misteries of Christ.” Religion and daily occupation were never divorced in his consciousness. He would not make a trade of the former, nor could he conduct the latter on a plane inconsistent with those moral and religious principles which dominated his life. His business as a “clothier,” in the phraseology of the day, was that of a branch of manufacturing—the finishing of cloths after weaving. It is doubtful whether he met with great pecuniary11 rewards in his chosen industry. His enemies afterwards said that he left London in debt, to avoid imprisonment12 threatened by his 25creditors. Of this there is no valid13 evidence; we may dismiss it on the authority of his explicit14 denial.[12] “I left my native country,” he said, “to enjoy libertie of conscience in respect to faith towards God, and for no other end.”
Samuell Gorton arrived in Boston in March, 1636-7.[13] A few months before, Roger Williams had been banished15 from Massachusetts Bay. The Colonial authorities were now agitated16 by the heresies17 of Anne Hutchinson and John Wheelwright.[14] They, in turn, were shortly compelled to seek other dwelling18 places to secure opportunity for free expression of opinion. Evidently, 26the liberty of conscience which Gorton sought was not to be safely exercised in Boston. He turned his steps toward Plymouth, the home of the Separatist Pilgrims, hoping there to find the goal of his desires. In Plymouth he hired for four years a part of the house of Ralph Smith, formerly19 the minister of the Plymouth church, of whom Roger Williams for a brief time had been the colleague. Here Gorton first met the founder20 of Rhode Island, while on a visit to his former home. Gorton dwelt quietly in Plymouth[15] for a time, with his family; his wife, Mary,[16] whom he 27married in London, of whom he says: “She had been as tenderly brought up as any man’s wife then in town,” his eldest21 son Samuell, a boy of six years when 28he left England, his daughter Mary, and one or two other children; and one Mrs. Aldredge, a worthy22 woman, a widow, and a servant of Mrs. Gorton’s.
It was the latter member of his household who got him into trouble with the Plymouth authorities. She committed the unpardonable sin of smiling in meeting, on what provocation23 we know not.[17] Samuell Gorton defended her before the magistrates24, and advised her not to appear in person to answer to their charges, which were based upon no express allegations of the violation25 of law. He vigorously denounced their action as in opposition26 to those English precedents27 which the customs of many generations had established for the legal 29protection of persons unjustly accused of violations28 of the public peace. For his alleged29 contumacy and mutinous30 behavior he was fined, held under bonds to keep the peace, and sentenced to banishment31 from the Colony within fourteen days.[18]
From Plymouth, he made his way to Pocasset, the new settlement which the followers32 of Anne Hutchinson had begun on the island of Aquidneck, in Narragansett Bay, where he arrived, probably, some time in December, 1638. The weather was cold and the journey perilous33. His wife, in delicate health, had an infant at the breast, sick with measles34, which “struck in” under the exposure, nearly causing its death. At Pocasset Gorton’s name appears as one 30of four out of fifty-nine freeholders to which the title of “Mr.” is prefixed, then an indication of social position and gentle birth.[19] The government of Pocasset was at first theocratic35, a judge and five elders constituting its magistrates, who were bound to execute justice “according to the laws of God.” A majority of the community desired a more democratic form of government; and Coddington, the judge (afterwards Governor of the united Colony), with the elders, and a few other free-holders, emigrated to the southern end of the island, where they founded the town of Newport.[20] The remaining free-holders, 31including Samuell Gorton, thus forsaken36 by their magistrates, instituted a new town government, and changed the name of the settlement to Portsmouth. This occurred in the spring of 1639. A year later,[21] the two settlements were united under one government for the transaction of affairs of common interest, and the influence of Coddington and the Newport magistrates became potent37 throughout the island. Gorton and his friends regarded this coalition38 as irregular and illegally constituted. It seems never to have been sanctioned by a majority of the free-holders. He appears to have declined to admit allegiance to it, and to have permitted his citizenship39 to lapse40, though still retaining his residence.
It was not long before he became 32involved with the Portsmouth authorities in a controversy41 concerning an alleged assault of his servant on a woman who had trespassed42 on his land in pursuit of a cow which was also a trespasser43. Gorton again defended his servant, and denied the legal constitution and jurisdiction44 of the court. “They did not have the choice of the people,” he says, “but set up for themselves. I know not any more that was present in their creation but the clergieman who blessed them in their inauguration45.” His language was doubtless vigorous and not wholly parliamentary.[22] His keen sense of justice was outraged46 by the proceeding47, and his sympathetic nature led him to severe retorts upon a witness who, in 33his opinion, swore falsely, and the magistrates who were biased48 in favor of the prosecution49. For his alleged mutinous behavior he was imprisoned50 and again sentenced to banishment. His enemies say that he was also whipped,[23] but the Portsmouth records, which are explicit in reciting the charges and the other penalties, make no mention of this infliction51. There is evidence, also, that he had many friends and sympathizers in the settlement. One of these, John Wickes, for refusing to testify and denying the legality and jurisdiction of the court, was placed in the stocks, and with four others was banished and disfranchised.[24]
34The little circle of congenial and independent souls was growing under persecution52. From Portsmouth they pressed on to Providence53, and though apparently54 seeking to avoid rather than to encourage controversy, they soon became involved in disputes which had already divided that settlement into two parties.[25] I shall not enter into the merits of this controversy, which involved civil and not religious questions. As in Portsmouth, Gorton denied the legality of the self-constituted town government, and held that justice could not be maintained until the law was administered 35under authority delegated by the Mother Country. He was as anxious as any for liberty, but he would have liberty protected by law. As an Englishman, dwelling in a community of Englishmen, he claimed the protection of those principles of law and equity55, which, since Magna Charta, had been thrown around all British citizens. For a time his vigorous maintenance of this doctrine56 brought him in conflict even with Roger Williams, who, Winthrop says, accused Gorton of “bewitching and bemadding poor Providence” with his new and radical57 opinions.[26]
Gorton and his friends purchased land and commenced a settlement at Popaquinepaug, or Pawtuxet, within the jurisdiction of Providence; but certain 36of his enemies who owned adjoining property determined58 to prevent his peaceful occupancy. William Arnold and a few others, to insure his expulsion, gave in their allegiance to Massachusetts, and called on the government of that Colony to remove the intruders. This, however, is by no means to be regarded as an official action of the town of Providence, or as in accordance with the desires of a majority of her citizens. It is probable, in fact, that a majority were sympathizers with Gorton.[27] Nevertheless, not from mere59 pusillanimity60, but out of a desire for peace, and a disinclination to embroil61 Providence with her more powerful neighbor, the Gortonists moved on, beyond the 37jurisdiction either of Providence Plantations62 or of Massachusetts. Gorton purchased of Miantonomi, head sachem of the Narragansetts, and of Pomham and Soccononocco, under-sachems claiming local jurisdiction, a tract63 of land south of Pawtuxet and west of Narragansett Bay, then known by the Indian name of Shawomet.
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1
briefly
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adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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bustling
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adj.喧闹的 | |
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entirely
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ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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4
celebrated
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adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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judgment
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n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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6
applied
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adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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degenerate
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v.退步,堕落;adj.退步的,堕落的;n.堕落者 | |
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8
taint
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n.污点;感染;腐坏;v.使感染;污染 | |
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9
metropolis
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n.首府;大城市 | |
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10
conveyance
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n.(不动产等的)转让,让与;转让证书;传送;运送;表达;(正)运输工具 | |
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11
pecuniary
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adj.金钱的;金钱上的 | |
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12
imprisonment
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n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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13
valid
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adj.有确实根据的;有效的;正当的,合法的 | |
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14
explicit
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adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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15
banished
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v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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16
agitated
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adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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17
heresies
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n.异端邪说,异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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18
dwelling
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n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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19
formerly
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adv.从前,以前 | |
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20
Founder
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n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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21
eldest
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adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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22
worthy
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adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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23
provocation
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n.激怒,刺激,挑拨,挑衅的事物,激怒的原因 | |
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24
magistrates
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地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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25
violation
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n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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26
opposition
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n.反对,敌对 | |
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27
precedents
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引用单元; 范例( precedent的名词复数 ); 先前出现的事例; 前例; 先例 | |
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28
violations
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违反( violation的名词复数 ); 冒犯; 违反(行为、事例); 强奸 | |
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29
alleged
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a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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30
mutinous
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adj.叛变的,反抗的;adv.反抗地,叛变地;n.反抗,叛变 | |
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31
banishment
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n.放逐,驱逐 | |
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32
followers
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追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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33
perilous
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adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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34
measles
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n.麻疹,风疹,包虫病,痧子 | |
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35
theocratic
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adj.神权的,神权政治的 | |
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36
Forsaken
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adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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37
potent
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adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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38
coalition
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n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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39
citizenship
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n.市民权,公民权,国民的义务(身份) | |
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40
lapse
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n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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41
controversy
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n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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42
trespassed
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(trespass的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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43
trespasser
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n.侵犯者;违反者 | |
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44
jurisdiction
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n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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45
inauguration
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n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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46
outraged
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a.震惊的,义愤填膺的 | |
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47
proceeding
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n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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48
biased
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a.有偏见的 | |
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49
prosecution
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n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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50
imprisoned
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下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
infliction
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n.(强加于人身的)痛苦,刑罚 | |
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52
persecution
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n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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53
providence
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n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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54
apparently
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adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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55
equity
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n.公正,公平,(无固定利息的)股票 | |
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56
doctrine
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n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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57
radical
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n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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58
determined
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adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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59
mere
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adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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60
pusillanimity
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n.无气力,胆怯 | |
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61
embroil
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vt.拖累;牵连;使复杂 | |
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62
plantations
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n.种植园,大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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63
tract
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n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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