Moved by sufficient motives, whether the alleged11 or the unconsciously felt, he did go to America by the packet Quebec in 1837, did stay there for two years, and write a book about the States in six volumes, and two series. Of this book it may be said, in a favourite phrase of the writer whom Marryat described as “Mr. Carlisle, the author of ‘Sartor Resartus’” (a slip which was dreadfully avenged), that “it is forgetable.” Marryat’s diary and remarks show that he would have made an excellent newspaper correspondent. He had a faculty12 for getting up information, a quick eye, and a ready pen. With these qualities a man can easily make “copy” out of a visit to a new country. Indeed, Marryat was no novice13 at the work, for which his “Diary on the Continent” had prepared him. When his six volumes on America are judged as what they were, they are on the whole creditable. He made the Americans very angry, but that it was never difficult to do. He had provocation14 to write more bitterly than he did. But whatever may be the merits of, or the excuses for, the thing, it is hardly worth while to return to “newspaper correspondence” at the end of half a century. Unless the correspondent has seen history in the making, and has noted15 it well so as to become an original authority, he can hardly hope to be read two generations or so later on. The worst of it,[100] too, is that Marryat saw something which was well worth recording16, and did not record it properly. A large part of his book is taken up with contradicting Miss Martineau; and who can rejoice in the refutation of an almost forgotten book by a still more forgotten book?
The incidents of the visit form an interesting passage in Marryat’s life. He reached New York in the midst of the great financial smash of 1837, and saw the “Empire City” in all the excitement of panic. He stayed in America till after the suppression of the Canadian rising, and himself took part in the fighting. Of course he had a newspaper controversy—and it was of a kind sufficiently17 honourable18 to himself. When he first landed Marryat seems to have been well received, though with a certain reserve. By reserve is not to be understood anything so absurd as that he was left alone. On the contrary, he was abundantly overwhelmed with inquiry19 and comment. But the Americans were then in the midst of one of the sorest of their sore fits with foreign comment, and were (not quite unjustifiably) on their guard against travellers who came to spy out the land, and make a book about it. They were not averse20 to comment, but they were anxious that it should not only be favourable21, but of exactly that kind of favourableness22 of which they approved. Therefore they were intent to know whether Marryat meant to write about them, and, if so, what he meant to say. He extricated23 himself from the difficulty dexterously24 enough, and, on the whole, succeeded in keeping on friendly terms with his hosts. As a matter of course, American copyright institutions, and their effect on the national character of the publisher, had their share[101] of his attentions. In this respect, also, his experiences were pleasing enough in America. He was working in the intervals25 of observation. For American consumption he wrote a play, “The Ocean Waif; or, The Channel Outlaw,” which appeared at a New York theatre; and he was moreover engaged on “The Phantom26 Ship.” In 1838 he made an arrangement with Messrs. Carey and Hart to sell them “proof sheets of his ‘Diary in America’ and ‘Phantom Ship,’ a month prior to their publication in London, for the sum of two thousand two hundred and fifty dollars; and provided no one else published the works in America within thirty days from the date they issued from their press, a further sum of two hundred and fifty dollars.” Whether pirate enterprise deprived him of the extra sum needed to make up the round two thousand five hundred, does not appear, but at least Marryat, with his usual turn for business, contrived27 to get something out of America for the amusement he had given it.
A letter to his mother, pleasant and manly28 as all his letters to her were, gives a sufficient picture of the first part of his stay in America.
“October, 1837.
“My dearest Mother,—I have been so occupied and I have been moving about so fast that I really have had time to write to hardly anybody, and I put off a letter to you till I had a more quiet moment; but as it appears that moment was never to come, I now write to you on board of a steamer on Lake Erie. You have, of course, heard from the Tuckers [these were his[102] cousins on his mother’s side] that I went up to Boston for a few days to see some of them; indeed all except Mrs. C—— and Mr. Tucker himself, who was mending his bridge, and could not leave his work; they were all very kind, but I like poor Mrs. G—— better than any of them.
“I have since been a tour of the lakes, and have travelled some thousand miles. I went up the Hudson, crossed to Saratoga, Trenton Falls, Falls of the Mohawk, Oswego River to Lake Ontario; then to Niagara, Buffalo29, and to Lake Erie—to Detroit; from Detroit to Lake St. Clair, and Lake Huron to Mackinan, from Mackinan took a bark canoe, and crossed the Huron, went up the River St. Clair to the Sault S?? Marie, and from thence to Lake Superior. The latter part of the journey, five days in a bark canoe, was very fatiguing30, and I was devoured31 by the mosquitoes; but it has been very interesting, and I have been much gratified. I am now on my return and am bound for Canada, passing by Buffalo and Niagara to Toronto. Since I have been here I have been looking out for a good piece of land, for it more than doubles its value in five or six years, and I have been fortunate in purchasing some very fine land from the Government opposite to Detroit on the Canada side—about 600 acres. I have written to B—— B——, offering to settle him on it, as it is not out of the world, but in very good society. I think it will be worth his while, as in a few years he will be independent. He will however require ￡300 or so to fit himself out, but that he only need borrow as he will soon be able to pay off. I trust that if he accepts my offer his brother will assist him, and if so, he will do well.
[103]
“I am going to Toronto to pay the first instalment, and from there to Montreal, and then I return by Lake Champlain so as to call upon Mrs. C—— at Burlington; and from thence proceed to Bellows32 Falls to see my Uncle Tucker, who is rather angry with me for not going there before, which I could not. From Bellows Falls I shall return to New York—I do not think by the way of Boston, for they want to give me a public dinner there, and I want to avoid it. At Philadelphia I must be in September for the same purpose, as I accepted the invitation; but I wish they had not paid me the compliment. From Philadelphia I go to Washington to canvass33 for the international copyright, and then I shall probably go south for the winter.
“The more I see of America the more I feel the necessity of either saying nothing about it, or seeing the whole of it properly. Indeed I am in that situation that I cannot well do otherwise now. It is expected by the Americans, and will also be by the English; and if I do not, they will think I shrink from the task because it is too difficult, which it really is. All I have yet read about America, written by English travellers, is absurd, especially Miss M——’s work: that old woman was blind as well as deaf. I only mean to publish in the form of a diary (but that is the best way); but I will not publish till I have seen all, and can be sure I have not been led into error like others. It is a wonderful country, and not understood by the English now, and only the major part of the Americans.(?) They are very much afraid of me here, although they are very civil; but I do not wonder at it—they have been treated with[104] great ingratitude34. I at least shall do them justice, without praising them more than they deserve. No traveller has yet examined them with the eye of a philosopher, but with all the prejudices of little minds.
“Except a letter from you, I have not received a line from England, which is rather strange. From Kate I have had many letters. I have so many correspondents now—not only at home, but I have a large American correspondence which is too valuable to break off—that I really find I cannot write letter for letter. I have so much to read, so much to write, and so much to think about, that I must be excused. My time is not idly employed, I assure you, although I do not grow thin upon it; but, on the contrary, I think I am fuller than when I left England. I have been so far away these last six weeks that I have heard little English news, except the death of the King and the accession of Princess Victoria. I met Captain V——’s brother the other day who told me that the Etna was going home to England in consequence of Captain V——’s health. If so, I may hear something about Frederick, which I have not for a long while. I hope my dear Ellen [a sister] is quite well and happy. My kindest love to her. I will write to her as soon as I can; but it appears to me that I have more to do every day, and I really shall be glad to arrive at Bellows Falls and stay there for a week, if it is only to take breath. My journal is already swelled35 out nearly a volume, and the notes I have taken to work up afterwards will almost double it, and yet I have seen but a small portion of the country. I have picked up two or three good specimens36 for Joe’s mineral collection on[105] Lake Superior, and some day or another he may get hold of them. Write and tell me all the news. I have not had a line from Mr. Howard or anybody else, which is very strange. The steamboat jogs so that I can hardly write, and I suspect you will hardly be able to read; but if so, it will take you time to decipher, and therefore will last the longer.
“God bless you, dear mother. A hundred kisses to Ellen, and kind regards to all who care for me.
“Yours ever truly and affectionately,
“F. Marryat.”
From this letter it may be gathered that in October, 1837, Marryat was, in good humour with America, and was seriously thinking of a study of it which should be a possession for ever. America was, on the whole, well pleased with him. He had been civilly received, with a certain reserve as might have been expected, seeing that he was a writing man, who had come with the hardly disguised intention of writing, and after many who had written by no means acceptably; but still, in spite of this natural wariness37, with kindness. He was a good talker and showed it. He had kinsmen38 in the States who helped him on. Altogether things had gone smoothly39 with him. The Americans had even been glad to acknowledge his connection with Boston, and some of them had given him a helping40 hand in that great copyright fight in which the sympathy of the more right-minded has never been denied to the English author, but has also never been of any effect Unfortunately this very trip to Canada led to a storm which put Marryat for[106] a time into the position of best-abused man on the continent.
At Toronto he was naturally asked to a public dinner, and also naturally requested to speak. In the course of his speech he, again very naturally, took occasion to mention, in a laudatory41 manner, the cutting out of the Caroline, by Lieutenant42 Drew. This feat43 had then made some noise in the world. Canada was in a disturbed condition, and the confusion had been fomented44 by filibustering45 from the United States territory. The Caroline had been fitted out to help the rebels, and had been “cut out” in gallant46 style from under the guns of Fort Schlosser on the American side of the river, after sharp fighting by a Lieutenant Drew and a body of Canadian volunteers. After capturing the vessel47 and removing her crew, the Canadians had sent her down over the falls of Niagara. The incident was one of which the loyalists were with good reason proud. As an Englishman, as a naval48 officer, and as a speaker at a public dinner, Marryat was triply justified49 in praising “Captain Drew (as he styled him), and his brave comrades who cut out the Caroline.” Nothing ought to have been a more complete matter of course than that he should propose their health. But Americans were then in a particularly thin-skinned state, even for them. They chose to be very angry with him for doing what any American officer would have done under similar circumstances, at least as loudly. What may be called the spirit of Hannibal Chollop awoke within them, and a chorus of denunciation was begun at once, in the most loud-mouthed and abusive style of American journalism50.[107] Paragraphs headed “More Insolence,” and so forth51, appeared in abundance. Marryat’s books and his effigy52 were publicly burnt. When he returned from Canada to the States, deputations waited on him, much in the frame of mind of the enlightened citizens who were so indignant when Martin Chuzzlewit offended a free people by coming back from Eden. As a matter of course, any stick was good enough to serve the turn of American journalism. He was accused, among other things, of having “insulted and contradicted, and refused to drink wine” with Henry Clay. The story was, it is needless to say, only a piece of Yankee smartness, but Marryat drought it necessary to appeal to that distinguished53 politician for a certificate of character, and obtained from him an assurance that their meeting had afforded mutual54 satisfaction. In short, the whole business was one of those displays of noisy gregarious55 folly56 of which our American cousins are occasionally guilty. It was rather more absurd than a recent incident of the same sort, because Marryat was merely a traveller, and was speaking on British territory when he gave the toast which Yankee journalism chose to think offensive. But the old colonial hatred57 of England (not yet perhaps so entirely58 dead as after-dinner orators59 are accustomed to assert) was then full of vigorous life. Americans were wavering between reluctance60 to plunge61 into war, and desire to do the old country a damage by helping the rebellious62 French Canadians. In this divided state of mind they relieved their feelings by howling at Marryat, because he had not “cracked them up accordingly.”
Marryat extricated himself from this pass with commendable[108] nerve and dexterity63. He faced and soft-sawdered the deputations. He took the burning of his books very coolly, went about as before, and finally had it out with his hosts at a dinner given him at Cincinnati. The speech, which is far too long to quote, is full of the manly good sense which the American, when not acting64 in the characters of raving65 journalist or anxious candidate, will commonly listen to. Marryat reminded his hearers that he had spoken in British territory to his countrymen, and that their own patriotic66 orators were not averse to waving the banner habitually67, or restrained from doing so by the knowledge that an Englishman was present. His hosts being simply American gentlemen, sitting in their right senses, agreed with him. A somewhat dramatic finish was given to this stage of the incident by Captain J. Pierce, who had been captain of the American privateer Ida when she was taken by the Newcastle, of which Marryat was then second lieutenant. Captain Pierce got on his legs to thank Marryat for the courtesy and good nature he had shown to himself and other prisoners. “The Wizard of the Sea,” as the American newspapers loved to call him when they were not in a flaming rage, might consider that, as far as his hosts at Cincinnati could answer for it, he was cleared of the charge of insulting the great American people. Their opinion, like that of the “respectable American,” in so many other matters, did not avail to stop all annoyance68. Marryat continued to be pestered69 by abuse, frequently conveyed in unpaid70 letters. At last, and somewhat weakly, in October of 1838, he published a general protest in the form of a letter to the editors of[109] the Louisville Journal, wherein he denied with much detail that he intended to spy out the barrenness of the land. He was, of course, answered as offensively as might be.
Marryat had perhaps begun by this time to discover that it was not so easy to write of America in a philosophic71 spirit as he had once thought. To be sure he had laid himself open to annoyance by going to the States at all, and still more by going there with the intention of writing a book.
The Canadian troubles were destined72 to break into his tour again. In the autumn of 1838 the French population rose in open rebellion, and, as is commonly the fate of insurgents73, gained some preliminary successes, which made their final punishment all the more severe. Marryat remembering that he was an English naval officer still on the active list, gave up philosophic inquiry, hurried back to Canada, and volunteered for service under Sir John Colborne. This officer, a veteran of the Great War, and one who had had a distinguished share in winning the battle of Waterloo, made short work of the rising. Marryat saw some fighting once more in his life, and described it briefly74 in another of his capital letters to his mother.
“Montreal, Dec. 18, 1838.
“My Dearest Mother,—Except one letter from B—— B——, it is now nearly four months since I have heard either from England or the Continent; the latter I can in some way account for, at least in my own opinion—still I wish to hear how my little girls are.
[110]
“I was going South when I heard of the defeat of St. Denis, and the dangerous position of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada; and I considered it my duty as an officer to come up and offer my services as a volunteer. I have been with Sir John Colborne, the Commander-in-Chief, ever since, and have just now returned from an expedition of five days against St. Eustache and Grand Brulé, which has ended in the total discomfiture75 of the rebels, and, I may add, the putting down of the insurrection in both provinces. I little thought when I wrote last that I should have had the bullets whizzing about my ears again so soon. It has been a sad scene of sacrilege, murder, burning, and destroying. All the fights have been in the churches, and they are now burnt to the ground, and strewed76 with the wasted bodies of the insurgents. War is bad enough, but civil war is dreadful. Thank God, it is all over.
“The winter has just set in; we have been fighting in the deep snow, and crossing rivers with ice thick enough to bear the artillery77; we have been always in extremes—at one time our ears and noses frost-bitten by the extreme cold, at others roasting amidst the flames of hundreds of houses. I came out of Grand Brulé after it was all over. I had the greatest difficulty in getting through the fire. I had a sleigh with two grey horses driven tandem78 (as it was too cold to ride the horse the general had offered me), and before I escaped, one side of each of the horses was burnt brown and yellow before we could force them through; however, the poor animals were more frightened than hurt.
“As I can be of no further use now, I shall return to[111] America in a few days. I really wish I could receive a letter from England. I feel very much about having no intelligence. It will be too late to go South now, and I think I shall winter quietly at New York, and proceed to Washington early in the year.
“I really have nothing more to say. It is hard to fill a sheet when correspondence is all on one side. So give my love to Ellen, and God bless you both.
“Ever your affectionate son,
“F. Marryat.”
A postscript79 gives directions to B—— B——, who appears to have decided to come out and settle on the desirable piece of land which Marryat had purchased in Canada.
The American tour was near its end. Marryat never made that examination of the South which he had very justly thought necessary, if he was to obtain a thorough knowledge of the States. When he returned to New York in January, 1839, the country was in no condition to attract English travellers. The already existing hostility80 to England had been excited to a storm, and there was copious81 talk of the tallest kind about war going on from end to end of the union. Everybody was waiting for the President’s message and professing82 to expect the outbreak of hostilities83. Marryat waited to see what would come of it all. The prospect84 of serious war had for a moment swept all thought of books out of his mind. He waited for a summons to join Sir F. Head if his services were further needed in Canada; but while there was a prospect that he might again have “a man-of-war on[112] the ocean,” he was in no hurry to run the risk of being shut up in Canada, where the best he could hope for would be a lake command. In a letter from New York to his mother he expresses very explicitly85 his wishes to serve again, and his hopes of further employment on blue water, and even ends up with one of those growls86 at the business of book-writing not uncommon87 among writing men when they happen to be languid, or to have heard bad news. “Mr. Howard” (his former sub-editor no doubt, and the author of “Rattlin the Reefer”) “writes me in very bad spirits. He says that I am injured by remaining away from England, and my popularity is on the wane88. I laugh at that; it is very possible people will be ill-natured while I am not able to defend myself; but what I have done they cannot take from me, and if I wrote no more, I have written quite enough. If I were not rather in want of money I certainly would not write any more, for I am rather tired of it. I should like to disengage myself from the fraternity of authors, and be known in future only in my profession as a good officer and seaman89.”
There is about this a ring of manly good sense. Marryat could well afford to laugh at Mr. Howard’s croaking90, knowing as he did, with his robust91 self-confidence, that his popularity was in no danger; that he had it in him to make another popularity if the old was indeed waning92. It may well be that his wish to be back in active service was wise. His life might have been longer, and happier, if he had again walked his own quarter-deck. The wish was certainly no vague one, floating idly in his mind. He made plans in Canada, drew maps,[113] and sent home information to the Admiralty in the manifest hope that his exertions93 would serve him at headquarters. If war had broken out with the United States it is certain that Marryat, recommended as he was not only by his past services, but by his knowledge of the American coast, would have stood well for employment. But the storm blew over; the British Empire settled down into peace again, and Marryat remained on shore, driving away with his pen under the pressure of that tyranny which he describes as the state of being “rather in want of money.” He left the States early in 1839, and by June of that year was settled in quarters of his own in 8, Duke Street, St. James’s.
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propound
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peculiarity
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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decided
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virtue
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plausible
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lookout
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promising
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speculations
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motives
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alleged
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faculty
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novice
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provocation
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noted
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recording
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sufficiently
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honourable
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inquiry
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averse
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favourable
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favourableness
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extricated
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dexterously
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intervals
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phantom
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contrived
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manly
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buffalo
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fatiguing
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devoured
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bellows
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canvass
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ingratitude
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swelled
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specimens
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wariness
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kinsmen
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smoothly
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helping
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laudatory
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lieutenant
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feat
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fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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filibustering
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| v.阻碍或延宕国会或其他立法机构通过提案( filibuster的现在分词 )；掠夺 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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journalism
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| n.新闻工作，报业 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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gregarious
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| adj.群居的，喜好群居的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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raving
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| adj.说胡话的；疯狂的，怒吼的；非常漂亮的；令人醉心[痴心]的v.胡言乱语(rave的现在分词)n.胡话；疯话adv.胡言乱语地；疯狂地 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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pestered
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| 使烦恼，纠缠( pester的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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tandem
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| n.同时发生；配合；adv.一个跟着一个地；纵排地；adj.（两匹马）前后纵列的 | |
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postscript
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| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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growls
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的第三人称单数 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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wane
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| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
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seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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croaking
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| v.呱呱地叫( croak的现在分词 )；用粗的声音说 | |
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robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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