As early as 1785 instructions were given looking toward the establishment of an English trading post on Nootka Sound. In this year an English commercial company instructed the commander of one of its vessels1 to establish a post on the northwest coast of America for “securing the trade of the continent and islands adjacent.” King Georges [Nootka] Sound was suggested as being “in every respect consistent with the intent of forming such establishment.”[6]
The fur trade between the western coast of America and China was at the time in its infancy3, but the profits accruing4 from it soon made it of great importance. Captain Cook, in his voyage of 1778, had brought the possibility of the industry to the attention of English shipowners. “By the accidental carrying away of a small collection of furs, whose great value was learned in Siberia and China, he originated the great fur trade which became the chief incentive5 of all later English and American expeditions to these regions.”[7] He remained a month in Nootka Sound. A number of English expeditions visited the place between this date and 1789, as did also several Spanish, French, and American. Only such of them will be discussed as have a direct bearing on the Nootka Sound controversy6, and these only at such places in the narrative7 as their bearing becomes important. A sufficiently8 full account of the others may be found in the first volume of Bancroft’s “History of the Northwest Coast.”
The first English expedition to claim serious attention is that of 1788. It was commanded by John Meares,[8] a retired[287] lieutenant9 of the royal navy. Two years before this he had been placed in charge of an expedition to the same coast by some merchants under the protection of the East India Company.[9] He had two vessels, the Nootka, commanded by himself, and the Sea Otter10, commanded by a subordinate. The latter was lost at sea. The former spent the winter of 1786-87 in Prince William Sound, on the Alaskan coast, where, according to Meares’s account, the most terrible hardships were suffered, and so many of the crew were lost that not enough remained to man the ship.[10] After disposing of his cargo11 of furs in China[11] he made preparations for the expedition of the following year, during which he set up the first English establishment on the coast. It was this post which, rightly or wrongly, furnished the chief basis for the stubborn persistence12 of the English ministry13 in its demands on Spain in the controversy two years later. The purpose of discussing this expedition is to study what Meares did at Nootka and find just what rights, if any, were thereby14 acquired for England.
It was intended that this expedition should be preliminary to the planting of an English commercial colony. In mentioning the fact that one vessel2 was destined15 to remain out much longer than the other, Meares says that she was to leave the coast of America at the close of the year and go to the Sandwich Islands for the winter. The next year she was “to return to America, in order to meet her consort16 from China with a supply of necessary stores and refreshments17 sufficient for establishing factories and extending the plan of commerce in which we were engaged.”[12] Probably to prove the feasibility of constructing such factories, Meares took with him on this preliminary trip the material and workmen for building a small trading vessel, which would necessitate18 the erection of some sort of establishment to protect the workmen and tools during the process of construction.[288] In the instructions for the voyage no mention is made of the vessel to be constructed or of any establishment, either temporary or permanent, but plans were laid for a second expedition. Speaking of the proposed meeting of the two vessels constituting the expedition, which meeting was to be at Nootka at the close of the summer trading season of 1788 previous to the sailing of one vessel to China with the furs collected, the proprietors19 instructed Meares to appoint “a time and place of rendezvous20, that you may receive the instructions and refreshments we may send you next season.”[13]
The larger vessel, the Felice, was commanded by Meares and was to proceed directly to Nootka, arriving as early as possible and remaining the entire season at Nootka and in the neighborhood. During the summer of 1788 it is this vessel and the operations of its commander that furnish the center of interest. The second vessel, the Iphigenia, commanded by Captain Douglas, subject to Meares’s orders, was to spend most of the trading season on the coast of Alaska in Cooks River and Prince William Sound. When trade should slacken she was to move southward, endeavoring to reach Nootka Sound by September 1, where the two vessels were to meet.[14] During the first season the voyage of the Iphigenia is unimportant, but on its return to Nootka from the Sandwich Islands in 1789 it furnishes for a time the chief interest.
It is well to notice at the outset the double instructions and the double national character of the expedition, though the importance of the fact will become more evident later. As far as the instructions to Meares are concerned, or his repetition of them to Douglas, the ships were purely21 English in character, Daniel Beale, of Canton, China, being the ostensible22 agent. But later, when one of them came into conflict with the Spaniards, it was just as purely Portuguese23 to all external appearances. It was flying Portuguese colors and was commanded by a Portuguese captain, with instructions in his own language, given by a merchant[289] of the same nationality living at Macao, China.[15] In these papers the real commanders appeared as supercargoes.
In Meares’s narrative of the voyage no mention is made of the deception24, but later, in his memorial to the British Government, he said that it was “to evade25 the excessive high port charges demanded by the Chinese from all other European nations excepting the Portuguese.”[16] Dixon, in one of his pamphlets, says that the principal motive26 in using the Portuguese colors was to evade the South Sea Company’s license27.[17] Bancroft mentions both of these motives28 and suggests that the trick is not permissible29 unless directed against a hostile nation in time of war.[18] It seems to have been expected that it would enable them to avoid some anticipated danger or difficulty. However, as will be seen, this very double nationality was the first thing to arouse suspicion and get the Iphigenia into trouble.
The vessels sailed from China in the latter part of 1788. Besides the regular crew, each carried a number of European artisans and Chinese smiths and carpenters. The latter, Meares says, were shipped on this occasion as an experiment because of their reputed hardiness30, industry, and ingenuity31, and also because of their simple manner of life and the low wages demanded. He observes that “during the whole of the voyage there was every reason to be satisfied with their services,” and adds: “If hereafter trading posts should be established on the American coast, a colony of these men would be a very important acquisition.” Of the 90 men on the two ships 50 were Chinese. In view of the importance of the Chinese element in the population of the Western States, it is a significant circumstance that they figured so largely in this very first venture. And, considering[290] the subsequent rush of these people to the New World, it is worthy32 of notice that on this occasion “a much greater number of Chinese solicited33 to enter into this service than could be received,” and those who were refused “gave the most unequivocal marks of mortification34 and disappointment.”[19] “On the voyage the artisans were employed in preparing articles of trade for the American market. … The carpenters were also at work in preparing the molds and the models for a sloop35 of 50 tons that was designed to be built immediately on our arrival in King Georges Sound, as such a vessel would be of the utmost utility not only in collecting furs, but in exploring the coast.” In speaking of the work necessary for the enterprise, Meares says: “Our timber was standing36 in the forests of America, the ironwork was as yet in rough bars on board, and the cordage which was to be formed into ropes was yet a cable.”[20] On May 13, after a passage of three months and twenty-three days from China, they “anchored in Friendly Cove37, in King Georges Sound, abreast38 of the village of Nootka.”[21]
The natives received them in a friendly manner, and operations were soon begun to carry out their shipbuilding enterprise. Meares says:
Maquilla [the Indian chief, sometimes called “Maquinna”] had not only most readily consented to grant us a spot of ground in his territory whereon a house might be built for the accommodation of the people we intended to leave there, but had promised us also his assistance in forwarding our works and his protection of the party who were destined to remain at Nootka during our absence. In return for this kindness, and to insure a continuance of it, the chief was presented with a pair of pistols, which he had regarded with an eye of solicitation39 ever since our arrival.[22]
This is Meares’s account of the transaction to which he referred in his memorial two years later as a purchase of land. It was by this transaction that the English Government claimed to have acquired a title not only to this spot, but to the[291] whole of Nootka Sound.[23] There is nothing in his narrative which indicates that at the time Meares had any thought of acquiring a permanent title, either for himself or for his Government. Neither is there any unmistakable indication to the contrary. Under these circumstances any title to sovereignty thus acquired would have to depend on subsequent operations.
With the assistance of the natives, work on the house advanced rapidly, and on May 28, fifteen days after their arrival, it was completed. It had two stories. On the ground floor were a workshop and storeroom and in the upper story were a dining room and chambers40 for the party. “A strong breastwork was thrown up around the house, enclosing a considerable area of ground, which, with one piece of cannon41, placed in such a manner as to command the cove and the village of Nootka, formed a fortification sufficient to secure the party from any intrusion. Without this breastwork was laid the keel of a vessel of 40 or 50 tons, which was now to be built agreeable to our former determination.”[24] While this was being done the ship had been repaired and refitted for a trading cruise to the southward. All was in readiness for departure on June 11. On the day previous the party to be left at Nootka was landed with articles to continue the brisk trade which had sprung up, and also supplies for the completion of the new vessel and enough provisions to fit it for a voyage to China should misfortune prevent the return of the Felice or the arrival of her consort, the Iphigenia. A formal visit was paid to the chief, Maquilla, to acquaint him with the intended departure and to secure his attention and friendship to the party to be left on shore. Meares adds: “As a bribe42 to secure his attachment43 he was promised that when we finally left the coast he should enter into full possession of the house and all the goods and chattles thereunto belonging.”[25] This statement[292] is quoted by Greenhow as conclusive44 proof of the merely temporary character of the establishment.[26] If the promise was made in good faith, it would seem that the position was well taken, did not the subsequent conduct of Meares indicate the contrary! On the occasion of this visit other presents were made to the chief and members of his family. The narrator continues: “Maquilla, who was glowing with delight at the attentions we had paid him, readily granted every request that we thought proper to make, and confirmed with the strongest assurances of good faith the treaty of friendship which had already been entered into between us.”[27] Nothing further is said of this treaty or of its terms. If some more tangible46 evidence of it appeared, it might be a valuable link. The mere45 statement that such was made is of interest as indicating the policy of Meares, which, however, would have been the same whether he expected to retain an establishment at Nootka or simply to make subsequent visits for trading. It is possible, too, that the treaty was only a temporary arrangement to last during the one visit.
The Felice, with Meares and most of the crew, spent the next two and a half months in a combined trading and exploring cruise to the southward, returning to Nootka once during the time and remaining two weeks. This trip has no direct bearing on the Nootka incident, but throws some side lights on Meares’s policy and the national character of the expedition. He tells of a treaty made at Port Cox and gives something of its terms. It established trade relations with three chiefs. Apparently47 it excluded all competitors, though this is not so stated;[28] but on seeing a vessel pass Nootka, some two months later, he at once set out for Port Cox lest the chief should be tempted48 “to intrude49 upon the treaty he had made with us.”[29] On reaching the place he found large quantities of furs, indicating that the treaty had been kept. It may be, however, that no opportunity had been presented for breaking it. The chief inquired earnestly concerning Meares’s return next season.[30]
In another place Meares says: “We took possession of the[293] Straits of Juan de Fuca in the name of the King of Britain, with the forms that had been adopted by preceding navigators on similar occasions.”[31] In mentioning this ceremony in his memorial he makes the additional statement that he purchased a tract50 of land within the said straits. A party sent to examine the straits was attacked by the natives after a few days and abandoned the enterprise.[32] This subsidiary expedition plays an important part in the controversial writings on the conflicting claims to the Oregon country. On August 24 the Felice returned to Nootka. Three days later her consort, the Iphigenia, arrived.
In less than a month more the new vessel was completed. On September 20 it was launched with what Meares considered very impressive ceremonies. It was christened “the North-West America, as being the first bottom ever built and launched in this part of the globe.” He says that the British flag was displayed on the house and on board the new vessel.[33] This statement regarding the use of the British flag should be noticed, since Greenhow states, and Bancroft gives it a qualified51 indorsement, that “there is no sufficient proof that any other [than the Portuguese flag] was displayed by them during the expedition.”[34] Statements are made by other men that the Portuguese flag was used at Nootka during the summer.[35] In the engraving52 in Meares’s narrative illustrating53 the launching, three British flags are represented.[36] There is at least one other very plain[294] indication of the use of the British flag by the expedition. It is found in the instructions of Meares to Funter, who was to command the North-West America. They are dated Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, September 10, 1788, and say: “You are on no account to hoist54 any colors until such time as your employers give you orders for this purpose, except on taking possession of any newly discovered land; you will then do it, with the usual formality, for the Crown of Great Britain.”[37] If these instructions were really given, and the statement is true which is quoted above regarding taking possession of the Straits of Juan de Fuca, it must be admitted that Meares considered at the time that his expedition was English and that whatever rights might be acquired by it for any nation were acquired for England.
Four days after the new vessel had been completed Meares departed for China in the Felice, carrying with him the furs collected by both vessels. The North-West America was placed under the orders of Douglas, the commander of the Iphigenia. Before departing, Meares had given him extended orders regarding wintering at the Sandwich Islands, and his conduct on the coast during the next season.[38] On October 27 the two remaining vessels left Nootka for the winter.[39]
In the instructions just mentioned nothing is said regarding any settlement to be made at Nootka the succeeding year. There is a statement, however, in the narrative that indicates unmistakably the intention of planting a colony of some considerable extent. The writer says that early in September, when the natives were leaving for the winter settlement up the sound, “we made these chiefs sensible in how many moons we should return to them, and that we should then be accompanied by others of our countrymen, and build more houses and endeavor to introduce our manners and mode of living to the practice of our Nootka friends.” He speaks of their pleasure at hearing this and of their promise of large quantities of furs; then narrates55 an elaborate ceremony of coronation performed by the chief, Maquilla,[295] and his companions, which, he says, was intended as a recognition of his superiority and sovereign power over them.[40] If Meares understood that by this childish act of crowning he acquired for Great Britain sovereign rights over the district, he makes no effort to emphasize the fact. The statement, if true, is of more value as showing a definite intention to establish a colony the following year. It is not impossible, however, that both of these are cunningly contrived56 and rather overdrawn57 fabrications of a later date to strengthen his case before the Government or in the eyes of the public. Greenhow and Bancroft both seem to draw a line between Meares’s narrative and his memorial, considering the former more trustworthy since the latter was written for the express purpose of convincing the cabinet of the justice of his cause. If the narrative were the original log of the vessel instead of a subsequent account simply using that log as its basis, the reason for the distinction would be clear. But besides the indications in the preface and the date, November 16, 1790, attached to the preface, there are internal evidences that the narrative was not written, at least not completed, until Meares knew of the operations of the Spaniards at Nootka in 1789. Hence there is no reason why it should not be influenced by the same partisanship58 and selfish interest.[41]
But whether he really did or did not make the statement to the chiefs in September, 1788, concerning planting a colony the next year, he proceeded exactly as he would be expected to have proceeded had he made it. The question as to what became of the house built in 1788, whether it was given to the chief as promised, or whether it was torn down by Douglas before leaving for the Sandwich Islands, according to the testimony59 of the American captains, Gray and[296] Ingraham,[42] does not greatly affect the case, if the Englishmen really intended to continue the occupation in 1789, as they unquestionably did. If there were nothing else to consider, and if the title to sovereignty rested wholly on actual occupation, whether that occupation be by persons of a public or private character, then England had a better claim than Spain to the sovereignty of Nootka Sound at the beginning of the year 1789. But there are other things to consider. It remains60 to be seen whether or not they outweigh61 this English advantage.
The next man to demand careful attention in studying the English preparations for occupying Nootka is Capt. James Colnett, also a lieutenant in the royal navy. He had been a midshipman with Captain Cook and had served for several years on a man-of-war.[43] In the autumn of 1786 he left England, in command of the ship Prince of Wales, owned by Etches & Co., of London. This company held a license from the South Sea Company good for five years after September 1, 1786, for trading in the South Sea and other parts of America.[44] Colnett went to the South Sea by way of Cape62 Horn. He reached the northwest coast in 1787, collected a cargo, and continued his voyage to China, where he disposed of it.[45] While in China he became identified with Meares’s project for planting a colony at Nootka. The latter, after his arrival in China in the autumn of 1788, had set about preparations for the expedition of the succeeding year. While he was engaged in this, Colnett reached Canton. Since the latter carried a license from the South Sea Company, Meares saw an advantage to be gained by enlisting63 his services, as this would give governmental sanction and protection to the proposed establishment. Meares and[297] his associates formed a joint64 stock concern with Etches & Co., through the agency of John Etches, who accompanied Colnett’s expedition as supercargo. As the Prince of Wales was to return to England, a new ship was purchased and named the Argonaut, and Colnett was transferred to it. The small ship, the Princess Royal, which had accompanied him on the former voyage, continued with him on this. Besides having command of the vessels, all of the concerns of the company on the American coast were committed to his charge, including the proposed colony.[46]
A clear notion of the character of the expedition thus placed under the command of Colnett may best be obtained by a careful examination of the instructions given to him before his departure from China. The copy of these that was submitted with Meares’s Memorial is dated Macao, April 17, 1789, and signed “J. Meares, for Messrs. Etches, Cox & Co.”[47] A Spanish translation of the same, copied from the papers that fell into the hands of the Spaniards, is signed “Daniel Beale, for himself and for Messrs. Etches, Cox & Co.”[48] While this discrepancy65 has no importance in discovering the intent of the expedition, it casts a side light on the veracity66 of Meares. The Spanish copy is preferably to be trusted, since no motive is apparent for their changing the signature. In these instructions strictly67 honorable dealings and careful attention to their needs is enjoined68 in all his intercourse69 with other vessels, whether English or foreign. Cruelty to the natives is to be prevented under penalty of condign70 punishment for offenders71. He was to form a treaty, if possible, with the various chiefs, especially those near Nootka. The purpose was to monopolize72 the trade of[298] the district and so conquer competitors honorably and creditably. They were so anxious to form such treaties that he was authorized73 to protect allies from insult from all persons.[49] The factory planned was to be a “solid establishment, and not one that is to be abandoned at pleasure.” Colnett was authorized to fix it at the most convenient place, so that the colony would be protected from the least sinister74 accident.[50] It was to receive the name “Fort Pitt.” R. Duffin was to be invested with the superintendence of it.
The object of the post was to attract the Indians for commercial purposes and to furnish a place to build small vessels and to lay them up for the winter season. During each winter some vessels were to be sent to the Sandwich Islands for provisions, and natives of those islands, both men and women, were to be encouraged to embark75 for the American colony. When this settlement should have been effected trading houses were to be established at other places along the coast where they would be the most advantageous76. Preparatory to this rewards were to be offered the first season to men who would reside with different Indian chiefs for the purpose of collecting furs and assuring the natives of the return of the vessels, thus encouraging them to keep back their furs from competitors. The Iphigenia, which went out the preceding year under Meares’s command, and also the North-West America, which he had built on the coast, were to be under the command of Colnett. The rest of the instructions are of no interest to the Nootka Sound Affair.[51]
With these instructions and with provisions for three years the two vessels sailed from China, the Princess Royal[299] in February and the Argonaut in April, 1789.[52] They carried, “in addition to their crews, several artificers of different professions and near 70 Chinese, who intended to become settlers on the American coast.”[53] The plans are seen to have been large with hope for the future, and there seems to have been every reasonable prospect77 for success. Should they be successful it would mean not only a fortune for the merchant adventurers and a worthy monument to the wisdom of the projectors78, but it would mean also the definite planting of the British flag on an unoccupied coast and the extension to that coast of the sovereignty of Great Britain. But while these plans were taking shape other plans were being laid elsewhere, which, before the arrival of Colnett’s expedition, had totally changed the appearance of things at Nootka. A discussion of these will occupy the next two chapters.
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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accruing
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| v.增加( accrue的现在分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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otter
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| n.水獭 | |
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cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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necessitate
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| v.使成为必要，需要 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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permissible
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| adj.可允许的，许可的 | |
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hardiness
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| n.耐劳性，强壮；勇气，胆子 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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solicitation
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| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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intrude
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| vi.闯入；侵入；打扰，侵扰 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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52
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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54
hoist
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| n.升高，起重机，推动；v.升起，升高，举起 | |
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narrates
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| v.故事( narrate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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overdrawn
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| 透支( overdraw的过去分词 )； (overdraw的过去分词) | |
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Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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outweigh
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| vt.比...更重，...更重要 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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enlisting
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| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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condign
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| adj.应得的，相当的 | |
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offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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monopolize
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| v.垄断，独占，专营 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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