“Holy Scripture1 containeth all things necessary to salvation2: so that whatsoever3 is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby4, is not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as an article of the faith, or be thought requisite5 or necessary to salvation.”—Sixth Article of Religion.
“As we deny not those things that are written, so we refuse those that are not written.”—Jerome. [1]
“The Spirit of God, therefore, is the only infallible judge here; and has declared as plainly as any successive judges can, in those things that are necessary to life and salvation, what is to be believed and to be done; which if we believe and practise in particular, and do also in general, and implicitly6 believe and stand in a readiness to obey the rest of the Scripture, when the sense thereof appears to us, we are in a safe condition, and need not doubt but it will go well with us in the other state.”—Works of Henry More, pp. 453, 454.
Every reflecting Christian7, as soon almost as he is capable of reflection, must have continual occasion to observe with sorrow and anxiety the multiplied varieties of opinion that divide the Church of Christ, on every point or article of Christian faith; the confidence with which every sect8 lays claim exclusively to the possession of saving knowledge, and the unqualified severity with which each party reprobates9 the other, as being implicated10 in unpardonable heresy11. On hearing (and who can escape hearing?) the fulmination of these mutual12 anathemas13, we not only grieve for the state of dreadful peril14 in which, if we admit such principles, a large proportion of our neighbours, friends, and fellow Christians15 must be involved: but we grieve likewise on p. 2our own account. We are visited with doubts, misgivings16, and apprehensions17, lest we ourselves, through ignorance or prejudice, should have adopted unawares into our creed19 some article containing deadly error; or should have omitted something indispensable to salvation.
In this state of intellectual and spiritual perplexity, if we want the Christian industry and moral courage to work out for ourselves, by the help of God, this greatest of all problems, we are in a state of passive readiness to receive counsel from the first adviser21. Among the multitude of counsellors who present themselves, none is more importunately22 obtrusive23, or more dictatorially24 confident than the Romanist; and I propose, for the subject of this essay, to examine successively the remedies and expedients27 he suggests for calming our disquietude, and restoring our religious peace.
He informs us that our state of mind is the necessary consequence of adhering to a Protestant communion; and that we never can obtain repose28 and satisfaction until we enter the Catholic Church—until, with the other wandering sheep dispersed29 over the forbidden pastures of the earth, we return with humble30 penitence31 to the fold which we have left; until, in short, we renounce32 all dependence33 on the conclusions of uncertain reason, and establish our Faith for ever upon the dictates34 of infallibility. “That there must,” he adds, “be some where upon earth an infallible living judge, an arbiter35 of religious controversy36 incapable37 of error, an authority from whose decision on points of faith there can be no appeal, is a plain and obvious principle, which, on proper reflection, you will find impossible to be rejected. Not to insist on arguments from Scripture, although sufficiently38 conclusive39, and capable in themselves of proving that such an arbiter has been appointed, there are independent considerations in favour of infallibility which ought to satisfy every reasonable mind: for the wise Creator of man would never grant a revelation to his creatures, and then leave them to the direction of their own erring40 judgment41 in ascertaining43 the truths revealed. The benevolent44 Creator of man must know that man is fallible; that he needs indispensably a conductor; and that without some infallible conductor the benefits of revelation would p. 3be doubtful and precarious45. But if infallibility exist at all in the Church, it must exist in the Papal communion, which alone makes the least pretension46 to the privilege. Therefore, only reconcile yourself to our infallibly directed Church, and you will no longer find occasion for uneasiness. You will be guided safely through all the mazes47 of theological disputation. Instead of being ‘tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine48’ [3a] on a shoreless ocean of uncertainty49 and error, you will repose with comfort and unruffled calm in the quiet haven50 of infallibility.”
On the promulgation51 of these assurances our disquietude would at once be tranquillized, if we could but persuade ourselves that the promise of infallible direction, would be as certainly fulfilled, as it is confidently made. But here lies the difficulty. The assertions of our Romish counsellor are bold, but the principle from which he argues is fallacious. The assumed principle, that the human mind is capable of prejudging what conduct the Creator must pursue towards his creatures, or of pre-determining what benefits he must bestow52, is incompatible53 with our nature, and irreconcilable54 with experience. [3b] We may perhaps admit, that if infallibility be found at all in the Church, it must be found in that branch which alone pretends to the privilege: but are we warranted to conclude that God must have granted this extraordinary privilege, merely because we think it likely, or proper, or desirable, that He should grant it? Can we safely infer, in any case, that God must have done what we think it right that He should do; and make this inference independently of all proof, that He has actually done so? Is it not dictatorial25, and hazardous56 in the last degree, to determine by abstract reasonings, what line of conduct it would be proper for an all-perfect, and all-wise Being to adopt, till evidence appear p. 4that He has really adopted it? We may indeed rest assured, in general, that God will do nothing arbitrary or irrational57; but how often and how fatally should we be misled, did we venture to predict that a certain course of Divine action is alone rational, benevolent, and just—and, therefore, must have been the course actually followed by the Almighty58! If we admit this mode of reasoning, and hazard speculations59 of this kind, we should certainly think it reasonable, that if God created sensitive beings, He would make infallible provision against every error or mistake, which might render them liable to fall from a state of holiness into a state of guilt61 and misery62. We should think it further reasonable for Him to cause those most essential truths of religion, his own existence and perfections, to rest on evidence infallible and demonstrative; so as to preclude63 all doubt or hesitation64 in the most sceptical inquirer. Or, (to suppose another case,) in disputed questions of political importance among nations, since war and bloodshed cannot otherwise be prevented, we should think it reasonable for Him to appoint some great judge of international law, by whom all differences might infallibly be determined65, and the blessings66 of tranquillity67 and peace secured to all the kingdoms of the earth.
But God has not fulfilled these expectations, though to all appearance highly reasonable. He has left both men and angels to the freedom of their own wills; and has created them not only capable of abusing that gift of freedom, but of involving themselves in sin and wickedness, and in everlasting68 ruin. He has afforded no infallible, no demonstrative evidence of his own existence and perfections; but has left mankind to ascertain42 these fundamental truths from principles of abstract reason, and by reflections on the works of nature and of Providence69. He permits contending nations to decide their quarrels by an appeal to arms: and notwithstanding all the mischiefs70 consequent upon war, has not thought fit to make that effectual provision against this widely desolating71 source of evil, which our human wisdom, if appealed to, would probably have suggested; namely, the appointment of an unerring and authoritative72 arbiter. We are, therefore, not entitled to argue that God in his kingdom of grace must p. 5unquestionably have pursued a course, which, in his kingdom of Providence, He has not pursued; nor to maintain that to silence all religious controversies73, He must indispensably have had recourse to an expedient26 which, in political disputes, He has neglected. We are not entitled to infer, that He must necessarily have determined, by the authority of an infallible judge, the less essential truths of religion; when He has left the fundamental truths of all, to be determined by our own erring reason. We are not entitled to infer, that the Creator of men must have made infallible provision against their falling into heresy or “believing a lie,” and thus frustrating74 the means for their restoration to a state of holiness and happiness; when He made no provision of that kind against their fall. [5]
But granting to our Romanist adviser that his representations were as sound as they are fallacious; still they could only lead us to a probable, and never to an infallible conclusion. The strength of the building must be proportionate to the solidity of its foundation. If our faith in the supposed infallible arbiter is to be founded on the validity p. 6and force of the arguments and conjectures76 which have been stated; our faith in the decisions of that arbiter cannot be greater than our faith in the arguments and conjectures which support his infallibility. Since these proofs, at the very utmost, are any thing but demonstrations77, and are only probabilities, we cannot under any circumstances have more than probability to guide us: and we therefore end as we began, and our disquietude even on our admission of an unerring judge, remains79 exactly as before. Our Romish advocate, however, is not discomfited80. He proceeds to affirm that the pretensions81 of his Church are supported by analogy. He reminds us that the Church of God, under the Jewish dispensation, was directed by an infallible human authority; and that the same high privilege, being equally wanted, might be equally expected in the Christian ?conomy. He quotes for this purpose those magnificent assurances of God’s peculiar82 favour and protection, to be found throughout the books of Moses and of the prophets; and relies especially on the remarkable83 rule established by the legislator of Israel to this effect: “If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment, thou shalt come unto the Priests, the Levites, and unto the Judge that shall be in those days, and inquire, and they shall show thee the sentence of judgment. And the man that will do presumptuously85, and will not hearken unto the Priest, or unto the Judge, even that man shall die.” [6]
To this argument from analogy we may reply, that the alleged86 fact on which the analogy depends, is unfounded. The Jewish Church was not infallible. The evidence adduced to prove it so is totally inadequate87; and unanswerable evidence may be brought forward to prove it otherwise. With respect to the text in question, it has not the remotest connexion with matters of faith: it relates entirely88 to matters of civil government. The introductory words of the passage, if quoted fairly, and at full length, must satisfy every reader, that they apply only to secular89 litigation: that what is here enjoined90 by the Mosaic91 law is submission92 to the legal magistrate93, not assent94 to any article of Faith: that the contumacy here forbidden under p. 7penalty of death, was not heresy but rebellion; not obstinate95 error, but obstinate disobedience. “If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment, between blood and blood, between plea and plea, and between stroke and stroke, &c.” [7a]—an evident reference this to civil litigation.
Besides, however encouraging the language of the Jewish Scripture respecting God’s “everlasting kindness” to his “chosen people,” we know on the authority of their own historians, that they went continually wrong. Even in the days of undoubted divine interposition we read that “the people corrupted97 themselves, and turned aside quickly out of the way which God commanded them.” [7b] “Aaron” (their supposed infallible guide) “made a golden calf98, and they said, These be thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt:” again, we are informed concerning Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, that “he took counsel, and made two calves99 of gold, and said unto them, It is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem, behold100 thy gods, O Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt.” [7c] Further, it is recorded of Elijah, that he complained of the Church of Israel, as if it had entirely apostatized and disappeared from the earth. He exclaims in his address to God, “The children of Israel have forsaken101 thy covenant102, thrown down thine altars, and slain103 thy prophets with the sword; and I, even I only am left.” We read of Ahab that he gathered his prophets together, about four hundred men, and that there was only one individual, Micaiah, “a prophet of the Lord.” [7d] Jeremiah laments104 over his corrupt96 times, exclaiming, “A wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the land: the Prophets prophesy105 falsely, and the Priests bear rule through their means; and my people love to have it so.” [7e] Isaiah complains of the Jewish priesthood in his time, under the figurative name of “watchmen,” that they were “blind,” that they were all “ignorant shepherds that could not understand.” [7f] But finally, to omit many less remarkable instances of error and apostasy106, our blessed Saviour107 Himself was condemned108 by the Jewish Church and crucified. Since therefore the Jewish Church was not infallible, the p. 8argument from analogy, whatever value our Romish friend may attach to it, is all distinctly on our side. If previous to the Christian ?ra no unerring director was appointed, none may be appointed now.
The next resource of our ingenious disputant is to affirm, that unless the Church possessed109 infallibility we could have no certain nor infallible belief of the Scriptures110, for which his Church is our authority. To this sophism111 we can easily reply, by corresponding cases. The copyists and librarians who have preserved to us the Greek and Latin classics are not, on that account, infallible expositors of classical antiquity112. Supposing, therefore, that we are exclusively indebted to Romanism for transmitting to us the sacred oracles113, it does not follow that Romanists interpret them infallibly. It happens also, (unfortunately for Romanist pretensions,) that we are not indebted to any local tradition, such as that of the Church of Rome, for the preservation115 of the canonical116 books of Scripture; but to the universal tradition of Christendom. Perhaps we are more under obligation to the Greek than to the Latin Church; both because the writings of the New Testament117 were originally in Greek, and because the chief authorities to prove their genuineness and authenticity118, as well as the earliest enumerations of them are not Romish, but oriental productions. [8]
It thus appears that infallibility is not demonstrable by abstract reasonings and analogies, but must be proved, if it be proved at all, by direct evidence. To evidence of this latter description we readily give attention, and request our Romanist to inform us what he has to offer in the shape of an explicit119 promise from God to support the claims of the Romish Church. At the same time we give him warning, that before he can satisfy our minds, he must lay before us full and categorical information on the following particulars: namely,
1. By what organ the infallible oracles of Rome are delivered.
2. By what evidence the claim to infallibility, as existing in that organ, is established; and
p. 93. On what security we can rely, that our own fallible reason will not mistake nor misconceive the doctrine propounded120 for our belief.
Our desire of satisfaction on these points is not expressed in any captious121 spirit, but is suggested by the necessity of the case. For if we cannot infallibly discover in what person or persons infallibility resides; if the Romanist cannot prove to us by infallible arguments, that infallibility belongs to the person or persons for whom he claims it; and if further, we cannot obtain from our instructor122 in Romanism some infallible security that we shall understand the doctrines123 proposed to us: it plainly follows that the infallibility he so pertinaciously125 insists upon, must be to us a matter of indifference126, attended with no one practical result. Our doubts and perplexities will continue unresolved, and we shall be compelled to seek some other guide to the peace and certainty we so anxiously desiderate.
But unhappily in all these respects the promises of our Romish advocate, the more they are examined, appear the more unstable127 and unsafe. For first of all, when we inquire by what organ the infallible oracles are promulgated128; he is obliged to acknowledge, that this important point has been for ages a subject of much dispute, and a question very far from being yet infallibly determined. Various are the conflicting authorities, the whole of which it would be needless, or perhaps impossible to enumerate129. [9] Some learned Romanists are of opinion that infallibility p. 10is lodged131 in the Roman Pontiff, as successor to St. Peter: others of equal learning are inclined to place it in a general Council: a third party, not conceiving that a Pope or Council singly is infallible, ascribe infallibility to both in conjunction: and fourthly, there are not wanting numerous and learned authorities who insist that even the decrees of a general Council, ratified132 by the Pope, are not to be accounted infallible, until they have been received by the Church Universal.
This explanation is very far from satisfactory: for we thus perceive, (according to the avowal133 of Romanists themselves,) our liability to continual mistakes and misapprehensions respecting the real quarter where infallible direction can be found. If we take a Pope or Council singly for our guide, we have no security for avoiding deadly heresy; for a Pope or Council singly may be heretical. On the other hand, if we study to avoid this danger by attaching our faith exclusively to a Pope and Council in conjunction, (that is, to the decree of a general Council ratified by Papal sanction,) we fall into another danger, and may reject or omit some necessary doctrine, to which a Pope or Council singly has affixed134 the seal of infallibility.
This admitted uncertainty as to the quarter of the earth towards which we are to look for infallible guidance, is a ground of fair presumption136, perhaps even of demonstration78, that infallibility is in no quarter to be found. For the very object of infallibility is the removal of all doubt; but doubt can never be removed while the question, who is the remover of it, remains unfixed, and impossible to be decided137. To receive assurances the most positive and solemn, that all our doubts shall be resolved; and yet to be told that the authority for resolving them is doubtful, is to use a cruel mode of trifling138 with our simplicity139. For it has been long and painfully remarked, as the reproach of Romanists, that, on their principles, the greatest controversy among Christians is, how to fix the organ by which, or by whom, controversies shall be unerringly determined. [10]
p. 11Finding ourselves disappointed that this great question, in what place the infallible oracle114 resides, remains still in agitation141, we next entreat142 our Papal adviser to explain the grounds on which the several parties he has mentioned claim the lofty privilege ascribed to them. And since a living judge, sitting constantly in one spot, and therefore always ready to be consulted, is incomparably more desirable as the organ of unerring truth, than an assembly of divines, whom it is often difficult to call together; we are all attention, waiting eagerly to hear in the first place the claims of the Roman Pontiff, and to receive, if possible, such clear and convincing arguments for Pontifical143 infallibility, that henceforward we shall be able to rely upon it with infallible assurance.
In compliance144 with this request, our Papal guide adduces what he considers evidence from Scripture, and rests the Papal cause upon the following declarations of our Lord. First, “Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church;” secondly145, “I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of Heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind146 on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven;” thirdly, “I have prayed that thy faith fail not;” and lastly, “Feed my sheep.” [11]
When we learn that these quotations148 are brought forward as sufficient grounds for establishing an infallible assurance of Papal infallibility, our first impression is of surprise: and our surprise increases into amazement149, the more we try to follow our guide, and to rest an infallible assurance upon reasons so uncertain and precarious. There is throughout the texts quoted, no mention of the Roman Pontiff whatever, nor any distinct allusion150 to the subject of infallibility. It therefore seems extremely difficult to comprehend how any reasoning man should thence infer that the Pontiff is infallible. But here we are next given to understand that his Holiness, as successor to St. Peter, inherits all the privileges of St. Peter; and that what our Saviour promised to that Apostle was not promised to him personally, but to his successors in all ages. Yet, on examining p. 12the authorities again, we find no warrant for the conclusion asserted. There is nothing to assure us infallibly, nothing which would even lead us to suspect that our Lord looked further than to the Apostle himself, or conferred upon him any privilege not shared in common with his brethren. Our Saviour’s prayer that the faith of Peter might not fail, and his subsequent restoration of him to the Apostolic office by the thrice repeated charge of “Feed my sheep,” have obvious reference to the character and conduct of that disciple—at one time an apostate152, afterwards an accepted penitent153. They can relate to no other person, and to no other circumstances. And “it is absurd,” as Bishop154 Stillingfleet observes, “to infer an impossibility in the Pope of falling, from a promise to St. Peter of recovery” and restoration. [12a] Again, the promise, “whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven,” [12b] conveys no peculiar advantage or pre-eminence155 to St. Peter; for the very same power is conveyed afterwards by our Lord Himself to the whole number of the Apostles. “Receive ye the Holy Ghost: whose soever sins ye remit156, they are remitted157 unto them; and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained.” [12c] In respect to the privilege with which that promise is introduced, “I give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven,” if these words really have any meaning distinct from the power already mentioned of binding158 and loosing, they refer prophetically to St. Peter, as the person by whose instrumentality the gates of the Church would be opened to mankind. And accordingly with one key the Apostle, on the day of Pentecost, opened the gate of the Church to the believing Jews and proselytes, when by the sermon which he preached at Jerusalem he converted about three thousand souls; and with the other key he afterwards opened the gate of p. 13the Church to Cornelius and his friends, who were the first Gentile converts. [13a]
The declaration, “Thou art Peter, and upon this rock [13b] I will build my church,” is a text of very ambiguous meaning, and cannot therefore be the ground of infallible assurance. We have no means of clearly ascertaining whether our Lord refers to the person of St. Peter as a foundation for the Church, or to the confession159 of St. Peter made in the preceding verse. “Thou art the Christ the Son of the living God.” A large proportion of the fathers, including Hilary, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact, and Augustin, [13c] understood our Saviour’s declaration as referring solely160 to the confession of Faith made so distinctly and so zealously162 by the Apostle. The text itself seems evidently to require the interpretation163. To speak strictly164, Christ Himself is the sole foundation of the Christian Church; and an Apostle could only be so in a secondary sense. In this secondary sense, however, the Church is not founded upon St. Peter only in particular, but on the Apostolic college in general; as St. Paul more than once affirmed. “Ye are built,” he says to the Ephesians, “upon the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone.” [13d] “Other foundation,” he says to the Corinthians, “can no man lay.” [13e] And again, addressing the Church of Corinth, (when the same inspired writer reckons up the different gradations of Christian ministers,) he does not mention St. Peter first, as nearer the foundation than any other member of the Apostolic college; but speaks of the whole body in the following general terms; “God hath set some in his Church, first Apostles, secondarily prophets, thirdly teachers.” [13f] The Revelations of St. John describe in like manner the wall of the holy city, as having p. 14“twelve foundations, and in them the names of the twelve Apostles of the Lamb.” [14a]
There is not a vestige165 therefore of scriptural evidence, much less an infallible demonstration, that the successors of St. Peter, whoever they may be, are possessed of infallibility. And supposing his successors to be infallible, there is not the slightest scriptural ground for believing that his successors are the Bishops166 of Rome. On this point, so vitally essential to the Papal cause, the sacred writings are wholly silent. They indeed inform us that this Apostle preached at Jerusalem, at C?sarea, at Joppa, and at Antioch, but they no where even intimate that he ever was at Rome: still less therefore can we expect them to affirm that he was local Bishop of that See; and least of all, that the Roman Bishops (in preference to the Bishops in other churches of which he was the founder,) were heirs of his peculiar privileges; and along with other Apostolic privileges, inherited infallibility, while they lost the gifts of miracles and of tongues. [14b]
The absence of proofs from Scripture in favour of the Papal claims, is by no means compensated167 by a plenitude of evidence from antiquity. In ancient times the pretension to infallibility, instead of being universally acknowledged, was not even alleged. It was never so much as mentioned. Churches and Fathers, in the primitive168 age, on occasions of their dissenting169 from the Roman Pontiff, so far from yielding reverently170 and implicitly to his opinions, openly contested them like those of any other bishop, metropolitan171, or patriarch. Nay172, they even sometimes excommunicated their infallible superior. [14c] The p. 15Roman Pontiff, on the other hand, so far from crushing opposition173 by the verdict of infallibility, endeavoured always to support his doctrine by the authority of Scripture, of reason, or of antiquity. When appeals were made to him by disputants in a later age, it was never stated or imagined to be their ground of selecting him as their arbiter, that his decision would be infallible; but only that he merited such a tribute of respect, either in consideration of his private character, as a wise, just, and holy individual, or by virtue174 of his official rank as bishop of the imperial city. [15a]
When Byzantium was raised to the same imperial eminence, by the name of Constantinople, or New Rome, the Byzantine Patriarch was declared by the second general council held A.D. 381, to be of equal dignity with his Roman brother. Precedence only, or nominal175 priority, was reserved to the episcopate of the more ancient capital. This reservation was confirmed A.D. 451, by the fourth general council held at Chalcedon; in the decrees of which the reason given for this nominal priority of Old over New Rome is merely political, and has nothing to do with spiritual concerns. “The Fathers,” say the members of this later council (referring to their predecessors176), “have justly assigned the eldership to the seat of elder Rome—on account of the kingly or imperial authority of that city (δι? τ? βασιλε?ειν τ?ν π?λιν ?κε?νην), and they have assigned equal privileges (τ? ?σα πρ?σβεια) to New Rome, rationally judging that the city which was honoured by the imperial power and by the residence of the Senate, and which enjoyed equal privileges with Royal Rome, its elder sister, should, like her, be exalted177 in ecclesiastical rank.” (π?λιν κα? τ?ν ?σων ?πολα?ουσαν πρεσβε?ων τ? πρεσβυτ?ρα βασιλ?δι ??μη?.) [15b]
p. 16That the Roman Bishops were never allowed to arrogate179 infallibility by the ancient Church is further evident from the fact, that they were not allowed even to claim supreme180 jurisdiction181. The Patriarch of Rome had no ecclesiastical authority beyond certain provinces and churches termed suburbicary (ecclesi? suburbicari?), including, at the most, certain districts of Italy, together with the adjacent islands. [16a] The other four Patriarchs (of Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem,) were entirely independent of their Roman colleague, and of each other. When John, Patriarch of Constantinople, towards the close of the sixth century, put forth182 a claim to supreme and universal rule in the Church, encouraged in this insolent183 pretension by the residence of the emperor within the limits of his See—the Popes of that period, Pelagius and Gregory the Great, resisted with great energy his pretensions; not however as interfering184 with their own supremacy185, but as being in themselves presumptuous84 and anti-Christian. “Pay no attention,” says Pelagius, “to the power which he unlawfully usurps186 under the name of universality. Let no patriarch ever apply to himself so profane187 a title. You may foresee, my dearest brethren, the mischievous188 consequences from such beginnings of perverseness189 among the priesthood. For he (antichrist) is near, of whom it is written that he maketh himself king over all the sons of pride.” [16b] “No one of my predecessors,” says Gregory the successor of Pelagius, “ever thought of using so profane an appellation191; for if one Patriarch assumes the title of universal, it is lost to all the others. But far, very far be it from the mind of p. 17a Christian, to grasp at any thing by which he may appear in any the slightest measure to derogate192 from the honour of his brethren.” [17a] In another passage he thus energetically addresses his overbearing fellow patriarch; “What wilt193 thou say to Christ, the Head of the Universal Church, in the trial of the last judgment, who, by the appellation of Universal, dost endeavour to subject all his members to thyself? Whom, I pray, dost thou mean to imitate in so perverse190 a word, but Him, who, despising the legions of angels, constituted in fellowship with Him, endeavoured to break forth unto the height of singularity, that He might both be subject to none, and alone be over all? Who also said, ‘I will ascend194 into heaven, and will exalt178 my throne above the stars.’—For what are thy brethren, all the Bishops of the Universal Church, but the stars of heaven, to whom, while by this haughty195 word thou desirest to prefer thyself, and to trample196 on their name in comparison with thyself; what dost thou say, but I will climb into heaven?” In other places he brands the titles which John had assumed, as “pompous,” “foolish,” “proud,” “perverse,” “wicked,” and “profane:” as names of “singularity,” “elation,” “vanity,” and “blasphemy.” He insists that there was “one sole Head of the Church, viz. Christ,” and sums up all with this strong prophetic denunciation: “I may confidently declare, that whenever any man styles himself, or desires to be styled, universal priest, such a man, by so exalting197 himself, becomes forerunner198 of antichrist, because by pride he sets himself above his brethren.” [17b]
The attempts which have been made to reconcile the p. 18indignant language of Pelagius and Gregory, with the usurped199 prerogatives200 of their successors, by ingeniously exaggerating the pretensions of the Eastern Patriarch, are utterly201 ineffectual. Indeed, if evidence were required to prove that the assumptions of the Papacy in the present day are not inferior to those of the Patriarch of the East, we need not go farther in quest of such evidence than the Papal Brief of September last. For we do not read that John of Constantinople ever ventured of his own will and pleasure to extinguish two ancient archiepiscopal sees, together with the whole diocesan Episcopate of both provinces. We do not read that John ever had the hardihood to abolish all the Constitutions and Canons, however ancient, of an independent National Church, and to substitute for them the jus commune, or common law of Constantinople. We do not read that John ever presumed to grant territorial202 designations, and titles of honour, to his own nominees203, contrary to the civil constitution of a powerful and independent kingdom, within which those titles and dignities were to be assumed. On the contrary, we know that John, so far from perpetrating aggressions on the prerogatives of foreign sovereigns, was entirely subordinate to the civil power of his own country, and depended solely on the favour and authority of the emperor for the support of his assumptions. And yet Pius the IXth ventures to do what John of Constantinople never even attempted; and has shut his eyes to the fact that he has thereby exposed himself to the anathemas of his infallible predecessors. Strong language has been used, (on some occasions too strong,) by a justly indignant people in reprobation204 of his presumption; but however strong that language may be, it has not as yet approached the acrimony of the expressions used by Pelagius and Gregory the Great on far inferior provocation205.
We have seen that Scripture and antiquity are utterly irreconcilable with the pretensions of the Papal chair. We may now adduce the moral character of the Pontiffs themselves, as a fair ground of presumption that they have not the privilege of infallibility. If indeed we could be satisfied from history that they had all, or most of them, in long succession, been pious206 and holy and exemplary men, p. 19in a degree beyond the ordinary standard of Christian excellence207; that they had been rich in faith and in good works; that they had been exalted models of disinterested208 beneficence, of real purity, and almost ascetic209 moderation; men whose affections were fixed135 unquestionably upon the glory and felicity of the heavenly state, to the exclusion210 of all concern for mere55 earthly interests, and the little vanities of secular ambition:—we might have been disposed to scrutinize211 with less distrust the claims of such truly virtuous212 and estimable Christian pastors213. But since the Papal character has been acknowledged even by the ablest advocates of the Papacy, to have been in general the very opposite of what we have been describing, we have a strong presumptive argument that such men were not infallible. [19]
Other strong objections to Pontifical infallibility arise from the want of any certain rule for determining the validity of elections to the popedom, and for issuing the infallible decrees. Before these decrees can be infallibly relied upon, the following particulars must be infallibly ascertained214: who are the persons divinely entitled to give a vote in the choice of a Pontiff? and how do those persons establish their Divine title? What proportion of the voters are required by Divine authority to be present, and what majority of numbers must decide? How far shall simony, or fraud, or force, vitiate the election? In case of two elections, how shall we infallibly distinguish between the p. 20claims of rival Pontiffs? between the real Pope, whom, under the penalty of condemnation215, we are bound to obey, and the anti-pope, whom, under the same high penalty, we must abjure216? When schisms217 rend60 the Church (and not less than twenty-six have rent the Church of Rome), how shall we discern the true communion from the schismatical? And since the Pope is supposed infallible only in his official, not in his personal capacity, how shall we decide infallibly when he speaks as an ordinary individual, and when as the successor of St. Peter? in other words, what solemnities exactly are requisite to be observed, for constituting a judgment ex cathedra from the Apostolic chair? what councillors must be summoned? what mode of promulgation must be adopted? [20a] Such are some of the questions which every candid218 Romanist must be desirous to hear definitely answered, and which consequently must present themselves with much greater force to every Protestant mind. When a privilege so important as infallibility is understood to be granted, all the circumstances necessary for our direction in receiving and submitting to it, require to be distinctly and indisputably revealed to us. Unless these circumstances are fixed by the same authority that is supposed to make the grant, namely, by Christ Himself, we are as far removed from infallibility as ever; and in deciding these essential and fundamental particulars, we are left to mere argument and conjecture75. [20b]
To disprove Papal infallibility much more will scarcely be expected by our readers; but we will add one concluding observation on the erroneousness and inconsistency of the supposed infallible decrees. If Popes really were infallible, their doctrine would never vary, but would remain, from age to age, unalterably the same: the judgment of one Pope would never differ, on the same subjects, from p. 21the judgment of another; and least of all would it be credible219 that any Pope should be convicted of heresy. We know, however, from unquestionable documents of history that this was not the case. Two Popes in the second century (Eleutherius and Victor) were encouragers of the heretical fanaticism220 of Montanus. [21a] Another Pope (Stephen) of the third century was heretical on the subject of baptism: [21b] Pope Liberius condemned Athanasius, and subscribed221 his name to the semi-Arian heresy: Pope Honorius was by a general council condemned as a Monothelite. [21c] And (not to multiply particular examples) we may remark, once for all, that a long line of Popes promulgated, ex cathedra, a doctrine which, in the present age, is abandoned by Rome itself, and is rejected universally as impious and extravagant222; the doctrine, namely, that the Roman See is vested with the Divine right of temporal jurisdiction over all the kingdoms of the earth; and that the Pontiff, as Vicar of Jesus Christ, and delegate of Him who is King of kings and Lord of lords, may call civil magistrates223 to account, and may depose224 kings and emperors, on the charge of heretical depravity. [21d]
To these various objections against the doctrine of Pontifical infallibility, our defender225 of the Roman Faith replies by a ready acknowledgment that the great majority of Romanists themselves are of our opinion: that much abler arguments have been urged by them than by Protestants p. 22against this pretension of the Pope: [22a] that by them infallibility is ascribed not to the Roman Pontiff, who “is liable to err20, and who frequently has erred151;” but to a general Council, representing the whole Church of Christ, and combining all its collective wisdom. On our inquiry226 by what Scriptural evidence infallibility is proved to lodge130 in a representative assembly thus constituted, we are desired to read the following texts:—
“Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” [22b]
“If he neglect to hear the Church, let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican.” [22c]
“Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world.” [22d]
“I will pray the Father; and he shall give you another Comforter, that he may abide227 with you for ever, even the Spirit of truth.” [22e]
“For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these necessary things.” [22f]
“These things write I unto thee; that thou mayest know how thou oughtest to behave thyself in the house of God, which is the Church of the living God, the pillar and ground of the truth.” [22g]
Our endeavours to extract out of these texts infallibility for the Romish Church are as much in vain as in the preceding inquiry for supporting the Papal claims. A general council seems to have as little warrant from Holy Scripture to assure us that it is infallible, as the Roman Pontiff himself. The first quotation147 refers to the perpetual continuance of the Christian society. Christ assures us that, to the end of time, the gates of hell shall not prevail against his Universal Church; or, in other words, that a community called by his name, and retaining the essentials of Christianity, will never cease to be. But this consolatory228 promise gives us no security that any one particular Church, or any meeting of Church officers, shall p. 23be infallible. On this subject we cannot forbear transcribing229 the judicious230 comment of a learned Romanist, Tostatus of Avila, who flourished in the fifteenth century: “The universal or Catholic Church never errs231, because it never errs in all its branches. The Church of Rome (ecclesia latinorum) is not the Catholic Church, but only a certain branch of it; and, therefore, although the whole of that branch should have erred, the whole Church could not be said to err. Because the genuine Catholic Church remains in the unerring branches, whether they be more or fewer than the branches which err.” [23]
Again, the injunction of our Lord to “tell the Church,” if taken apart from, and not in connexion with the preceding context, might seem to have some distant bearing upon this question. But on examining the whole passage, we perceive that our Saviour makes allusion to secular, not to spiritual concerns; and is speaking only of private differences among his followers232. “If thy brother shall trespass233 against thee, go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone.” Three successive steps are next recommended for effecting an accommodation: first a private interview; then the influence of mutual friends; and lastly, the authority of the Church to which the parties belong. The contumacious234 wrong-doer who could not by these methods be brought to reason, was no longer to be regarded as a Christian brother, but as a heathen. He was liable to excommunication, or expulsion from the society; and reparation of the injury committed might now be sought for in a court of law. We do not find in these directions the remotest allusion to infallibility.
The encouraging promise; “Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world,” is not a grant of infallibility, but a promise of assistance, protection, and consolation235; and was indispensably required, when our Lord delegated to his Apostles the perilous236 labour of propagating the p. 24Gospel in opposition to all the rulers of this world, sending them forth “as sheep among wolves.” [24a]
His promise that the “Spirit of truth” should “guide them into all truth,” relates entirely to the extraordinary gifts with which they were endowed, and is immediately connected with another promise, confessedly peculiar to the Apostolic age. “He” (the Holy Ghost) “shall show you things to come.”
The words, “It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us,” in the decree of the first council at Jerusalem, have left no precedent237 for other councils to use the same language; unless on separate evidence it can be shown that those councils have the same authority of inspiration.
The position therefore, that general councils, as representing the Church of Christ, are infallible, labours under a total want of Scripture Evidence. There is not a single precept238 given for assembling them; not one solitary239 rule for determining their proceedings241. As the learned Albert Pighius, an advocate of pontifical infallibility, very justly argues: “There is not a word about general councils in the canonical books of Scripture; nor did the primitive Church of Christ receive by Apostolical institution any special direction respecting them.” [24b] This able writer represents the practice of summoning a general council in cases of ecclesiastical emergency, to be an expedient piously242 introduced by the Emperor Constantine for the purpose of composing the dissensions of the Church. But the same author insinuates243 a charge of great ignorance against the Emperor and his council, who in adopting this course, appeared not to know that the privilege of infallibility belonged to the Papal chair, and that Rome was the proper Delphos where he might receive the infallible p. 25oracles. This imperial ignorance is a remarkable admission by the advocate of the Papacy in his zeal161 against general councils. He succeeds in demolishing244 the latter; but acknowledges at the same time a fact which is fatal to the former. For if Constantine and the Bishops of his court were ignorant of the papal pretensions, it must be obvious that such pretensions either could not have been put forth at all, or could not at that time have been generally recognized.
But if the Scripture, instead of being totally silent on the subject, had plainly and categorically declared, that general councils are infallible, we should only be involved in fresh perplexities: for the question would immediately arise, what is a general council? How do we know a spurious from a genuine council? Councils have been assembled by opposite parties on purpose to give opposite decrees; and how shall we distinguish the fallible and heretical, from the orthodox and infallible assembly? This vital question cannot be determined by the numbers present, or the portion of the Christian world represented by them. The orthodox Athanasius was condemned successively by councils representing the Eastern and the Western Church. Various councils condemned by the Church of Rome for heresy, were as numerously and respectably attended, as more orthodox conventions. The Council of Milan consisted of 300 Bishops. At Ariminum not less than 400 Bishops were assembled. The Council of Ephesus included 10 Metropolitans245 and 130 Bishops. The Council of Constantinople included 338 Bishops. And when the rival Councils of Sardica and Philippopolis fulminated mutual anathemas, the latter, which was heretical, consisted of 94 Bishops, while their orthodox opponents amounted only to 76. As most of these councils were convened246 by imperial authority; represented large portions of Christendom; and included men of the greatest learning and ability, there seems nothing to distinguish them from other synods, which are acknowledged to be general and infallible—nothing, if we except the sanction of the Roman Pontiff.
Here we are informed by our pertinacious124 disputant, that the papal sanction is commonly regarded in the Church p. 26of Rome, as the essential distinction between a mere provincial247 synod, and a general council; that the decrees of an alleged general council, not ratified by the Pope, are not infallible; while the decrees of any council, after that ratification248, must be looked upon as infallibly determined.
But our ingenuity249 must again be exercised in finding our way through this labyrinth250: for, first of all, no Scriptural reason can be found, or is even pretended, for the limitation of infallibility to councils of the description mentioned. The authority, therefore, exists only in the well-stored imagination of our Romish friend. [26] And in addition, we are perplexed251 to ascertain how two authorities, separately fallible, should become infallible by their conjunction. The council is fallible. The Pope is fallible. But unite these two fallibles, and you give them infallibility. If it be asked, Is the council liable to err which passes the decree?—Certainly, is the answer: for otherwise the council would, without the Pope, be all-sufficient. If it be further demanded, Is the Pope, also liable to err who confirms the decree?—Certainly, is again the answer: for he would otherwise be all-sufficient without the council. This is a strange dilemma252: we must believe the decree to be infallibly determined, and yet must neither ascribe infallibility to the council which passes it, nor to the Pope who confirms it.
Another consideration is the uncertainty and arbitrariness of this papal act of confirmation253. The Protestant p. 27must not take for granted that the eighteen Councils, acknowledged by the Church of Rome to be general, have the seal of St. Peter affixed to all their canons and decrees. In some cases a general council is partly confirmed and partly rejected (partim confirmatum, partim reprobatum); [27a] in some cases neither confirmed nor rejected (neque approbatum neque reprobatum): in some it is pronounced uncertain whether the decrees are confirmed or rejected; and in others they are confirmed by one Pope, and rejected by another. Sometimes the general council did not proceed with due form (conciliariter), or did not proceed with due deliberation (re diligenter examinata); sometimes the questions to be determined were not stated with sufficient clearness (satis apertè), and sometimes there is a want of evidence whether the council was general or provincial. “All this,” exclaims Bishop Taylor, “is the greatest folly255 and most prodigious256 vanity.” [27b]
Again, we might observe, that if infallibility be granted to the Church through its representatives in a general council, the privilege has been for many centuries in abeyance257, and (considering the aspect of Christendom) is never likely to be renewed. And further, with respect to the reception of these infallible decrees by provincial Churches, we might bring forward the doubts which have prevailed among Romanists, whether the decrees are binding immediately on being passed, or only after they have been received. [27c] Next with reference to the doctrines which they inculcate, these are often grievously contradictory258 to reason and Scripture. Transubstantiation, for example, is contrary to reason. If therefore we believe the infallibility p. 28of general councils on grounds of reason, the reasons against transubstantiation must be fairly balanced in our minds with the reasons in favour of infallibility. And as examples of contradiction to Scripture, we might instance the adoration259 of the Blessed Virgin260, the worshipping of images and relics261, the invocation of saints and angels, purgatory262, and the sacrifice of the mass. We might then go on to show that if the infallibility of general councils be Scripturally maintained, the texts adduced in support of infallibility are to be weighed against the numerous and explicit texts which oppose these corrupt doctrines and idolatrous practices. Lastly, we might contend that, in the primitive ages, when councils were continually assembled, neither those councils themselves, nor any one writer who defended their decrees, ever spoke263 of them as infallible. We need scarcely add that councils could not be infallible without knowing it; nor would hear their infallible decrees disputed without asserting their infallibility.
3. Having now vainly endeavoured to procure264 conclusive and satisfactory information on two of the essential points indispensable for our conversion265 to Romanism; namely, first, by what organ the infallible oracles are delivered, and, secondly, by what evidence the claim to infallibility is established; we proceed to the third and last topic of investigation266, and inquire on what security we can rely, that we shall not misunderstand the doctrine propounded to our belief?
We have already seen that the Romanist is unable to decide with certainty in what person or persons infallibility resides; and that he cannot prove the person or the persons for whom he claims it, namely, a Pope or Council, jointly267 or severally, to be infallible. Let us next consider, in conclusion, (and the consideration need not occupy us long,) whether he is more successful in establishing the third particular, which we began by laying down as necessary to the tranquillization of our minds; whether, in short, it can be proved to us incontestably, that we shall comprehend with clearness and practical certainty the bulls and canons promulgated for our guidance to the truth.
Security on this point is obviously indispensable. The inspired volume is allowed by all Christians to contain p. 29unerring rules of faith and practice. But our erring reason, we are told, is liable to misconceive them. Hence the supposed necessity for another guide. But the very same liability to error which exposes us to mistake in interpreting the Scriptures, exposes us to mistake also in interpreting the bulls of a Pope, or the canons of a general council. God Himself inspired his chosen servants to write the Scriptures “for our learning.” God nevertheless is misunderstood. Neither Pope nor Council, therefore, is secure from being so. Their decisions, jointly or separately, may be misinterpreted through our weakness of apprehension18. We consequently need a new interpreter for expounding268 their interpretation. But the expositions of this new interpreter may, like those of his unerring predecessors, be erroneously understood; and thus we should require an infinite series of infallible guides, and at the end of this elaborate process we should not be nearer to infallibility than we found ourselves at the beginning. [29a]
Accordingly, we read, without surprise, that there are disputes among Romanists in regard to the right construction of their infallible decrees and canons; disputes as constant and as vehement269 as those unhappily subsisting270 among Protestants, in regard to the meaning of our inspired Scriptures. [29b] In the celebrated271 Council of Trent, the last, and by the Romanists regarded as the greatest ever held, many points of doctrine which had called forth the most violent and argumentative disputation were purposely expressed with ambiguity272 in the canons, that the consent of all parties might be obtained. Even on that all-important article of faith, respecting the proper object of religious adoration, the Tridentine Fathers were satisfied with a vague declaration, that “due worship should be given to images,” without informing the conscientious273 worshipper, (in a strait betwixt the danger of profaneness274 on one hand and of idolatry on the other,) what kind of worship that doubtful phrase was intended to imply. [29c] It may be also noticed that there are several controverted275 points in religion, (the very points, in fact, most frequently contested among Protestants,) p. 30on which no unerring oracle has yet pronounced a decision, and on which variations of opinion may be discovered in the papal Church analogous276 to those prevailing277 throughout Protestant communions. I allude278 to the numerous questions connected with election, foreknowledge, predestination, grace, free-will, and the perseverance279 of the Saints.
Nor will the force of our objections be evaded280 by the reply that actual conformity281 of faith to the decisions of Popes and Councils is not required; that intentional282 conformity will suffice; and that every man, whatever be his errors and misconceptions, is capable of salvation who is willing and inclined to believe as the Church believes. For if the Romanist is willing to believe as his Church believes, the Protestant is willing to believe as the Apostles and Evangelists believed. If then this willingness will suffice for the Romanist, why should it not be sufficient for the Protestant? If the one, when he falls into error, is held excused by intentional conformity to the Romish creed, why should not intentional conformity to the creed of the Apostles and Evangelists excuse the errors of the other? Let this be granted, and both parties are equally safe, equally infallible. [30]
Thus we find that in all respects the Romish system fails to afford the religious comfort and security we are endeavouring to acquire. Our Romanist adviser has promised what he proves himself incompetent283 to perform. He has held out to us the enjoyment284 of an infallible assurance that we have attained285 to sound doctrine, if we will only profit by the unerring oracles of his Church; but he cannot point with certainty to the proper organ of infallibility, p. 31nor establish on credible evidence the claim of that organ to be infallible; nor give any positive security that we shall understand infallibly the oracular truths proposed to our assent. On the contrary, we have seen abundant reasons for being morally certain, that the incapability286 of error which he speaks of has no existence.
We have now sufficiently considered all the topics proposed for discussion at the commencement of this essay; but before concluding we must advert287 to one further point, too important to be overlooked, which could not before be conveniently introduced, viz., the newly-devised Theory of Development. We request our Romish counsellor to inform us, whether in his judgment the doctrines of modern Rome have the sanction of primitive antiquity, and can be proved by the writings of the early Fathers? He replies, that up to a very recent period he would at once have answered in the affirmative; but that he is now obliged to hesitate. “From time immemorial,” he says, “the doctors of our Church unanimously insisted, and the Council of Trent infallibly declared, that every article of our Creed was sanctioned by the concurrent288 testimony289 of the Fathers, as many as were of the true Church of Christ.” “But,” he proceeds, “within the last few years a party has arisen among us who take a different view. Treatises290 have been widely circulated and favourably291 received, in which it is maintained, that the position of which we always boasted as our stronghold is, after all, untenable; that antiquity must be abandoned; that, in primitive times, our present doctrines were absolutely unknown or imperfectly discovered; that Christianity, in the days of the Apostles and for several centuries afterwards, was merely in an embryo292, rudimental state; that it has since been infallibly developed; that St. Cyprian, St. Chrysostom, and St. Athanasius, were only partially293 acquainted with many truths which have since been canonically294 evolved and explained; and that, consequently, the sanction of antiquity to any doctrine of modern Rome may be as easily dispensed295 with as the authority of Holy Scripture.” As an example of development, our Romish guide refers to the immaculate conception of the Blessed Virgin—“a doctrine,” he observes, “in primitive times utterly unheard of; in the p. 32middle ages vehemently296 opposed; in later times gradually matured; and now at last, in the nineteenth century, fully140 and pontifically297 established under penalty of everlasting condemnation.”
This inability of the Romanist to determine whether Romanism is or is not supported by antiquity, and whether it is a new or an old religion, may be regarded as a climax298 to the difficulties and perplexities in which, as we have already seen, his whole system is involved. [32a]
Besides the Romanist there are many other counsellors who, with undoubting confidence, offer to relieve our minds from all anxiety as to the soundness of our belief. Among these parties I may now particularly mention the Sceptic and the Mystic; because their systems, and that of the Romanist, however opposite in other respects, have one essential point of agreement. They all have a decided tendency to supersede299 our own exertions301 for the discovery of religious truth—the Sceptic by affirming that religious truth is unimportant; the Mystic by alleging302 that religious truth is passively received by the mind from divine illumination; and the Romanist by inculcating an unconditional303 acquiescence304 in the dictates of infallible authority. [32b] This remarkable coincidence suggests to us, that in respect to our employment of means and opportunities, the way of truth is the very opposite to the way of error; that the right path to saving knowledge does not consist in the disuse, but in the strenuous305 exertion300 of our intellectual and moral faculties306; that the inclination307 to improve our advantages for attaining308 spiritual information is designed to try our p. 33moral character; and that we have a full security from deadly heresy in the co-operation of Divine Providence, and of Divine grace with our own sincere endeavours after truth.
This principle, which pervades309 the whole of Scripture, [33] is not to be confounded with the fallacies above adverted310 to. We do not call it infallibility, because we readily admit that rectitude of opinion may exist, in various degrees, among persons, all of whom are in the path of salvation. It differs from infallibility as maintained by Romanists, because we do not consider any individual, nor any number of individuals, to be incapable of error. It differs from the infallibility of the enthusiast311, because we lay no claim to exemption312 from mistake: we insist only that, using faithfully the means at our disposal, we shall escape unpardonable heresy. It differs, thirdly, from the infallibility of the sceptic, because he conceives all doctrines equally excellent, provided their operation in society adapts itself to his confined notions of moral duty. Whereas our method implies that one doctrine differs materially, as to truth and excellence from another, and that we are therefore bound to select the best.
To make this selection of what is best, must be the paramount313 desire of every rightly-disposed mind: and it now only remains for us, before concluding this essay, to give some rules, as briefly314 as we can, for determining our choice. Error and misconception on this subject are so lamentably315 common, that even our few imperfect suggestions may not be useless nor unacceptable. We shall only premise316 that the spiritual exercises which we recommend are arranged in the order here given them, with a view to convenience and clearness; and not from an impression that any of our readers can have occasion to begin from the commencement of the series.
1. Our first rule is: to employ all the strength of our faculties in the study and investigation of natural religion: till we become impressed sincerely and practically with our awful responsibility, as reasonable beings, to our Creator, Benefactor317, and Judge eternal.
p. 342. To establish clearly in our minds the evidences and principles of Revelation; and to ascertain, by diligent254 inquiry, that the Scriptures “given for our learning,” are “given by inspiration of God; and are profitable for doctrine, for reproof318, for correction, and instruction in righteousness.” [34a]
3. To acquire a persuasion319 (according to the principle asserted in the Scriptures, maintained by all antiquity, and revived at the Reformation,) that the pages of Revelation are not “a sealed book” to us; but that we are bound to “search the Scriptures,” [34b] to “prove all things,” [34c] and “to be ready always to give an answer to every man that asketh us a reason of the hope that is in us.” [34d]
4. To satisfy ourselves that, on points of Christian doctrine, our only real standard of faith is the Bible; and that tradition (however useful as its interpreter and guardian) is not, as Romanists contend, a co-ordinate authority with the sacred text. [34e]
5. To use in our interpretation of the inspired volume all the helps within our reach; whether spiritual or temporal; whether derivable320 from the living or from the dead. Among these helps, the most important and indispensable are prayer and a holy life. With respect to prayer, the promises in Holy Scripture, that guidance to the truth shall be given to him that asks it, are, as we have seen, numerous and indisputable. [34f] And as regards a holy life, or the labours of the humble and diligent individual, who, from desire to do the will of God, conscientiously321 exerts himself to know it, our Lord Himself expressly declares, “If any man will do (θ?λει ποιε?ν, or is desirous to do) his will, he shall know of the doctrine, whether it be of God.” [34g] To these helps may be added others equally obvious, so far as they are consistent with the opportunities, station, or profession of the individual—such as familiarity with Scripture in the original, knowledge of history, and particularly of the manners, p. 35laws, customs, and opinions of antiquity, Jewish as well as Christian; joined to acquaintance with sound principles of Biblical interpretation, criticism, and translation.
But a point which more particularly seems, under this rule, to require illustration, is the degree of value at which the conscientious inquirer after sound religious knowledge ought to estimate ecclesiastical antiquity. Many pious individuals (in their well-meant zeal against Romish errors) have thought themselves obliged to discard ecclesiastical antiquity, under a persuasion that by attaching any value to ancient writers, they would violate the great Protestant axiom of resting on the sole authority of God’s written word.
But it should be considered, that to use ecclesiastical antiquity for interpreting the word of God, no more violates this axiom than to use any of the other universally admitted aids to interpretation already mentioned. Whatever means the Divine promulgator322 of Revelation has given to his Church for ascertaining the truths revealed, ought diligently323 and conscientiously to be improved. Among those means, the place of highest authority belongs unquestionably to the three primitive formularies of belief, the Apostles’, the Nicene, and the Athanasian Creeds324; and to the Canons of the first four general councils, which received the sanction of universal Christendom: and in which to his entire satisfaction the conscientious inquirer will find the leading truths of Christianity embodied325. The same remark applies to the Episcopal constitution of the Church; for “it is evident unto all men diligently reading the Holy Scriptures and ancient authors, that from the Apostles there have been these orders of ministers in Christ’s Church, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.” [35] But we cannot better explain how far ancient literature is to be rendered available to sacred purposes, than by a transcription of a canon set forth by the Church of England in the same year with its articles. “Preachers shall not presume to deliver any thing from the pulpit as of moment, to be religiously observed and believed by the people, but that which is agreeable to the p. 36doctrine of the Old or New Testament, and collected out of the same doctrine by the Catholic Fathers and the Bishops of the ancient Church.” [36a] “A wise regulation,” observes the judicious and able Dr. Waterland, “formed with exquisite326 judgment, and worded with the exactest caution. The canon does not order that they shall teach whatever had been taught by the Fathers: no; that would have been setting up a new rule of faith; neither does it say that they shall teach whatsoever the Fathers had collected from Scripture: no; that would have been making them infallible interpreters, or infallible reasoners: the doctrine must be found first in Scripture, only to be the more secure that we have found it there: the Fathers are to be called in, to be, as it were, constant checks upon the presumption or wantonness of private interpretation. But then again, as to private interpretation, there is liberty enough allowed to it. Preachers are not forbidden to interpret this or that text, or hundreds of texts, differently from what the Fathers have done; provided still they keep within the analogy of faith, and presume not to raise any new doctrine: neither are they altogether restrained from teaching any thing new, provided it be offered as opinion only, or as an inferior truth, and not pressed as necessary upon the people. For it was thought that there could be no necessary article of faith or doctrine now drawn327 from Scripture, but what the ancients had drawn out before from the same Scripture: to say otherwise would imply that the ancients had failed universally in necessaries, which is morally absurd.” [36b] The canon thus explained may be thought appropriate to preachers and ministers alone, exclusively p. 37of their people; but though the latter cannot, it is true, directly apply this regulation to themselves, they nevertheless may indirectly328 derive329 advantage from it. They will be prepared to perceive at once when any minister proposes to their acceptance some doctrine or exposition of Scripture, for which he can produce no ancient authority—and which he declares to be new, yet at the same time important—he declares himself, by this dangerous and un-canonical proceeding240, unworthy of their confidence.
But perhaps the greatest and most alarming mistake to be avoided by all inquirers, ecclesiastical or laical, is the application of their minds to religious researches rather for the sake of curious information and philosophical330 entertainment, than for purposes of saving knowledge, and of sure, efficacious, practical direction. The Holy Scriptures, no doubt, are written for our learning, not however merely for such learning as consists in literary, critical, and speculative331 exercises of our ingenuity; but for our advancement332 in the school of Christian wisdom, of that wisdom from above which unites and perfects all the higher capacities of our nature, moral, intellectual, or spiritual—that wisdom which, (far removed from the jealousies333 and the wranglings and the violences of factious334 controversy,) is anxious only for the interests of truth and virtue—that wisdom which is “first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated335, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy336.” [37a]
In this course of wise and holy discipline, according to our diligence, will be our progress; and proportioned to our progress, will be our reward. Our anxieties, discouragements, and despondencies will be left behind us. We shall go on our way rejoicing. We shall feel a personal interest in the glorious system of Christian redemption. We shall enter daily more and more with satisfaction upon the duty of examining ourselves, “whether we be in the faith:” [37b] and the result of that examination will more and more enable us to see distinctly within our hearts the lineaments of the Christian character. All the tests from Scripture of such a progress will have a clearer application to p. 38our spiritual state. Love to God, charity to mankind, preference of divine to merely human objects, fervency337 in prayer, frequency in meditation338, attachment339 to religious ordinances340, self-control in the subjugation341 of our appetites and passions; and in one word, likeness342 to Christ, increasing from day to day—will assure us that to reach the gate of salvation we have only to preserve the path which we have chosen. And although, in this advanced state, enjoying “a full assurance of faith and hope,” [38a] we relax nothing of our efforts, and, like St. Paul, “count not ourselves to have apprehended343 the price of our high calling,” [38b] yet we exclaim triumphantly344 with the same Apostle: “Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Shall tribulation345, or distress346, or persecution347, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword? In all these things we are more than conquerors348 through him that loved us. For I am persuaded, that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.”
The End
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1
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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reprobates
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| n.道德败坏的人，恶棍( reprobate的名词复数 ) | |
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implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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anathemas
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| n.（天主教的）革出教门( anathema的名词复数 )；诅咒；令人极其讨厌的事；被基督教诅咒的人或事 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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importunately
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obtrusive
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| adj.显眼的；冒失的 | |
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dictatorially
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| adv.独裁地，自大地 | |
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dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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erring
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| 做错事的，错误的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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47
mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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53
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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rend
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| vt.把…撕开，割裂；把…揪下来，强行夺取 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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mischiefs
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| 损害( mischief的名词复数 )； 危害； 胡闹； 调皮捣蛋的人 | |
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desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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controversies
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| 争论 | |
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frustrating
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| adj.产生挫折的，使人沮丧的，令人泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的现在分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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conjectures
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| 推测，猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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presumptuously
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| adv.自以为是地，专横地，冒失地 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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calf
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| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
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calves
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| n.(calf的复数)笨拙的男子，腓；腿肚子( calf的名词复数 )；牛犊；腓；小腿肚v.生小牛( calve的第三人称单数 )；（冰川）崩解；生（小牛等），产（犊）；使（冰川）崩解 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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laments
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| n.悲恸，哀歌，挽歌( lament的名词复数 )v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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105
prophesy
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| v.预言；预示 | |
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106
apostasy
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| n.背教，脱党 | |
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107
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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108
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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109
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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110
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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111
sophism
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| n.诡辩 | |
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112
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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113
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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114
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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115
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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116
canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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117
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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118
authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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119
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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120
propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
captious
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| adj.难讨好的，吹毛求疵的 | |
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122
instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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123
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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124
pertinacious
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| adj.顽固的 | |
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125
pertinaciously
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| adv.坚持地；固执地；坚决地；执拗地 | |
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126
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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127
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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128
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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129
enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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130
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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131
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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132
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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134
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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135
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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137
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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138
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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139
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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140
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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141
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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142
entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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143
pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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144
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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145
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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146
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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147
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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149
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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150
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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151
erred
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
apostate
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| n.背叛者，变节者 | |
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153
penitent
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| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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154
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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155
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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156
remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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157
remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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158
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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159
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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160
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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161
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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162
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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163
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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164
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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165
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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166
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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167
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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168
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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169
dissenting
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| adj.不同意的 | |
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170
reverently
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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171
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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172
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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173
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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174
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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175
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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176
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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177
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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178
exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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179
arrogate
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| v.冒称具有...权利，霸占 | |
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180
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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181
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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182
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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183
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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184
interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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185
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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186
usurps
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的第三人称单数 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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187
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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188
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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189
perverseness
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| n. 乖张, 倔强, 顽固 | |
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190
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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191
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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192
derogate
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| v.贬低，诽谤 | |
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193
wilt
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| v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎；(指人)疲倦，衰弱 | |
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194
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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195
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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196
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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197
exalting
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| a.令人激动的，令人喜悦的 | |
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198
forerunner
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| n.前身，先驱（者），预兆，祖先 | |
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199
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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200
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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201
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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202
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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203
nominees
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| n.被提名者，被任命者( nominee的名词复数 ) | |
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204
reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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205
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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206
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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207
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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208
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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209
ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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210
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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211
scrutinize
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| n.详细检查，细读 | |
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212
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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213
pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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214
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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216
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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217
schisms
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| n.教会分立，分裂( schism的名词复数 ) | |
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218
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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219
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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220
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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221
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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222
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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223
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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224
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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225
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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226
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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227
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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228
consolatory
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| adj.慰问的，可藉慰的 | |
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229
transcribing
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的现在分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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230
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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231
errs
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的第三人称单数 ) | |
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232
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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233
trespass
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| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
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234
contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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235
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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236
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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237
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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238
precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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239
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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240
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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241
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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242
piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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243
insinuates
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| n.暗示( insinuate的名词复数 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入v.暗示( insinuate的第三人称单数 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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244
demolishing
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| v.摧毁( demolish的现在分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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245
metropolitans
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| n.大都会的( metropolitan的名词复数 )；大城市的；中心地区的；正宗的 | |
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246
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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247
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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248
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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249
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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250
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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251
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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252
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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253
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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254
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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255
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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256
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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257
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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258
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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259
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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260
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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261
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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262
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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263
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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264
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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265
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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266
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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267
jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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268
expounding
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的现在分词 ) | |
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269
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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270
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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271
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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272
ambiguity
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| n.模棱两可；意义不明确 | |
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273
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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274
profaneness
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| n.渎神，污秽 | |
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275
controverted
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| v.争论，反驳，否定( controvert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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276
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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277
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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278
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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279
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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280
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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281
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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282
intentional
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| adj.故意的，有意（识）的 | |
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283
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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284
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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285
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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286
incapability
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| n.无能 | |
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287
advert
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| vi.注意，留意，言及；n.广告 | |
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288
concurrent
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| adj.同时发生的，一致的 | |
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289
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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290
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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291
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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292
embryo
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| n.胚胎，萌芽的事物 | |
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293
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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294
canonically
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| adv.照宗规地，宗规上地 | |
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295
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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296
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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297
pontifically
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| adj.教皇的；大祭司的；傲慢的；武断的 | |
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298
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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299
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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300
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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301
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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302
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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303
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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304
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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305
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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306
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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307
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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308
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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309
pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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310
adverted
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| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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311
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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312
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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313
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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314
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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315
lamentably
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| adv.哀伤地，拙劣地 | |
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316
premise
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| n.前提；v.提论，预述 | |
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317
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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318
reproof
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| n.斥责，责备 | |
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319
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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320
derivable
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| adj.可引出的，可推论的，可诱导的 | |
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321
conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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322
promulgator
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| n.颁布者，公布者 | |
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323
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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324
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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325
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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326
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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327
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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328
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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329
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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330
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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331
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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332
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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333
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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334
factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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335
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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336
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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337
fervency
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| n.热情的；强烈的；热烈 | |
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338
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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339
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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340
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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341
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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342
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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343
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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344
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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345
tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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346
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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347
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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348
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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