In 1814 this nation was paying for its folly14 in having for fourteen years conducted its foreign policy, and refused to prepare for defense15 against possible foreign foes16, in accordance with the views of the ultrapacificists of that day. It behooves17 us now, in the presence of a world war even vaster and more terrible than the world war of the early nineteenth century, to beware of taking the advice of the equally foolish pacificists of our own day. To follow their advice at the present time might expose our democracy to far greater disaster than was brought upon it by its disregard of Washington’s maxim18, and its failure to secure peace by preparing against war, a hundred years ago.
In his message President Wilson has expressed his laudable desire that this country, naturally through its President, may act as mediator19 to bring peace among the great European powers. With this end in view he, in his message, deprecates our taking any efficient steps to prepare means for our own defense, lest such action might give a wrong impression to the great warring powers. Furthermore, in his overanxiety not to offend the powerful who have done wrong, he scrupulouslyx refrains from saying one word on behalf of the weak who have suffered wrong. He makes no allusion21 to the violation22 of the Hague conventions at Belgium’s expense, although this nation had solemnly undertaken to be a guarantor of those conventions. He makes no protest against the cruel wrongs Belgium has suffered. He says not one word about the need, in the interests of true peace, of the only peace worth having, that steps should be taken to prevent the repetition of such wrongs in the future.
This is not right. It is not just to the weaker nations of the earth. It comes perilously23 near a betrayal of our own interests. In his laudable anxiety to make himself acceptable as a mediator to England, and especially to Germany, President Wilson loses sight of the fact that his first duty is to the United States; and, moreover, desirable though it is that his conduct should commend him to Germany, to England, and to the other great contending powers, he should not for this reason forget the interests of the small nations, and above all of Belgium, whose gratitude24 can never mean anything tangible25 to him or to us, but which has suffered a wrong that in any peace negotiations26 it should be our first duty to see remedied.
In the following chapters, substantially reproduced from articles contributed to the Wheelerxi Syndicate and also to The Outlook, The Independent, and Everybody’s, the attempt is made to draw from the present lamentable27 contest certain lessons which it would be well for our people to learn. Among them are the following:
We, a people akin9 to and yet different from all the peoples of Europe, should be equally friendly to all these peoples while they behave well, should be courteous28 to and considerate of the rights of each of them, but should not hesitate to judge each and all of them by their conduct.
The kind of “neutrality” which seeks to preserve “peace” by timidly refusing to live up to our plighted29 word and to denounce and take action against such wrong as that committed in the case of Belgium, is unworthy of an honorable and powerful people. Dante reserved a special place of infamy30 in the inferno31 for those base angels who dared side neither with evil nor with good. Peace is ardently to be desired, but only as the handmaid of righteousness. The only peace of permanent value is the peace of righteousness. There can be no such peace until well-behaved, highly civilized32 small nations are protected from oppression and subjugation33.
National promises, made in treaties, in Hague conventions, and the like are like the promises of individuals. The sole value of the promise comes in the performance. Recklessness in makingxii promises is in practice almost or quite as mischievous34 and dishonest as indifference35 to keeping promises; and this as much in the case of nations as in the case of individuals. Upright men make few promises, and keep those they make.
All the actions of the ultrapacificists for a generation past, all their peace congresses and peace conventions, have amounted to precisely36 and exactly nothing in advancing the cause of peace. The peace societies of the ordinary pacificist type have in the aggregate37 failed to accomplish even the smallest amount of good, have done nothing whatever for peace, and the very small effect they have had on their own nations has been, on the whole, slightly detrimental38. Although usually they have been too futile39 to be even detrimental, their unfortunate tendency has so far been to make good men weak and to make virtue40 a matter of derision to strong men. All-inclusive arbitration41 treaties of the kind hitherto proposed and enacted42 are utterly43 worthless, are hostile to righteousness and detrimental to peace. The Americans, within and without Congress, who have opposed the fortifying44 of the Panama Canal and the upbuilding of the American navy have been false to the honor and the interest of the nation and should be condemned45 by every high-minded citizen.
In every serious crisis the present Hague conventionsxiii and the peace and arbitration and neutrality treaties of the existing type have proved not to be worth the paper on which they were written. This is because no method was provided of securing their enforcement, of putting force behind the pledge. Peace treaties and arbitration treaties unbacked by force are not merely useless but mischievous in any serious crisis.
Treaties must never be recklessly made; improper46 treaties should be repudiated47 long before the need for action under them arises; and all treaties not thus repudiated in advance should be scrupulously20 kept.
From the international standpoint the essential thing to do is effectively to put the combined power of civilization back of the collective purpose of civilization to secure justice. This can be achieved only by a world league for the peace of righteousness, which would guarantee to enforce by the combined strength of all the nations the decrees of a competent and impartial48 court against any recalcitrant49 and offending nation. Only in this way will treaties become serious documents.
Such a world league for peace is not now in sight. Until it is created the prime necessity for each free and liberty-loving nation is to keep itself in such a state of efficient preparedness as to bexiv able to defend by its own strength both its honor and its vital interest. The most important lesson for the United States to learn from the present war is the vital need that it shall at once take steps thus to prepare.
Preparedness against war does not always avert50 war or disaster in war any more than the existence of a fire department, that is, of preparedness against fire, always averts51 fire. But it is the only insurance against war and the only insurance against overwhelming disgrace and disaster in war. Preparedness usually averts war and usually prevents disaster in war; and always prevents disgrace in war. Preparedness, so far from encouraging nations to go to war, has a marked tendency to diminish the chance of war occurring. Unpreparedness has not the slightest effect in averting52 war. Its only effect is immensely to increase the likelihood of disgrace and disaster in war. The United States should immediately strengthen its navy and provide for its steady training in purely53 military functions; it should similarly strengthen the regular army and provide a reserve; and, furthermore, it should provide for all the young men of the nation military training of the kind practised by the free democracy of Switzerland. Switzerland is the least “militaristic” and most democratic of republics, and the best prepared against war. If we followxv her example we will be carrying out the precepts54 of Washington.
We feel no hostility55 toward any nation engaged in the present tremendous struggle. We feel an infinite sadness because of the black abyss of war into which all these nations have been plunged56. We admire the heroism57 they have shown. We act in a spirit of warm friendliness58 toward all of them, even when obliged to protest against the wrong-doing of any one of them.
Our country should not shirk its duty to mankind. It can perform this duty only if it is true to itself. It can be true to itself only by definitely resolving to take the position of the just man armed; for a proud and self-respecting nation of freemen must scorn to do wrong to others and must also scorn tamely to submit to wrong done by others.
Theodore Roosevelt.
Sagamore Hill,
January 1, 1915.
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1 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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2 ardently | |
adv.热心地,热烈地 | |
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3 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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4 adroit | |
adj.熟练的,灵巧的 | |
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5 dexterous | |
adj.灵敏的;灵巧的 | |
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6 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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7 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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8 militia | |
n.民兵,民兵组织 | |
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9 akin | |
adj.同族的,类似的 | |
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10 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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11 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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12 verge | |
n.边,边缘;v.接近,濒临 | |
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13 offset | |
n.分支,补偿;v.抵消,补偿 | |
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14 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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15 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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16 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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17 behooves | |
n.利益,好处( behoof的名词复数 )v.适宜( behoove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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18 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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19 mediator | |
n.调解人,中介人 | |
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20 scrupulously | |
adv.一丝不苟地;小心翼翼地,多顾虑地 | |
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21 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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22 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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23 perilously | |
adv.充满危险地,危机四伏地 | |
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24 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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25 tangible | |
adj.有形的,可触摸的,确凿的,实际的 | |
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26 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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27 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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28 courteous | |
adj.彬彬有礼的,客气的 | |
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29 plighted | |
vt.保证,约定(plight的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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30 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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31 inferno | |
n.火海;地狱般的场所 | |
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32 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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33 subjugation | |
n.镇压,平息,征服 | |
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34 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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35 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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36 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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37 aggregate | |
adj.总计的,集合的;n.总数;v.合计;集合 | |
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38 detrimental | |
adj.损害的,造成伤害的 | |
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39 futile | |
adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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40 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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41 arbitration | |
n.调停,仲裁 | |
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42 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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44 fortifying | |
筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 ); 筑堡于; 增强; 强化(食品) | |
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45 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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46 improper | |
adj.不适当的,不合适的,不正确的,不合礼仪的 | |
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47 repudiated | |
v.(正式地)否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 );拒绝接受;拒绝与…往来;拒不履行(法律义务) | |
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48 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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49 recalcitrant | |
adj.倔强的 | |
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50 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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51 averts | |
防止,避免( avert的第三人称单数 ); 转移 | |
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52 averting | |
防止,避免( avert的现在分词 ); 转移 | |
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53 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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54 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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55 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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56 plunged | |
v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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57 heroism | |
n.大无畏精神,英勇 | |
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58 friendliness | |
n.友谊,亲切,亲密 | |
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