241. We "good Europeans," we also have hours when we allow ourselves a warm-hearted patriotism19, a plunge20 and relapse into old loves and narrow views—I have just given an example of it—hours of national excitement, of patriotic21 anguish22, and all other sorts of old-fashioned floods of sentiment. Duller spirits may perhaps only get done with what confines its operations in us to hours and plays itself out in hours—in a considerable time: some in half a year, others in half a lifetime, according to the speed and strength with which they digest and "change their material." Indeed, I could think of sluggish23, hesitating races, which even in our rapidly moving Europe, would require half a century ere they could surmount24 such atavistic attacks of patriotism and soil-attachment, and return once more to reason, that is to say, to "good Europeanism." And while digressing on this possibility, I happen to become an ear-witness of a conversation between two old patriots25—they were evidently both hard of hearing and consequently spoke26 all the louder. "HE has as much, and knows as much, philosophy as a peasant or a corps-student," said the one—"he is still innocent. But what does that matter nowadays! It is the age of the masses: they lie on their belly27 before everything that is massive. And so also in politicis. A statesman who rears up for them a new Tower of Babel, some monstrosity of empire and power, they call 'great'—what does it matter that we more prudent28 and conservative ones do not meanwhile give up the old belief that it is only the great thought that gives greatness to an action or affair. Supposing a statesman were to bring his people into the position of being obliged henceforth to practise 'high politics,' for which they were by nature badly endowed and prepared, so that they would have to sacrifice their old and reliable virtues31, out of love to a new and doubtful mediocrity;—supposing a statesman were to condemn32 his people generally to 'practise politics,' when they have hitherto had something better to do and think about, and when in the depths of their souls they have been unable to free themselves from a prudent loathing33 of the restlessness, emptiness, and noisy wranglings of the essentially34 politics-practising nations;—supposing such a statesman were to stimulate35 the slumbering36 passions and avidities of his people, were to make a stigma37 out of their former diffidence and delight in aloofness38, an offence out of their exoticism and hidden permanency, were to depreciate39 their most radical40 proclivities41, subvert42 their consciences, make their minds narrow, and their tastes 'national'—what! a statesman who should do all this, which his people would have to do penance43 for throughout their whole future, if they had a future, such a statesman would be GREAT, would he?"—"Undoubtedly!" replied the other old patriot18 vehemently44, "otherwise he COULD NOT have done it! It was mad perhaps to wish such a thing! But perhaps everything great has been just as mad at its commencement!"—"Misuse of words!" cried his interlocutor, contradictorily—"strong! strong! Strong and mad! NOT great!"—The old men had obviously become heated as they thus shouted their "truths" in each other's faces, but I, in my happiness and apartness, considered how soon a stronger one may become master of the strong, and also that there is a compensation for the intellectual superficialising of a nation—namely, in the deepening of another.
242. Whether we call it "civilization," or "humanising," or "progress," which now distinguishes the European, whether we call it simply, without praise or blame, by the political formula the DEMOCRATIC movement in Europe—behind all the moral and political foregrounds pointed45 to by such formulas, an immense PHYSIOLOGICAL46 PROCESS goes on, which is ever extending the process of the assimilation of Europeans, their increasing detachment from the conditions under which, climatically and hereditarily47, united races originate, their increasing independence of every definite milieu48, that for centuries would fain inscribe49 itself with equal demands on soul and body,—that is to say, the slow emergence50 of an essentially SUPER-NATIONAL and nomadic51 species of man, who possesses, physiologically52 speaking, a maximum of the art and power of adaptation as his typical distinction. This process of the EVOLVING EUROPEAN, which can be retarded54 in its TEMPO55 by great relapses, but will perhaps just gain and grow thereby56 in vehemence57 and depth—the still-raging storm and stress of "national sentiment" pertains58 to it, and also the anarchism which is appearing at present—this process will probably arrive at results on which its naive59 propagators and panegyrists, the apostles of "modern ideas," would least care to reckon. The same new conditions under which on an average a levelling and mediocrising of man will take place—a useful, industrious60, variously serviceable, and clever gregarious61 man—are in the highest degree suitable to give rise to exceptional men of the most dangerous and attractive qualities. For, while the capacity for adaptation, which is every day trying changing conditions, and begins a new work with every generation, almost with every decade, makes the POWERFULNESS of the type impossible; while the collective impression of such future Europeans will probably be that of numerous, talkative, weak-willed, and very handy workmen who REQUIRE a master, a commander, as they require their daily bread; while, therefore, the democratising of Europe will tend to the production of a type prepared for SLAVERY in the most subtle sense of the term: the STRONG man will necessarily in individual and exceptional cases, become stronger and richer than he has perhaps ever been before—owing to the unprejudicedness of his schooling62, owing to the immense variety of practice, art, and disguise. I meant to say that the democratising of Europe is at the same time an involuntary arrangement for the rearing of TYRANTS—taking the word in all its meanings, even in its most spiritual sense.
243. I hear with pleasure that our sun is moving rapidly towards the constellation63 Hercules: and I hope that the men on this earth will do like the sun. And we foremost, we good Europeans!
244. There was a time when it was customary to call Germans "deep" by way of distinction; but now that the most successful type of new Germanism is covetous64 of quite other honours, and perhaps misses "smartness" in all that has depth, it is almost opportune65 and patriotic to doubt whether we did not formerly67 deceive ourselves with that commendation: in short, whether German depth is not at bottom something different and worse—and something from which, thank God, we are on the point of successfully ridding ourselves. Let us try, then, to relearn with regard to German depth; the only thing necessary for the purpose is a little vivisection of the German soul.—The German soul is above all manifold, varied68 in its source, aggregated69 and super-imposed, rather than actually built: this is owing to its origin. A German who would embolden70 himself to assert: "Two souls, alas71, dwell in my breast," would make a bad guess at the truth, or, more correctly, he would come far short of the truth about the number of souls. As a people made up of the most extraordinary mixing and mingling72 of races, perhaps even with a preponderance of the pre-Aryan element as the "people of the centre" in every sense of the term, the Germans are more intangible, more ample, more contradictory73, more unknown, more incalculable, more surprising, and even more terrifying than other peoples are to themselves:—they escape DEFINITION, and are thereby alone the despair of the French. It IS characteristic of the Germans that the question: "What is German?" never dies out among them. Kotzebue certainly knew his Germans well enough: "We are known," they cried jubilantly to him—but Sand also thought he knew them. Jean Paul knew what he was doing when he declared himself incensed74 at Fichte's lying but patriotic flatteries and exaggerations,—but it is probable that Goethe thought differently about Germans from Jean Paul, even though he acknowledged him to be right with regard to Fichte. It is a question what Goethe really thought about the Germans?—But about many things around him he never spoke explicitly75, and all his life he knew how to keep an astute76 silence—probably he had good reason for it. It is certain that it was not the "Wars of Independence" that made him look up more joyfully77, any more than it was the French Revolution,—the event on account of which he RECONSTRUCTED his "Faust," and indeed the whole problem of "man," was the appearance of Napoleon. There are words of Goethe in which he condemns78 with impatient severity, as from a foreign land, that which Germans take a pride in, he once defined the famous German turn of mind as "Indulgence towards its own and others' weaknesses." Was he wrong? it is characteristic of Germans that one is seldom entirely79 wrong about them. The German soul has passages and galleries in it, there are caves, hiding-places, and dungeons80 therein, its disorder81 has much of the charm of the mysterious, the German is well acquainted with the bypaths to chaos82. And as everything loves its symbol, so the German loves the clouds and all that is obscure, evolving, crepuscular83, damp, and shrouded84, it seems to him that everything uncertain, undeveloped, self-displacing, and growing is "deep". The German himself does not EXIST, he is BECOMING, he is "developing himself". "Development" is therefore the essentially German discovery and hit in the great domain85 of philosophical86 formulas,—a ruling idea, which, together with German beer and German music, is labouring to Germanise all Europe. Foreigners are astonished and attracted by the riddles87 which the conflicting nature at the basis of the German soul propounds88 to them (riddles which Hegel systematised and Richard Wagner has in the end set to music). "Good-natured and spiteful"—such a juxtaposition89, preposterous90 in the case of every other people, is unfortunately only too often justified91 in Germany one has only to live for a while among Swabians to know this! The clumsiness of the German scholar and his social distastefulness agree alarmingly well with his physical rope-dancing and nimble boldness, of which all the Gods have learnt to be afraid. If any one wishes to see the "German soul" demonstrated ad oculos, let him only look at German taste, at German arts and manners what boorish92 indifference93 to "taste"! How the noblest and the commonest stand there in juxtaposition! How disorderly and how rich is the whole constitution of this soul! The German DRAGS at his soul, he drags at everything he experiences. He digests his events badly; he never gets "done" with them; and German depth is often only a difficult, hesitating "digestion94." And just as all chronic95 invalids96, all dyspeptics like what is convenient, so the German loves "frankness" and "honesty"; it is so CONVENIENT to be frank and honest!—This confidingness, this complaisance97, this showing-the-cards of German HONESTY, is probably the most dangerous and most successful disguise which the German is up to nowadays: it is his proper Mephistophelean art; with this he can "still achieve much"! The German lets himself go, and thereby gazes with faithful, blue, empty German eyes—and other countries immediately confound him with his dressing-gown!—I meant to say that, let "German depth" be what it will—among ourselves alone we perhaps take the liberty to laugh at it—we shall do well to continue henceforth to honour its appearance and good name, and not barter98 away too cheaply our old reputation as a people of depth for Prussian "smartness," and Berlin wit and sand. It is wise for a people to pose, and LET itself be regarded, as profound, clumsy, good-natured, honest, and foolish: it might even be—profound to do so! Finally, we should do honour to our name—we are not called the "TIUSCHE VOLK" (deceptive people) for nothing....
245. The "good old" time is past, it sang itself out in Mozart—how happy are WE that his ROCOCO99 still speaks to us, that his "good company," his tender enthusiasm, his childish delight in the Chinese and its flourishes, his courtesy of heart, his longing100 for the elegant, the amorous101, the tripping, the tearful, and his belief in the South, can still appeal to SOMETHING LEFT in us! Ah, some time or other it will be over with it!—but who can doubt that it will be over still sooner with the intelligence and taste for Beethoven! For he was only the last echo of a break and transition in style, and NOT, like Mozart, the last echo of a great European taste which had existed for centuries. Beethoven is the intermediate event between an old mellow102 soul that is constantly breaking down, and a future over-young soul that is always COMING; there is spread over his music the twilight103 of eternal loss and eternal extravagant104 hope,—the same light in which Europe was bathed when it dreamed with Rousseau, when it danced round the Tree of Liberty of the Revolution, and finally almost fell down in adoration105 before Napoleon. But how rapidly does THIS very sentiment now pale, how difficult nowadays is even the APPREHENSION106 of this sentiment, how strangely does the language of Rousseau, Schiller, Shelley, and Byron sound to our ear, in whom COLLECTIVELY the same fate of Europe was able to SPEAK, which knew how to SING in Beethoven!—Whatever German music came afterwards, belongs to Romanticism, that is to say, to a movement which, historically considered, was still shorter, more fleeting107, and more superficial than that great interlude, the transition of Europe from Rousseau to Napoleon, and to the rise of democracy. Weber—but what do WE care nowadays for "Freischutz" and "Oberon"! Or Marschner's "Hans Heiling" and "Vampyre"! Or even Wagner's "Tannhauser"! That is extinct, although not yet forgotten music. This whole music of Romanticism, besides, was not noble enough, was not musical enough, to maintain its position anywhere but in the theatre and before the masses; from the beginning it was second-rate music, which was little thought of by genuine musicians. It was different with Felix Mendelssohn, that halcyon108 master, who, on account of his lighter109, purer, happier soul, quickly acquired admiration110, and was equally quickly forgotten: as the beautiful EPISODE of German music. But with regard to Robert Schumann, who took things seriously, and has been taken seriously from the first—he was the last that founded a school,—do we not now regard it as a satisfaction, a relief, a deliverance, that this very Romanticism of Schumann's has been surmounted111? Schumann, fleeing into the "Saxon Switzerland" of his soul, with a half Werther-like, half Jean-Paul-like nature (assuredly not like Beethoven! assuredly not like Byron!)—his MANFRED music is a mistake and a misunderstanding to the extent of injustice112; Schumann, with his taste, which was fundamentally a PETTY taste (that is to say, a dangerous propensity—doubly dangerous among Germans—for quiet lyricism and intoxication113 of the feelings), going constantly apart, timidly withdrawing and retiring, a noble weakling who revelled114 in nothing but anonymous115 joy and sorrow, from the beginning a sort of girl and NOLI ME TANGERE—this Schumann was already merely a GERMAN event in music, and no longer a European event, as Beethoven had been, as in a still greater degree Mozart had been; with Schumann German music was threatened with its greatest danger, that of LOSING THE VOICE FOR THE SOUL OF EUROPE and sinking into a merely national affair.
246. What a torture are books written in German to a reader who has a THIRD ear! How indignantly he stands beside the slowly turning swamp of sounds without tune66 and rhythms without dance, which Germans call a "book"! And even the German who READS books! How lazily, how reluctantly, how badly he reads! How many Germans know, and consider it obligatory116 to know, that there is ART in every good sentence—art which must be divined, if the sentence is to be understood! If there is a misunderstanding about its TEMPO, for instance, the sentence itself is misunderstood! That one must not be doubtful about the rhythm-determining syllables117, that one should feel the breaking of the too-rigid symmetry as intentional119 and as a charm, that one should lend a fine and patient ear to every STACCATO and every RUBATO, that one should divine the sense in the sequence of the vowels120 and diphthongs, and how delicately and richly they can be tinted121 and retinted in the order of their arrangement—who among book-reading Germans is complaisant122 enough to recognize such duties and requirements, and to listen to so much art and intention in language? After all, one just "has no ear for it"; and so the most marked contrasts of style are not heard, and the most delicate artistry is as it were SQUANDERED123 on the deaf.—These were my thoughts when I noticed how clumsily and unintuitively two masters in the art of prose-writing have been confounded: one, whose words drop down hesitatingly and coldly, as from the roof of a damp cave—he counts on their dull sound and echo; and another who manipulates his language like a flexible sword, and from his arm down into his toes feels the dangerous bliss124 of the quivering, over-sharp blade, which wishes to bite, hiss125, and cut.
247. How little the German style has to do with harmony and with the ear, is shown by the fact that precisely126 our good musicians themselves write badly. The German does not read aloud, he does not read for the ear, but only with his eyes; he has put his ears away in the drawer for the time. In antiquity127 when a man read—which was seldom enough—he read something to himself, and in a loud voice; they were surprised when any one read silently, and sought secretly the reason of it. In a loud voice: that is to say, with all the swellings, inflections, and variations of key and changes of TEMPO, in which the ancient PUBLIC world took delight. The laws of the written style were then the same as those of the spoken style; and these laws depended partly on the surprising development and refined requirements of the ear and larynx; partly on the strength, endurance, and power of the ancient lungs. In the ancient sense, a period is above all a physiological whole, inasmuch as it is comprised in one breath. Such periods as occur in Demosthenes and Cicero, swelling128 twice and sinking twice, and all in one breath, were pleasures to the men of ANTIQUITY, who knew by their own schooling how to appreciate the virtue30 therein, the rareness and the difficulty in the deliverance of such a period;—WE have really no right to the BIG period, we modern men, who are short of breath in every sense! Those ancients, indeed, were all of them dilettanti in speaking, consequently connoisseurs129, consequently critics—they thus brought their orators130 to the highest pitch; in the same manner as in the last century, when all Italian ladies and gentlemen knew how to sing, the virtuosoship of song (and with it also the art of melody) reached its elevation131. In Germany, however (until quite recently when a kind of platform eloquence132 began shyly and awkwardly enough to flutter its young wings), there was properly speaking only one kind of public and APPROXIMATELY artistical discourse134—that delivered from the pulpit. The preacher was the only one in Germany who knew the weight of a syllable118 or a word, in what manner a sentence strikes, springs, rushes, flows, and comes to a close; he alone had a conscience in his ears, often enough a bad conscience: for reasons are not lacking why proficiency135 in oratory136 should be especially seldom attained137 by a German, or almost always too late. The masterpiece of German prose is therefore with good reason the masterpiece of its greatest preacher: the BIBLE has hitherto been the best German book. Compared with Luther's Bible, almost everything else is merely "literature"—something which has not grown in Germany, and therefore has not taken and does not take root in German hearts, as the Bible has done.
248. There are two kinds of geniuses: one which above all engenders139 and seeks to engender138, and another which willingly lets itself be fructified140 and brings forth29. And similarly, among the gifted nations, there are those on whom the woman's problem of pregnancy141 has devolved, and the secret task of forming, maturing, and perfecting—the Greeks, for instance, were a nation of this kind, and so are the French; and others which have to fructify142 and become the cause of new modes of life—like the Jews, the Romans, and, in all modesty143 be it asked: like the Germans?—nations tortured and enraptured144 by unknown fevers and irresistibly145 forced out of themselves, amorous and longing for foreign races (for such as "let themselves be fructified"), and withal imperious, like everything conscious of being full of generative force, and consequently empowered "by the grace of God." These two kinds of geniuses seek each other like man and woman; but they also misunderstand each other—like man and woman.
249. Every nation has its own "Tartuffery," and calls that its virtue.—One does not know—cannot know, the best that is in one.
250. What Europe owes to the Jews?—Many things, good and bad, and above all one thing of the nature both of the best and the worst: the grand style in morality, the fearfulness and majesty146 of infinite demands, of infinite significations, the whole Romanticism and sublimity147 of moral questionableness—and consequently just the most attractive, ensnaring, and exquisite148 element in those iridescences and allurements149 to life, in the aftersheen of which the sky of our European culture, its evening sky, now glows—perhaps glows out. For this, we artists among the spectators and philosophers, are—grateful to the Jews.
251. It must be taken into the bargain, if various clouds and disturbances—in short, slight attacks of stupidity—pass over the spirit of a people that suffers and WANTS to suffer from national nervous fever and political ambition: for instance, among present-day Germans there is alternately the anti-French folly150, the anti-Semitic folly, the anti-Polish folly, the Christian151-romantic folly, the Wagnerian folly, the Teutonic folly, the Prussian folly (just look at those poor historians, the Sybels and Treitschkes, and their closely bandaged heads), and whatever else these little obscurations of the German spirit and conscience may be called. May it be forgiven me that I, too, when on a short daring sojourn152 on very infected ground, did not remain wholly exempt153 from the disease, but like every one else, began to entertain thoughts about matters which did not concern me—the first symptom of political infection. About the Jews, for instance, listen to the following:—I have never yet met a German who was favourably154 inclined to the Jews; and however decided155 the repudiation156 of actual anti-Semitism may be on the part of all prudent and political men, this prudence157 and policy is not perhaps directed against the nature of the sentiment itself, but only against its dangerous excess, and especially against the distasteful and infamous158 expression of this excess of sentiment;—on this point we must not deceive ourselves. That Germany has amply SUFFICIENT Jews, that the German stomach, the German blood, has difficulty (and will long have difficulty) in disposing only of this quantity of "Jew"—as the Italian, the Frenchman, and the Englishman have done by means of a stronger digestion:—that is the unmistakable declaration and language of a general instinct, to which one must listen and according to which one must act. "Let no more Jews come in! And shut the doors, especially towards the East (also towards Austria)!"—thus commands the instinct of a people whose nature is still feeble and uncertain, so that it could be easily wiped out, easily extinguished, by a stronger race. The Jews, however, are beyond all doubt the strongest, toughest, and purest race at present living in Europe, they know how to succeed even under the worst conditions (in fact better than under favourable159 ones), by means of virtues of some sort, which one would like nowadays to label as vices—owing above all to a resolute160 faith which does not need to be ashamed before "modern ideas", they alter only, WHEN they do alter, in the same way that the Russian Empire makes its conquest—as an empire that has plenty of time and is not of yesterday—namely, according to the principle, "as slowly as possible"! A thinker who has the future of Europe at heart, will, in all his perspectives concerning the future, calculate upon the Jews, as he will calculate upon the Russians, as above all the surest and likeliest factors in the great play and battle of forces. That which is at present called a "nation" in Europe, and is really rather a RES FACTA than NATA (indeed, sometimes confusingly similar to a RES FICTA ET PICTA), is in every case something evolving, young, easily displaced, and not yet a race, much less such a race AERE PERENNUS, as the Jews are such "nations" should most carefully avoid all hot-headed rivalry161 and hostility162! It is certain that the Jews, if they desired—or if they were driven to it, as the anti-Semites seem to wish—COULD now have the ascendancy163, nay164, literally165 the supremacy166, over Europe, that they are NOT working and planning for that end is equally certain. Meanwhile, they rather wish and desire, even somewhat importunely, to be insorbed and absorbed by Europe, they long to be finally settled, authorized167, and respected somewhere, and wish to put an end to the nomadic life, to the "wandering Jew",—and one should certainly take account of this impulse and tendency, and MAKE ADVANCES to it (it possibly betokens168 a mitigation of the Jewish instincts) for which purpose it would perhaps be useful and fair to banish169 the anti-Semitic bawlers out of the country. One should make advances with all prudence, and with selection, pretty much as the English nobility do It stands to reason that the more powerful and strongly marked types of new Germanism could enter into relation with the Jews with the least hesitation, for instance, the nobleman officer from the Prussian border it would be interesting in many ways to see whether the genius for money and patience (and especially some intellect and intellectuality—sadly lacking in the place referred to) could not in addition be annexed170 and trained to the hereditary171 art of commanding and obeying—for both of which the country in question has now a classic reputation But here it is expedient9 to break off my festal discourse and my sprightly172 Teutonomania for I have already reached my SERIOUS TOPIC, the "European problem," as I understand it, the rearing of a new ruling caste for Europe.
252. They are not a philosophical race—the English: Bacon represents an ATTACK on the philosophical spirit generally, Hobbes, Hume, and Locke, an abasement173, and a depreciation174 of the idea of a "philosopher" for more than a century. It was AGAINST Hume that Kant uprose and raised himself; it was Locke of whom Schelling RIGHTLY said, "JE MEPRISE LOCKE"; in the struggle against the English mechanical stultification175 of the world, Hegel and Schopenhauer (along with Goethe) were of one accord; the two hostile brother-geniuses in philosophy, who pushed in different directions towards the opposite poles of German thought, and thereby wronged each other as only brothers will do.—What is lacking in England, and has always been lacking, that half-actor and rhetorician knew well enough, the absurd muddle-head, Carlyle, who sought to conceal under passionate176 grimaces177 what he knew about himself: namely, what was LACKING in Carlyle—real POWER of intellect, real DEPTH of intellectual perception, in short, philosophy. It is characteristic of such an unphilosophical race to hold on firmly to Christianity—they NEED its discipline for "moralizing" and humanizing. The Englishman, more gloomy, sensual, headstrong, and brutal178 than the German—is for that very reason, as the baser of the two, also the most pious179: he has all the MORE NEED of Christianity. To finer nostrils180, this English Christianity itself has still a characteristic English taint181 of spleen and alcoholic182 excess, for which, owing to good reasons, it is used as an antidote—the finer poison to neutralize183 the coarser: a finer form of poisoning is in fact a step in advance with coarse-mannered people, a step towards spiritualization. The English coarseness and rustic184 demureness185 is still most satisfactorily disguised by Christian pantomime, and by praying and psalm-singing (or, more correctly, it is thereby explained and differently expressed); and for the herd186 of drunkards and rakes who formerly learned moral grunting187 under the influence of Methodism (and more recently as the "Salvation188 Army"), a penitential fit may really be the relatively189 highest manifestation190 of "humanity" to which they can be elevated: so much may reasonably be admitted. That, however, which offends even in the humanest Englishman is his lack of music, to speak figuratively (and also literally): he has neither rhythm nor dance in the movements of his soul and body; indeed, not even the desire for rhythm and dance, for "music." Listen to him speaking; look at the most beautiful Englishwoman WALKING—in no country on earth are there more beautiful doves and swans; finally, listen to them singing! But I ask too much...
253. There are truths which are best recognized by mediocre191 minds, because they are best adapted for them, there are truths which only possess charms and seductive power for mediocre spirits:—one is pushed to this probably unpleasant conclusion, now that the influence of respectable but mediocre Englishmen—I may mention Darwin, John Stuart Mill, and Herbert Spencer—begins to gain the ascendancy in the middle-class region of European taste. Indeed, who could doubt that it is a useful thing for SUCH minds to have the ascendancy for a time? It would be an error to consider the highly developed and independently soaring minds as specially7 qualified192 for determining and collecting many little common facts, and deducing conclusions from them; as exceptions, they are rather from the first in no very favourable position towards those who are "the rules." After all, they have more to do than merely to perceive:—in effect, they have to BE something new, they have to SIGNIFY something new, they have to REPRESENT new values! The gulf193 between knowledge and capacity is perhaps greater, and also more mysterious, than one thinks: the capable man in the grand style, the creator, will possibly have to be an ignorant person;—while on the other hand, for scientific discoveries like those of Darwin, a certain narrowness, aridity194, and industrious carefulness (in short, something English) may not be unfavourable for arriving at them.—Finally, let it not be forgotten that the English, with their profound mediocrity, brought about once before a general depression of European intelligence.
What is called "modern ideas," or "the ideas of the eighteenth century," or "French ideas"—that, consequently, against which the GERMAN mind rose up with profound disgust—is of English origin, there is no doubt about it. The French were only the apes and actors of these ideas, their best soldiers, and likewise, alas! their first and profoundest VICTIMS; for owing to the diabolical195 Anglomania of "modern ideas," the AME FRANCAIS has in the end become so thin and emaciated196, that at present one recalls its sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, its profound, passionate strength, its inventive excellency, almost with disbelief. One must, however, maintain this verdict of historical justice in a determined197 manner, and defend it against present prejudices and appearances: the European NOBLESSE—of sentiment, taste, and manners, taking the word in every high sense—is the work and invention of FRANCE; the European ignobleness, the plebeianism of modern ideas—is ENGLAND'S work and invention.
254. Even at present France is still the seat of the most intellectual and refined culture of Europe, it is still the high school of taste; but one must know how to find this "France of taste." He who belongs to it keeps himself well concealed:—they may be a small number in whom it lives and is embodied199, besides perhaps being men who do not stand upon the strongest legs, in part fatalists, hypochondriacs, invalids, in part persons over-indulged, over-refined, such as have the AMBITION to conceal themselves.
They have all something in common: they keep their ears closed in presence of the delirious200 folly and noisy spouting201 of the democratic BOURGEOIS202. In fact, a besotted and brutalized France at present sprawls203 in the foreground—it recently celebrated204 a veritable orgy of bad taste, and at the same time of self-admiration, at the funeral of Victor Hugo. There is also something else common to them: a predilection205 to resist intellectual Germanizing—and a still greater inability to do so! In this France of intellect, which is also a France of pessimism206, Schopenhauer has perhaps become more at home, and more indigenous207 than he has ever been in Germany; not to speak of Heinrich Heine, who has long ago been re-incarnated in the more refined and fastidious lyrists of Paris; or of Hegel, who at present, in the form of Taine—the FIRST of living historians—exercises an almost tyrannical influence. As regards Richard Wagner, however, the more French music learns to adapt itself to the actual needs of the AME MODERNE, the more will it "Wagnerite"; one can safely predict that beforehand,—it is already taking place sufficiently208! There are, however, three things which the French can still boast of with pride as their heritage and possession, and as indelible tokens of their ancient intellectual superiority in Europe, in spite of all voluntary or involuntary Germanizing and vulgarizing of taste. FIRSTLY, the capacity for artistic133 emotion, for devotion to "form," for which the expression, L'ART POUR L'ART, along with numerous others, has been invented:—such capacity has not been lacking in France for three centuries; and owing to its reverence209 for the "small number," it has again and again made a sort of chamber210 music of literature possible, which is sought for in vain elsewhere in Europe.—The SECOND thing whereby the French can lay claim to a superiority over Europe is their ancient, many-sided, MORALISTIC culture, owing to which one finds on an average, even in the petty ROMANCIERS of the newspapers and chance BOULEVARDIERS DE PARIS, a psychological sensitiveness and curiosity, of which, for example, one has no conception (to say nothing of the thing itself!) in Germany. The Germans lack a couple of centuries of the moralistic work requisite211 thereto, which, as we have said, France has not grudged212: those who call the Germans "naive" on that account give them commendation for a defect. (As the opposite of the German inexperience and innocence213 IN VOLUPTATE PSYCHOLOGICA, which is not too remotely associated with the tediousness of German intercourse,—and as the most successful expression of genuine French curiosity and inventive talent in this domain of delicate thrills, Henri Beyle may be noted214; that remarkable215 anticipatory216 and forerunning man, who, with a Napoleonic TEMPO, traversed HIS Europe, in fact, several centuries of the European soul, as a surveyor and discoverer thereof:—it has required two generations to OVERTAKE him one way or other, to divine long afterwards some of the riddles that perplexed217 and enraptured him—this strange Epicurean and man of interrogation, the last great psychologist of France).—There is yet a THIRD claim to superiority: in the French character there is a successful half-way synthesis of the North and South, which makes them comprehend many things, and enjoins218 upon them other things, which an Englishman can never comprehend. Their temperament219, turned alternately to and from the South, in which from time to time the Provencal and Ligurian blood froths over, preserves them from the dreadful, northern grey-in-grey, from sunless conceptual-spectrism and from poverty of blood—our GERMAN infirmity of taste, for the excessive prevalence of which at the present moment, blood and iron, that is to say "high politics," has with great resolution been prescribed (according to a dangerous healing art, which bids me wait and wait, but not yet hope).—There is also still in France a pre-understanding and ready welcome for those rarer and rarely gratified men, who are too comprehensive to find satisfaction in any kind of fatherlandism, and know how to love the South when in the North and the North when in the South—the born Midlanders, the "good Europeans." For them BIZET has made music, this latest genius, who has seen a new beauty and seduction,—who has discovered a piece of the SOUTH IN MUSIC.
255. I hold that many precautions should be taken against German music. Suppose a person loves the South as I love it—as a great school of recovery for the most spiritual and the most sensuous220 ills, as a boundless221 solar profusion222 and effulgence223 which o'erspreads a sovereign existence believing in itself—well, such a person will learn to be somewhat on his guard against German music, because, in injuring his taste anew, it will also injure his health anew. Such a Southerner, a Southerner not by origin but by BELIEF, if he should dream of the future of music, must also dream of it being freed from the influence of the North; and must have in his ears the prelude224 to a deeper, mightier225, and perhaps more perverse226 and mysterious music, a super-German music, which does not fade, pale, and die away, as all German music does, at the sight of the blue, wanton sea and the Mediterranean227 clearness of sky—a super-European music, which holds its own even in presence of the brown sunsets of the desert, whose soul is akin53 to the palm-tree, and can be at home and can roam with big, beautiful, lonely beasts of prey228... I could imagine a music of which the rarest charm would be that it knew nothing more of good and evil; only that here and there perhaps some sailor's home-sickness, some golden shadows and tender weaknesses might sweep lightly over it; an art which, from the far distance, would see the colours of a sinking and almost incomprehensible MORAL world fleeing towards it, and would be hospitable229 enough and profound enough to receive such belated fugitives230.
256. Owing to the morbid231 estrangement232 which the nationality-craze has induced and still induces among the nations of Europe, owing also to the short-sighted and hasty-handed politicians, who with the help of this craze, are at present in power, and do not suspect to what extent the disintegrating233 policy they pursue must necessarily be only an interlude policy—owing to all this and much else that is altogether unmentionable at present, the most unmistakable signs that EUROPE WISHES TO BE ONE, are now overlooked, or arbitrarily and falsely misinterpreted. With all the more profound and large-minded men of this century, the real general tendency of the mysterious labour of their souls was to prepare the way for that new SYNTHESIS, and tentatively to anticipate the European of the future; only in their simulations, or in their weaker moments, in old age perhaps, did they belong to the "fatherlands"—they only rested from themselves when they became "patriots." I think of such men as Napoleon, Goethe, Beethoven, Stendhal, Heinrich Heine, Schopenhauer: it must not be taken amiss if I also count Richard Wagner among them, about whom one must not let oneself be deceived by his own misunderstandings (geniuses like him have seldom the right to understand themselves), still less, of course, by the unseemly noise with which he is now resisted and opposed in France: the fact remains234, nevertheless, that Richard Wagner and the LATER FRENCH ROMANTICISM of the forties, are most closely and intimately related to one another. They are akin, fundamentally akin, in all the heights and depths of their requirements; it is Europe, the ONE Europe, whose soul presses urgently and longingly235, outwards236 and upwards237, in their multifarious and boisterous238 art—whither? into a new light? towards a new sun? But who would attempt to express accurately239 what all these masters of new modes of speech could not express distinctly? It is certain that the same storm and stress tormented240 them, that they SOUGHT in the same manner, these last great seekers! All of them steeped in literature to their eyes and ears—the first artists of universal literary culture—for the most part even themselves writers, poets, intermediaries and blenders of the arts and the senses (Wagner, as musician is reckoned among painters, as poet among musicians, as artist generally among actors); all of them fanatics241 for EXPRESSION "at any cost"—I specially mention Delacroix, the nearest related to Wagner; all of them great discoverers in the realm of the sublime242, also of the loathsome243 and dreadful, still greater discoverers in effect, in display, in the art of the show-shop; all of them talented far beyond their genius, out and out VIRTUOSI, with mysterious accesses to all that seduces244, allures245, constrains246, and upsets; born enemies of logic and of the straight line, hankering after the strange, the exotic, the monstrous247, the crooked248, and the self-contradictory; as men, Tantaluses of the will, plebeian198 parvenus249, who knew themselves to be incapable250 of a noble TEMPO or of a LENTO in life and action—think of Balzac, for instance,—unrestrained workers, almost destroying themselves by work; antinomians and rebels in manners, ambitious and insatiable, without equilibrium251 and enjoyment252; all of them finally shattering and sinking down at the Christian cross (and with right and reason, for who of them would have been sufficiently profound and sufficiently original for an ANTI-CHRISTIAN philosophy?);—on the whole, a boldly daring, splendidly overbearing, high-flying, and aloft-up-dragging class of higher men, who had first to teach their century—and it is the century of the MASSES—the conception "higher man."... Let the German friends of Richard Wagner advise together as to whether there is anything purely253 German in the Wagnerian art, or whether its distinction does not consist precisely in coming from SUPER-GERMAN sources and impulses: in which connection it may not be underrated how indispensable Paris was to the development of his type, which the strength of his instincts made him long to visit at the most decisive time—and how the whole style of his proceedings254, of his self-apostolate, could only perfect itself in sight of the French socialistic original. On a more subtle comparison it will perhaps be found, to the honour of Richard Wagner's German nature, that he has acted in everything with more strength, daring, severity, and elevation than a nineteenth-century Frenchman could have done—owing to the circumstance that we Germans are as yet nearer to barbarism than the French;—perhaps even the most remarkable creation of Richard Wagner is not only at present, but for ever inaccessible255, incomprehensible, and inimitable to the whole latter-day Latin race: the figure of Siegfried, that VERY FREE man, who is probably far too free, too hard, too cheerful, too healthy, too ANTI-CATHOLIC for the taste of old and mellow civilized256 nations. He may even have been a sin against Romanticism, this anti-Latin Siegfried: well, Wagner atoned257 amply for this sin in his old sad days, when—anticipating a taste which has meanwhile passed into politics—he began, with the religious vehemence peculiar258 to him, to preach, at least, THE WAY TO ROME, if not to walk therein.—That these last words may not be misunderstood, I will call to my aid a few powerful rhymes, which will even betray to less delicate ears what I mean—what I mean COUNTER TO the "last Wagner" and his Parsifal music:—
—Is this our mode?—From German heart came this vexed259 ululating? From German body, this self-lacerating? Is ours this priestly hand-dilation, This incense-fuming exaltation? Is ours this faltering260, falling, shambling, This quite uncertain ding-dong-dangling? This sly nun-ogling, Ave-hour-bell ringing, This wholly false enraptured heaven-o'erspringing?—Is this our mode?—Think well!—ye still wait for admission—For what ye hear is ROME—ROME'S FAITH BY INTUITION!
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1
overture
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| n.前奏曲、序曲，提议，提案，初步交涉 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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pompously
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| adv.傲慢地，盛大壮观地；大模大样 | |
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4
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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5
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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6
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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7
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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13
cumbersome
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| adj.笨重的，不便携带的 | |
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14
conceits
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| 高傲( conceit的名词复数 )； 自以为； 巧妙的词语； 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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15
witticisms
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| n.妙语，俏皮话( witticism的名词复数 ) | |
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potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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20
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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23
sluggish
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| adj.懒惰的，迟钝的，无精打采的 | |
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24
surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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belly
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| n.肚子，腹部；(像肚子一样)鼓起的部分，膛 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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32
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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33
loathing
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| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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34
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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stigma
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| n.耻辱，污名；(花的)柱头 | |
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aloofness
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| 超然态度 | |
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depreciate
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| v.降价，贬值，折旧 | |
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40
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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41
proclivities
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| n.倾向，癖性( proclivity的名词复数 ) | |
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42
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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43
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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44
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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45
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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46
physiological
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| adj.生理学的，生理学上的 | |
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47
hereditarily
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| 世袭地，遗传地 | |
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48
milieu
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| n.环境；出身背景；(个人所处的)社会环境 | |
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49
inscribe
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| v.刻；雕；题写；牢记 | |
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50
emergence
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| n.浮现，显现，出现，（植物）突出体 | |
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51
nomadic
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| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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52
physiologically
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| ad.生理上，在生理学上 | |
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53
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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54
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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55
tempo
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| n.(音乐的)速度；节奏，行进速度 | |
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56
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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57
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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58
pertains
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| 关于( pertain的第三人称单数 )； 有关； 存在； 适用 | |
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naive
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| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
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60
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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61
gregarious
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| adj.群居的，喜好群居的 | |
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62
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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63
constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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64
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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66
tune
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| n.调子；和谐，协调；v.调音，调节，调整 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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aggregated
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| a.聚合的，合计的 | |
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embolden
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| v.给…壮胆，鼓励 | |
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71
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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72
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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73
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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74
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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75
explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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76
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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78
condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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80
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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81
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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82
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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83
crepuscular
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| adj.晨曦的；黄昏的；昏暗的 | |
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84
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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85
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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86
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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87
riddles
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| n.谜（语）( riddle的名词复数 )；猜不透的难题，难解之谜 | |
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88
propounds
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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89
juxtaposition
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| n.毗邻，并置，并列 | |
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90
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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91
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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92
boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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93
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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94
digestion
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| n.消化，吸收 | |
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95
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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96
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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97
complaisance
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| n.彬彬有礼，殷勤，柔顺 | |
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98
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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99
rococo
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| n.洛可可；adj.过分修饰的 | |
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100
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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101
amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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102
mellow
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| adj.柔和的；熟透的；v.变柔和；(使)成熟 | |
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103
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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104
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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105
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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106
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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107
fleeting
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| adj.短暂的，飞逝的 | |
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108
halcyon
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| n.平静的，愉快的 | |
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109
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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110
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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111
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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112
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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113
intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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114
revelled
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| v.作乐( revel的过去式和过去分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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115
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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116
obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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117
syllables
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| n.音节( syllable的名词复数 ) | |
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118
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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119
intentional
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| adj.故意的，有意（识）的 | |
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120
vowels
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| n.元音，元音字母( vowel的名词复数 ) | |
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121
tinted
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| adj. 带色彩的 动词tint的过去式和过去分词 | |
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122
complaisant
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| adj.顺从的，讨好的 | |
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123
squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
bliss
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| n.狂喜，福佑，天赐的福 | |
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125
hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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126
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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127
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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128
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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129
connoisseurs
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| n.鉴赏家，鉴定家，行家( connoisseur的名词复数 ) | |
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130
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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131
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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132
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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133
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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134
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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135
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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136
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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137
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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138
engender
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| v.产生，引起 | |
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139
engenders
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的第三人称单数 ) | |
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140
fructified
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| v.结果实( fructify的过去式和过去分词 )；使结果实，使多产，使土地肥沃 | |
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141
pregnancy
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| n.怀孕，怀孕期 | |
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142
fructify
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| v.结果实；使土地肥沃 | |
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143
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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144
enraptured
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| v.使狂喜( enrapture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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146
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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147
sublimity
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| 崇高，庄严，气质高尚 | |
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148
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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149
allurements
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| n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 )；吸引；诱惑物；有诱惑力的事物 | |
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150
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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151
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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152
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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153
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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154
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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155
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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156
repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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157
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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158
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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159
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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160
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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161
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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162
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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163
ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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164
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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165
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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166
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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167
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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168
betokens
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| v.预示，表示( betoken的第三人称单数 ) | |
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169
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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170
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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171
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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172
sprightly
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| adj.愉快的，活泼的 | |
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173
abasement
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| n.滥用 | |
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174
depreciation
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| n.价值低落，贬值，蔑视，贬低 | |
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175
stultification
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| n.使显得愚笨，使变无效 | |
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176
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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177
grimaces
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| n.（表蔑视、厌恶等）面部扭曲，鬼脸( grimace的名词复数 )v.扮鬼相，做鬼脸( grimace的第三人称单数 ) | |
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178
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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179
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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180
nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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181
taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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182
alcoholic
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| adj.（含）酒精的，由酒精引起的；n.酗酒者 | |
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183
neutralize
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| v.使失效、抵消，使中和 | |
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184
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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185
demureness
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| n.demure（拘谨的，端庄的）的变形 | |
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186
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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187
grunting
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| 咕哝的，呼噜的 | |
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188
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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189
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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190
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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191
mediocre
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| adj.平常的，普通的 | |
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192
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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193
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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194
aridity
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| n.干旱，乏味；干燥性；荒芜 | |
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195
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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196
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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197
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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198
plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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199
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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200
delirious
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| adj.不省人事的，神智昏迷的 | |
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201
spouting
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| n.水落管系统v.（指液体）喷出( spout的现在分词 )；滔滔不绝地讲；喋喋不休地说；喷水 | |
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202
bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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203
sprawls
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| n.（城市）杂乱无序拓展的地区( sprawl的名词复数 )；随意扩展；蔓延物v.伸开四肢坐[躺]( sprawl的第三人称单数 )；蔓延；杂乱无序地拓展；四肢伸展坐着（或躺着） | |
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204
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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205
predilection
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| n.偏好 | |
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206
pessimism
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| n.悲观者，悲观主义者，厌世者 | |
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207
indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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208
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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209
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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210
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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211
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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212
grudged
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| 怀恨（grudge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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213
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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214
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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anticipatory
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| adj.预想的，预期的 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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enjoins
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| v.命令( enjoin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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sensuous
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| adj.激发美感的；感官的，感觉上的 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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effulgence
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| n.光辉 | |
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prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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mightier
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| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
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perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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disintegrating
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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longingly
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| adv. 渴望地 热望地 | |
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outwards
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| adj.外面的，公开的，向外的；adv.向外；n.外形 | |
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upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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seduces
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| 诱奸( seduce的第三人称单数 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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allures
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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constrains
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| 强迫( constrain的第三人称单数 )； 强使； 限制； 约束 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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parvenus
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| n.暴富者( parvenu的名词复数 )；暴发户；新贵；傲慢自负的人 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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atoned
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的过去式和过去分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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faltering
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| 犹豫的，支吾的，蹒跚的 | |
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