A very curious story is told of why they came over here; and as it goes at first sight against a good many of our notions of how the world is governed, and so ought to make us think a little more about the matter, I shall give it you pretty much as it is told by the old chronicler, John Brompton.
“There was a man of royal birth in the kingdom of Denmark, named Lodbroc, who had two sons, Hinguar and Hubba. This man embarked3 one day with his hawk4 in a small boat to catch ducks, and other wild-fowl on the adjoining sea-coasts and islands. A terrible storm arose, by which Lodbroc was carried away and tossed for several days on every part of the ocean. After numberless perils5, he was cast ashore6 on the coast of Norfolk, near the village of Redham,” (at least that must be the name, as I read it in Brompton, though I have not been able to hear of a village of that name on the coast of Norfolk,) “where he was found having his hawk alone for his companion, and presented to King Edmund. That king, struck[53] with the manliness7 of his form, kept him at his court, and heard from his own mouth the history of his adventures. He was then associated with Berne, the king’s huntsman, and indulged in all the pleasures of the chase, for in the exercise of both hunting and hawking8 he was remarkably9 skilful10, and succeeded in capturing both birds and beasts according as he had a mind.” In fact, Lodbroc was the sort of man to please King Edmund, for the art of capturing birds and beasts was, next to the art of fighting for one’s home and country, the art most esteemed11 amongst the Anglo-Saxons; who acknowledged “that skill and good fortune in this art, as in all others, are among the gifts of God, as we also have often witnessed.” But to go on with our story. “The skill of Lodbroc bred jealousy12 in the heart of Berne the huntsman, who one day, as they went out together hunting, unawares set upon Lodbroc, and having foully13 slain14 him, buried his body in the thickets15 of the forest. But Lodbroc had a small harrier dog, which he had bred up from its birth, and which loved him much. While Berne the huntsman went home with the other hounds, this little dog remained alone with his master’s[54] body. In the morning, the king asked what had become of Lodbroc, to which Berne answered that he had parted from him yesterday in the woods, and had not seen him since. At that moment the harrier came into the hall and went round wagging its tail, and fawning16 on the whole company, but especially on the king; when he had eaten his fill, he again left the hall. This happened often; until some one at last followed the dog to see where he went, and having found the body of the murdered Lodbroc, came and told the story to the king. The affair was now carefully inquired into, and when the truth was at last found out, the huntsman was exposed on the sea, without oars18, in the boat which had belonged to Lodbroc. In some days, he was cast ashore in Denmark, and brought before the sons of Lodbroc; who, putting him to the torture, inquired of him what had become of their father, to whom they knew the boat belonged. To this Berne answered,” as one might have guessed he would answer, he being a liar19 and cowardly murderer, “that their father Lodbroc had fallen into the hands of Edmund, King of East Anglia, by whose orders he had been put to death.” Now, King Edmund[55] was a wise and righteous man, who “devoutly undertook the government of the East Angles, and held it with the right hand of power, always adoring and glorifying20 God for all the good things which he enjoyed;”[3] and it is a pity he did not on this occasion remember, that having safely caught a great scoundrel, the best thing to do with him was to see him hung out of the way himself; for, by letting him go, you see, he gave a chance to the devil, who can’t afford to lose such gentlemen as Berne the huntsman out of the world, and has considerable grudges21 against kings like Edmund.
Well, when Hinguar and Hubba heard the tale of Berne the huntsman, they, like good and true sons, according to the notions of piety22 then current amongst the Danes, hastened to fit out a fleet to invade England, and avenge23 their father. And their three sisters wove for them the standard, called the Raven24, in one day—which flag waved over many a bloody25 field, from Northumbria to Devonshire, until it was taken by King Alfred’s men, under Odda, the Alderman of Devon, before a certain castle in that county, which is called Cynuit by Asser,[56] and Kenuith elsewhere, (the situation of which castle I cannot identify, or the name,) where were slain King Halfdene, a brother of Hinguar and Hubba, and 840 Danish warriors26. It was said, that when the Danes were about to gain a battle, a live crow would fly before the middle of the standard; but if they were to be beaten, it would hang motionless.[4]
So Hinguar and Hubba, as has been said, landed in the country of the East Angles, in the late autumn, bent27 on vengeance28. King Edmund knew nothing of the blood-feud between him and these Danish leaders, by reason of Berne’s lying story, so took no more than the usual measures for preparing to attack them; but whether it was that they found King Edmund too strong for them at the time, or for some other reason, they seem to have wintered there quietly, and to have bought horses, and made some sort of truce29 with the East Angles.[5] But in the spring of the year 867, they crossed the Humber, marched hastily upon York, and took it.
The kingdom of Northumbria was just the[57] place for the army of Pagans and the standard Raven at this time; for it was divided against itself. Osbert, the rightful king, had been playing Tarquin in the house of Bruern Brocard, one of his chief earls; so his people had cast him out, and had taken to themselves a king ?lla, of unkingly blood, and the two were warring against one another when the Danes took York. Late in the autumn, however, a peace was made between Osbert and ?lla, and they marched to York; where within the very walls of the city into which the Northumbrians penetrated30, was fought a most bloody battle. In that fight fell almost all the Northumbrian warriors, and both the kings, and a multitude of noble men; and the remainder who escaped made peace with the Pagans.[6] By this time, no doubt, there was small spoil left for Hinguar and Hubba north of the Humber.
Accordingly, in the year 868, the pagan army, leaving Northumbria, marched into Mercia, and surprised and took Nottingham. Then Burhred, King of Mercia, and his witan sent to ?thelred, king of the West Saxons, to come and help them. And ?thelred and Alfred marched to[58] Nottingham with the West Saxon power, and with Burhred besieged31 the Pagans, there; but they could not force the wall, and there was no great battle, and ?thelred and Alfred went home with their troops. But the Pagans, after wintering at Nottingham, made peace with Burhred and the Mercians; that is to say, such a peace as they loved to make—I mean a peace till it was worth their while to come again; for in 874 they came back, drove King Burhred over the sea, and subdued32 the whole country—and Burhred went to Rome and died there, and his body lies in St. Mary’s Church at the English School.[7]
In the year 869, “the aforesaid army of Pagans, galloping33 back to Northumbria, went to York, and there passed the winter;” or, in the words of Huntingdon, “remained there cruelly for one year.” And what sort of a winter was it for the poor Yorkshiremen? “There was again a great famine, a mortality among men, and a pest among cattle.” Such is the fate of a divided people which can only make truces34 with its oppressors.
In this winter, Hinguar and Hubba seem to[59] have got large reinforcements from over the sea, headed by two other kings, B?gseeg and Halfdene their brother, for in the year 870 we find them no longer surprising a city, and from thence defying their enemies and oppressing the neighbourhood. Now they march openly and fearlessly across Mercia; and, the day of vengeance having come, burst upon East Anglia, and take up their head-quarters at Thetford. And then comes the saddest part of a sad story. King Edmund, being a king like Josiah, who believed in God and ruled in righteousness, was not the man to see the desolation of any part of his people, or to shut himself up in fenced cities while the pagan cavalry35 rode through East Anglia—so the aforesaid King Edmund gathered his men, and “fought fiercely and manfully against the army. But because the merciful God foreknew that he was to arrive at the crown of martyrdom, he there fell gloriously. Of his passion I would fain insert some particulars into our history, that the sons of men may know and perceive how terrible is Christ the Son of God in the counsels of men, and with what glorious triumph he adorns36 those whom he tries here under the name of suffering,[60] that the saying may be fulfilled, ‘He is not crowned except he strive lawfully37.’ (2 Tim. ii. 5.)”[8] Such is the lesson which the old monk38 Simeon, pr?centor of the Church of Durham, gets out of the death and martyrdom of King Edmund, and I know not where we are to look for a better. Perhaps it may help us when we think of India[9] to remember with Simeon, how terrible is Christ the Son of God in the counsels of men, and with what glorious triumph he adorns those whom he tries here under the name of suffering. For Hinguar and Hubba took the wounded king on the field of battle, and tied him to a tree, because he chose to die sooner than give over his people to them, and there shot him through the body with their arrows.[10] But his people got[61] the body and buried it at Bradoriesunyrthe, now called St. Edmund’s Bury, or Bury St. Edmunds;[11] and many miracles were wrought39 at his tomb, and he was canonized—at which honour let all Englishmen rejoice, the earth having as much need as ever of many such kings and saints.
And they were rare then as now, and then as now men went their own way, and not God’s way, and cut out their own work instead of taking his. For “when King Edmund was slain, his brother Edwold, dreading40 the pleasures of the world, and seeing that a hard lot had fallen on himself and his brother, retired41 to the monastery42 of Carnelia in Dorsetshire, near a clear well which St. Augustine had formerly43 brought out of the earth by prayer, to baptize the people in, and there he led a hermit’s life on only bread and water.”[12] Yes![62] and no doubt thought himself righteous and despised others—and left the kingdom which God had given him to the Pagans, who “subdued all the land and destroyed all the ministers they came to,” which Edmund his brother had built—“and that same time they came to Medeshamstede, and burned and beat it down, slew44 abbot and monks45, and all that place which before was full rich, they reduced to nothing,”[13] while Edwold, who should have been there with the remnant of the East Angles, to make his last stand, like a true shepherd of his people, was eating his bread and drinking his water in peace, by a clear well near the monastery of Carnelia in Dorsetshire.
And now the Pagan kings, “with a new army, very great, like a flowing river which carries all along with it,”[14] having doubtless been reinforced again from over the sea, where the story of their victories had spread far and wide, were looking about for some new field for plunder46 and murder. The whole north and east of England was a desolate47 wilderness48 behind them; London was in ruins, and Kent had been harried49 over and over again by their[63] brethren the sea-kings. But some thirty miles up the Thames was a fair kingdom, stretching far away west, down to the distant sea. This was Wessex, the kingdom of the West Angles, over which ?thelred, the brother of Alfred, was now ruling, and entering on the sixth year of his reign50. The kingdom had had peace for ten years, and was full of royal burgs, and rich pastures, with cattle and horses, and sheep. Perhaps Hinguar and Hubba remembered the leaguer of Nottingham three years before, and how the West Angles, with their king and his brother, had hemmed51 them in and watched them there through a long summer.
In the early years of their inroad, the Pagans would not have dared to brave a united people with ?thelred for king; but they had now grown bold from success, and were in numbers so great that “by reason thereof they could not advance together, but went by different roads.” So in an early month of the year 871, with their usual swiftness, they marched up the Thames valley and seized on Reading, a royal burg, and the then easternmost city of note in Wessex. Reading is situate on the south bank of the Thames and on the north bank of the[64] Kennet, at the confluence52 of the two rivers; and, while part of the Pagan host made a rampart between the rivers, to protect their camp and the town which they had taken, a large force, on the third day after their arrival, began scouring53 the country for plunder, under two of their earls.
But the men of Wessex had increased and multiplied as well as their cattle, and ?thelwulf, Alderman of Berkshire, was a man “who raged as a lion in battle.” So ?thelwulf, with what men he could get together, fought with the two earls at Englefield, though he had but a small band of Christians54 with him. But he cheered his men, saying to them, “though they attack us with the advantage of more men we may despise them, for our commander Christ, is braver than they.”[15] Whereupon the men of Wessex buckled55 to their work under the oaks of Englefield Chase (afterwards beloved by the great Queen Bess), and there discomfited56 the pagans very sore, and slew one of the two earls. In one of the old chroniclers, there are a few lines which may partly account for ?thelwulf’s victory; “their two consuls,” says[65] ?thelwerd, “forgetting that they were not on board their fleet, rode proudly through fields and meadows on horseback, which nature had denied them;” possibly therefore these were the new comers, who had just joined the Pagan army and were not used to horses or landfighting.
Within the next three days King ?thelred and his brother Alfred came up from the west, each leading a strong band of West Saxon warriors, and joined ?thelwulf; and on the fourth day they attacked the Pagans at Reading. Those who were outside the rampart they cut to pieces, and at first had the vantage; but the Pagans came out with all their forces, and after great slaughter58 had been made on either hand, and the brave ?thelwulf had been slain, “the Pagans had possession of the place of death.”[16] Thus the chronicle states it; probably the men of Wessex were grievously beaten, and went back with their king, in confusion, along the chalk hills to the other end of Berkshire, pursued by B?gseeg and Halfdene, the two lately arrived Danish kings, with the strength of the Pagan host. I suppose that Hinguar and Hubba stayed at Reading, to hold[66] the place of safety; for neither of them were at Ashdown.
But every mile as they fell back added strength to ?thelred and Alfred, as bands of men came up from the rear; from the broad Wiltshire plains over the Kennet at Hungerford, and along the chalk hills from Swindon and Ashbury; from the vales of the Kennet and the Thames on either flank; and a few perhaps already from Glostershire and Oxfordshire, where the news was doubtless spreading like the wind. So ?thelred and his host turned to bay at Ashdown, and set the battle in array against the pagan kings.
There is some question between antiquaries as to where the exact site of this battle is. It must however, it seems to me, be somewhere in the western part of Berkshire; for it is quite impossible that ?thelred and Alfred could have fought at Reading, at Ashdown, and at Basing, as they unquestionably did, within three weeks, if we are to look for Ashdown battle-field either at Ashdown forest, in Essex, or at Ashendon, in the hundred of Bernwood in Buckinghamshire, which are the only sites out of Berkshire claiming this honour,[67] and supported by a tittle of authority. Besides, even supposing these three battles could have been fought in the time, yet the battle of Reading, having gone against the Saxons, (as to which every chronicler agrees,) is it likely that they should have retired past the town and stronghold of the Danes, either northeast into Buckinghamshire, or southeast into Sussex, leaving the whole of Wessex open to the enemy, instead of falling back westward60 into Wessex, and so covering their own homes? It is perfectly61 absurd to suppose this, Alfred being one of their generals; and how such ancient and venerable persons as Bishops62 Kennet and Leland can have talked such nonsense, is hard to say; unless, indeed, they were born, the one in Sussex, the other in Buckinghamshire, in which case it is of course excusable, nay63, justifiable64 in them; but of this I know nothing.
As to the Berkshire sites, I don’t see any reason for troubling you with their several titles. I am myself satisfied that the battle was fought here; but all the sites are somewhere on this range of chalk hills, of which the old White Horse is king. So now we will turn to the account of the great battle in the old chroniclers.
“About four days after the battle at Reading, King ?thelred and Alfred, his brother, fought against the whole army of the Pagans at Ashdown. And they were in two bodies; in the one were B?gseeg and Halfdene the Pagan kings, and in the other were the earls.” “Now the Christians had determined65 that King ?thelred with his men should attack the two Pagan kings, but that Alfred his brother with his men, should take the chance of war against the earls. Things being so settled, the king remained a long time in prayer, hearing the mass, and said he would not leave it till the priest had done, nor abandon the protection of God for that of men. And so he did, which afterwards availed him much with the Almighty66, as we shall declare more fully17 in the sequel. But the Pagans came up quickly to the fight. Then Alfred, though holding a lower authority, as I have been told by those who were there and would not lie, could no longer support the troops of the enemy unless he retreated or charged upon them without waiting for his brother; so he marched out promptly67 with his men in a close column and gave battle.” “He too,” as Simeon says, “knowing without a doubt that victory would not lie[69] with a multitude of men, but in the pity and mercy of God,” and seeing also that, mass or no mass, the Pagans must not be allowed to get between him and his brother. “But here I must inform those who are ignorant of the fact, that the field of battle was not equal for both armies. The Pagans occupied the higher ground, and the Christians came up from below. There was also in that place a single stunted68 thorn-tree, which I myself have seen with my own eyes. Around this tree the opposing hosts came together with loud shouts from all sides, the one to pursue their wicked course, the other to fight for their lives, their dearest ties, and their country.” “In the midst of the fight, and when Alfred was hard pressed,”—according to Brompton, for the older chroniclers do not mention this,—“the king came up with his fresh forces.” “And when both hosts had fought long and bravely, at last the Pagans, by God’s judgment, could no longer bear the attack of the Christians, and having lost great part of their men, took to a disgraceful flight, and all the Pagan host pursued its flight not only until night, but the next day, even until they reached the stronghold from which they had come out.[70] The Christians followed, slaying69 all they could reach until it became dark.”[17] “And the flower of the Pagan youth were there slain, so that neither before nor since was ever such destruction known since the Saxons first gained Britain by their arms.” “There fell in that battle King B?gseeg and these earls with him; that old Earl Sidroc, to whom may be applied70 that saying ‘the ancient of evil days,’ and Earl Sidroc the younger, and Earl Osbern, and Earl Fr?na, and Earl Harold; who, with their men, choosing the broad and spacious71 way, went down into the depths of the lake;” or, let us perhaps hope not, old monk Simeon, seeing that they died gallantly72 in harness, and that, as you yourself add in the next sentence, “they knew not the way of teaching nor understood its paths; it was kept far away from their faces.” It is fair to add that Brompton states that ?thelred slew B?gseeg with his spear, and another Pagan of note with his sword, after, he got up to the fight; but the older chroniclers do not mention this.[71][18]
To finish briefly74 the history of the rest of the year 871, fourteen days after the battle of Ashdown, ?thelred and Alfred fought another battle with the Pagans (probably with that part which had remained in garrison75 at Reading, with Hinguar and Hubba, and the relics76 of Halfdene’s army), at Basing, which seems to have been undecided; and two months afterwards another at Merton. After which, in the summer, reinforcements came from beyond sea, and joined the Pagans; King ?thelred died, and Alfred fought before the winter four more pitched battles. So, as the Saxon Chronicle sums up, “in this year nine general battles were fought against the army in the kingdom south of the Thames; besides which, Alfred, the king’s brother, and single aldermen and king’s thanes, oftentimes made attacks on them which were not numbered, and slew of them within the year one king and nine earls.” This was not what the Pagans reckoned on; they liked fighting[72] very much in reason, as an accompaniment of spoiling a country, and did it well; but to be fighting nine pitched battles in a year, hemmed in in one corner of a rich kingdom (for they never got farther than a few miles into Wiltshire), and getting no spoil even there, was not to their taste; so in the winter they made truce with Alfred, and took themselves off to their old haunts in Mercia and Northumbria, and did not return for five years.
This year, A.D. 871, is a year for Berkshire men to be proud of, for on them fell the brunt of that fiery77 trial; and their gallant73 stand probably saved England a hundred years of Paganism. For had they given way at Ashdown, and the reinforcements from over the sea come to a conquering, instead of to a beaten army in the summer, there was nothing to stop the Pagans between Reading and Exeter. The other eight battles were skirmishes in comparison with this one; they scarcely occupy five lines each in the chroniclers, and out of the king and nine Pagan earls who were slain within the year, six fell at Ashdown. It was Alfred’s crowning mercy; and so he felt it to be, and in memory of it he caused his army[73] (tradition says, on the day after the battle) to carve the White Horse, the standard of Hengist, on the hill-side just under the Castle, where it stands as you see until this day.
“Thank you, Sir,” said I, when he paused, “what a grand story it makes! And are those the real words of the old chroniclers, as you call them, Sir, which you used?”
“Yes,” said he, “almost every word is simply a translation from one or other of them, but the greater part is taken from the Chronicle of Asser, who was a contemporary and intimate friend of Alfred, and a very learned and pious78 ecclesiastic79.”
“I suppose they were; mostly priests and monks who wrote the Chronicles then, Sir, for they don’t read at all like our modern histories. They seem a much more religious sort of books.”
“Don’t call them religious books,” said he, “it puts one in mind of religious newspapers,—the greatest curse of our times. Yes, people sneer80 at the old English chroniclers now-a-days, and prefer the Edda, and all sorts of heathen stuff, to them; but they are great books, Sir,[74] for those who have eyes for them; godly books is the name for them, written by God-fearing men, who were not ashamed of the faith which was in them;—men who believed, Sir, that a living God was ruling in England, and that in his name one of them might defy a thousand. Your historians, now-a-days, Sir, believe that Providence81 (for they dare not talk of God) is on the side of the strongest battalion82. There’s some difference, when you come to think of it, between the two creeds83, Sir.”
The old gentleman looked at me quite fierce, so I made all the haste I could to change the subject.
“Don’t you think it very curious, Sir, that the figure should have lasted all this time?” said I; “because you see, Sir, if you or I were to cut a trench84, two feet or so deep, up here, on the side of the hill, and stamp down the chalk ever so hard, it would be all filled up and grown over in a few years.”
“You are not the first person who has made that remark,” said he. “In the year 1738, an antiquary, of the name of Francis Wise, who lived at Oxford59, visited the hill, and wrote a letter on the subject to Dr. Mead57, the most[75] learned antiquary of that day. First he speaks of the figure of the horse as ‘being described in so masterly a manner that it may defy the painter’s skill to give a more exact description of the animal.’”
“How could he talk like that, Sir?” said I; “why the figure isn’t a bit like——”
“You are as bad as Camden,” said he, “who talks of I know not what shape of a horse fancied on the side of a whitish hill; but the truth is, it is a copy of the Saxon standard, which, of course, was a rude affair. However, Wise, whom I was telling you of, goes on:—
“When I saw it, the head had suffered a little and wanted reparation; and the extremities85 of his hinder legs, from their unavoidable situation, have by the fall of rains been filled up in some measure with the washings from the upper parts; so that, in the nearest view of him, the tail, which does not suffer the same inconvenience, and has continued entire from the beginning, seems longer than his legs. The supplies, which nature is continually affording, occasion the turf to crumble86 and fall off into the white trench, which in many years’ time[76] produces small specks87 of turf, and not a little obscures the brightness of the Horse; though there is no danger from hence of the whole figure being obliterated88, for the inhabitants have a custom of ‘scouring the Horse,’ as they call it; at which time a solemn festival is celebrated89, and manlike games with prizes exhibited, which no doubt had their original in Saxon times in memory of the victory.”[19]
“Scouring the Horse! yes, of course,” said I, “that is what they are doing now, and the games are to come off to-morrow.”
“Exactly so,” said he, “but you will like to hear how Wise goes on:—
“If ever the genius of King Alfred exerted itself (and it never failed him in his greatest exigencies), it did remarkably so upon account of this trophy90. The situation of his affairs would not permit him to expend91 much time, nor his circumstances much cost, in effecting one,” (truly, for he had six more pitched battles to fight between April and November.) “His troops, though victorious92, were harassed93 and diminished by continual duty; nor did the country[77] afford, to any man’s thinking, materials proper for a work of this kind. Though he had not therefore the opportunity of raising, like other conquerors94, a stupendous monument of brass95 or marble, yet he has shown an admirable contrivance, in erecting96 one magnificent enough, though simple in its design—executed, too, with little labour and no expense—that may hereafter vie with the Pyramids in duration, and perhaps exist when these shall be no more.”
“But, dear me, Sir,” said I, “how can the White Horse vie with the Pyramids in duration? Why, the Pyramids were built——”
“Never mind when they were built,” said he; “don’t you see the old antiquary is an enthusiast97? I had hoped you were one also.”
“Indeed, Sir, I am very anxious to hear all you can tell me,” said I, “and I won’t interrupt again.”
“Well, as to the scouring, Wise says:—
“The ceremony of scouring the Horse, from time immemorial, has been solemnized by a numerous concourse of people from all the villages round about. I am informed, though the Horse stands in the parish of Uffington, yet[78] other towns claim, by ancient custom, a share of the duty upon this occasion. Since, therefore, this noble antiquity98 is now explained, and consequently the reason of the festival, it were to be wished that, in order to prevent for the future its falling into oblivion, some care was taken of the regulation of the games, and that they were restored to their ancient splendour, of which, without question, they are fallen much short. I know that these rites99 are cavilled100 at and maligned101 by the more supercilious102 part of mankind; but the dislike to them seems to be founded merely upon the abuse of them to riot and debauchery, which I intend by no means to justify103 or excuse. The practice of the best and wisest states, whose maxims104 we approve and profess105 to follow, is sufficient authority for their use. The liberty we so justly boast, and which ought to be a common blessing106 to all, pleads loudly for them. The common people, from their daily labour, stands at least in as much need of proper intervals107 of recreation as their superiors, who are exempt108 from it, and therefore in all free states have been indulged in sports most suited to their genius and capacity. And if manlike games[79] contribute any thing towards the support of the natural bravery of these, who are to be our bulwark109 and defence in times of danger, they cannot be more seasonably revived than at this juncture110, when, through the general luxury and dissoluteness of the age, there was never more likelihood of its being extinguished. Besides all this, from hence a superior influence diffuseth itself through the better sort, who are supposed to enter further into the intention of these solemnities; for which reason it is, that to perpetuate111 to posterity112 the remembrance of great men, and of great actions, has been always recommended, as a proper incentive113 to virtue114. Customs of very trifling115 import, some ridiculous in themselves, others owing to causes equally ridiculous, are oftentimes kept up by Englishmen with much zeal116 and tenacity117; and shall the greatest prince that this isle118 was ever blessed with, and the greatest action of that prince’s life, be in danger of being forgot, through the neglect of a solemnity, the only one, perhaps, that was ever instituted, at least, that is now preserved, to his honour?”[80][20]
I didn’t say a word now, though he seemed to have finished.
“Well,” said he, after a minute, “have you nothing to say? You’re very glad that it’s over, I suppose?”
“No, Sir, indeed I am not,” said I; “but I am very much obliged to you for your kindness in telling me all that you have.”
“You are a very intelligent young man, Sir,” said he; “most young fellows of your age would have been bored to death half-an-hour ago, even if they hadn’t managed to run off altogether, and so they would have lost a good lesson in English history—not that they would have cared much for that though. But now, I dare say you are getting hungry. Let us go up and see what they are doing in the Castle, and I shall be very glad if you will do me the honour of lunching with me.”
“Well,” thought I, as we got up from the turf, “there are not many better things for getting a man on than being a good listener. Here is a very learned old gentleman who doesn’t know my name, and I have got the length of his foot, and he has asked me to luncheon119, just because I have been listening to his old stories.[81] I wonder where the lunch is to be though? he spoke120 of a Castle, perhaps he lives in it—who knows?”
So we strolled away together up over the brow of the hill.
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vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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hawk
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| n.鹰，骗子；鹰派成员 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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7
manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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8
hawking
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| 利用鹰行猎 | |
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9
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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10
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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12
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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13
foully
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| ad.卑鄙地 | |
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14
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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15
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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16
fawning
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| adj.乞怜的，奉承的v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的现在分词 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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17
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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18
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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19
liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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20
glorifying
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| 赞美( glorify的现在分词 )； 颂扬； 美化； 使光荣 | |
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21
grudges
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| 不满，怨恨，妒忌( grudge的名词复数 ) | |
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22
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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23
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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24
raven
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| n.渡鸟，乌鸦；adj.乌亮的 | |
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25
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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26
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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27
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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28
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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29
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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30
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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31
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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33
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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34
truces
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| 休战( truce的名词复数 )； 停战（协定）； 停止争辩（的协议）； 中止 | |
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35
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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36
adorns
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| 装饰，佩带( adorn的第三人称单数 ) | |
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37
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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38
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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39
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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40
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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41
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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42
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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43
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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44
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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45
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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46
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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47
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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48
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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49
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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50
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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51
hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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52
confluence
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| n.汇合，聚集 | |
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53
scouring
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| 擦[洗]净，冲刷，洗涤 | |
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54
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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55
buckled
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| a. 有带扣的 | |
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56
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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57
mead
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| n.蜂蜜酒 | |
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58
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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59
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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60
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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61
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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62
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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63
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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64
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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65
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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66
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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67
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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68
stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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69
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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70
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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71
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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72
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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73
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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74
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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75
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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76
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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77
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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78
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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79
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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80
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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81
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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82
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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83
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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84
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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85
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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86
crumble
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| vi.碎裂，崩溃；vt.弄碎，摧毁 | |
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87
specks
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| n.眼镜；斑点，微粒，污点( speck的名词复数 ) | |
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88
obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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89
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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90
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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91
expend
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| vt.花费，消费，消耗 | |
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92
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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93
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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94
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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95
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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96
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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97
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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98
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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99
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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100
cavilled
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| v.挑剔，吹毛求疵( cavil的过去式 ) | |
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101
maligned
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| vt.污蔑，诽谤（malign的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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102
supercilious
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| adj.目中无人的，高傲的；adv.高傲地；n.高傲 | |
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103
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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104
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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105
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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106
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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107
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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108
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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109
bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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110
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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111
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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112
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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113
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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114
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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115
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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116
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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117
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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118
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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119
luncheon
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| n.午宴，午餐，便宴 | |
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120
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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