France possesses an empire of no small importance in the East, the total area of which, some 256,000 square miles, is more than three times greater than her home territory. French Indo-China, which includes Cochin-China, Cambodia, the Laos country, Annam and Tonquin, consists, roughly speaking, of the basins of the two great rivers, the Mekong and the Song-Ko? (Red River), and is situated3 between 8 deg. 30 min. and 23 deg. 23 min. N. lat., and 97 deg. 40 min. and 108 deg. 30 min. E. long. The total population is about 24,000,000.
Tonquin forms the north-eastern extremity4 of French Indo-China. It is bounded on the north[Pg 70] by the Chinese provinces of Yunan and Kwang-si, on the west by the Laos provinces, on the south by Annam and the Gulf5 of Tonquin, and on the east by the Chinese province of Kwang-tung. Its total area is about 35,000 square miles, and it contains a population of over 12,000,000.
Near the sea the country consists of a rich alluvial6 plain intersected by numerous waterways, the principal one being the Red River, which rises in Yunan, and empties itself into the Gulf of Tonquin. From about 100 miles inland the ground rises gradually, and the whole country breaks up into a confusing jumble7 of hills and rocky pinnacles8, which as one proceeds further north and east become mountain ranges, some of the peaks on the Tonquin-Yunan frontier attaining9 a height of about 9,700 feet. Along the Kwang-si frontier there are also altitudes of some importance. Attached to the great mountain chains of north and middle Tonquin, there are numerous series of lesser10 heights, which diminish as they come towards the south. The hills are covered with a dense11 grass higher than a man's shoulders; the mountains with thick, impenetrable forests. The rich alluvial plain or[Pg 71] Delta12, which extends from the sea, is densely13 populated, and produces yearly two very important rice crops.
The country was originally inhabited by a race known as the Kmers, who, if one can judge by the rare specimens14 of their architecture which exist along the coast of Annam, attained15 a comparatively high standard of civilisation16.
At an epoch17 which it is impossible to designate with any exactitude, but which can be placed with some probability about 2,500 B.C., the Kmers were overwhelmed by an Annamese invasion, and almost exterminated18.
The survivors19 fled northwards towards the mountains and high tablelands difficult of access, leaving the rich Delta plains in the hands of their conquerors20. The numerous mountain tribes of to-day, known as the Muongs, Mans and Thos, which are to be found in the highlands of Annam and Tonquin, are most probably the descendants of the former owners of the country.
As a race they are superior both in physique and courage to the Annamese, although they do not possess the cunning and craftiness22 of this race.
It was probably owing to a want of cohesion[Pg 72] and organisation23, or to the fact that the invaders24 possessed25 better weapons and superior methods of warfare26, that they were driven from their homes. In speech, appearance, dress and customs, these aborigines bear a striking resemblance to the mountain tribes who inhabit the interior of the islands of Hainan and Formosa, and it is probable that they belong to a once-powerful race which existed at a distant period along the littoral27 of Eastern Asia. Their skin is of a very light yellow tint28; some of the women are almost white.
Their features are small and regular, and they do not possess the narrow eyes, flat noses, prominent cheek bones and enormous mouths of the Annamese. They are also taller, stronger, and present a much healthier appearance.
Their costume consists of a cotton blouse and short trousers reaching just below the knee, the uniform colour being a deep blue.
natives
TONQUINESE NATIVE TYPES.
These people wear their hair very long, and it is wound round the top of the head and enclosed in a turban of similar colour and texture29 to their costume. Like some of the natives of the Laos provinces and the Yunan, the Muongs[Pg 73] always wear a sort of puttie, made of blue cotton cloth, which is wound round the leg from ankle to knee.
They are expert mountaineers and hunters, and will not hesitate in attacking a tiger or panther with no better weapons than poisoned arrows, or a matchlock gun.
The origin of the Annamese or Tonquinese—for they are one and the same race—is very obscure, since they possess no reliable records going back for more than eight centuries, which is considerably30 posterior to the epoch at which their ancestors must have invaded Indo-China.
Some writers declare them to be of Mongolian origin, though this is hardly probable, for, if one can judge by the territory the race actually occupies, they probably came from the south-west. Others have declared them to be a branch of the Malay family.
In physique they resemble the Siamese, and are not so sturdy as the Malay. Their skin is of a deep copper31 colour. They are very small, their average height being about 4 feet 10 inches. Their lower members are strong and well formed, but the bust32 is long, thin and weak.
[Pg 74]
The everyday costume of the men consists of a kind of jacket and trousers of cotton cloth reaching almost to the ankles, the colour of which is generally a dark brown. The garments of the women are somewhat similar, but over those already mentioned they wear a sort of long stole which falls almost to the feet.
Both sexes wear their hair very long; it is rolled up in a strip of silk or cotton cloth, and wound round the head like a turban.
Their features are far from pleasing—indeed, one might qualify them as almost repulsive33; flat noses with distended34 nostrils35, high, receding36 foreheads, prominent cheek bones, narrow eyes and an enormous mouth being their principal traits.
Their character also presents few good points. That they are intelligent and possess a wonderful power of assimilation there can be no doubt, but these good traits are negatively qualified37 by the enormous amount of vanity, laziness, cruelty and cunning with which they are gifted.
Buddhism38 and ancestor-worship form the base of their religion, which is as strongly impregnated with Chinese ideas as is their language with words of the same origin, this being the[Pg 75] natural result of their conquest by that race in the year 116 B.C., from which epoch to the arrival of the French the kingdom of Tonquin formed a fief of the Celestial39 Empire.
The influence of France in Indo-China dates back to 1585 when a Jesuit Father, Georges de la Mothe, established several missions, homes and schools at different points in the Mekong Delta.
Owing to the activity of the French Fathers the influence of that country increased enormously; and in November, 1787, thanks to Bishop40 Pigneau de Béhaine, who was at that time the trusted friend and counsellor of the Emperor Gia-Long at Hué, a treaty was signed at Versailles by Louis XVI. and Cang-Dzue, son of the above-mentioned sovereign. By this treaty the French king placed at the disposal of his Eastern ally a naval42 squadron composed of twenty men-of-war, five European regiments44 and two native ones; also a sum of 1,000,000 dollars, of which 500,000 were in specie, and the remainder in arms and munitions46 of war. In return for these favours the Emperor of Annam made territorial47 concessions48 in the Island of[Pg 76] Poula Condor49 and at Tourane to the French nation.
On his death in 1820 Gia-Long was succeeded by his son Tu-Duc, who detested50 the Europeans. The French settlers were driven from their concessions, and the missionaries51 persecuted52 and massacred.
Being at this epoch engrossed54 by the political situation in Europe, it was not until the end of 1858 that the French Government was able to undertake active measures for the protection of her interests.
In that year the port of Tourane was captured, and in February, 1859, Saigon, the capital of Cochin-China, was also taken.
From the occupation of these two ports may be said to begin the era of French conquest in Indo-China, of which the principal events are the following:
1867. Capture of Finh-Larg, Sa-dec, Cho-doc and Hatien (Cochin-China).
1873. Capture of Hano? (capital of Tonquin) by Francis Garnier.
1879. Cochin-China declared a French colony, with Saigon as the capital.
1883. Insurrection of the Black Flags in Tonquin, which[Pg 77] was secretly encouraged by the Emperor Tu-Duc. Massacre53 of Francis Garnier and Commandant Rivière near Hano?. Death of Tu-Duc. Treaty signed at Hué by the Regent Hiep-Hoa, acknowledging the French Protectorate over Annam and Tonquin.
1884. Defeat of the Black Flags by Admiral Courbet at Nam-Dinh, Bac-Ninh and Son-Tay. Rupture55 with China, who refused to renounce56 her feudal57 rights.
1885. Signature of the treaty with China, by which that country renounces58 all sovereignty over Tonquin. Rebellion at Hué suppressed by the General de Courcy. Capture of the young Emperor Ham-Nghi, who was exiled to Algeria, the French Government placing his half-brother Than-Thai on the throne.
In 1886 M. Paul Bert was appointed first Governor of Indo-China. The kingdom of Annam and the Tonquin Delta were placed under the administration of Residents with a Civil staff.
From this it must not be imagined that the pacification61 of the country was complete. The treaty of 1885, which secured the evacuation by the Chinese army of the provinces of Lao-Kay, Ha-Giang, Cao-Bang and Lang-son, had put a stop to any organised warfare; and the exile of the young Emperor Ham-Nghi to Algeria in the same year had crushed the open resistance of the court of Hué. However, thousands of Black Flag soldiers and Hunan braves had[Pg 78] remained in Tonquin, and these occupied the mountainous regions in the north and east of that country, from which they descended63 at intervals64 to prey66 on the rich villages and towns in the plains, and to harass67 or capture the outlying French garrisons69.
In Hué also there were many mandarins, who, though they openly professed71 friendship to France and acknowledged the sovereignty of Than-Thai, were partisans72 of the exiled monarch73, and secretly subventioned and organised insurrections in the provinces of Than Hoa (Annam), Son-Tay, Bac-Ninh, Tha?-Nguyen and the Yen-Thé (Tonquin).
These officials were also in communication with the Chinese bands, three of whose principal leaders, Ba-Ky, Luong-Tam-Ky and Luu-Ky, were former lieutenants74 of the old Black Flag General, Lieu-Vinh-Phuoc.
In 1891, when I arrived in Tonquin, the political situation of the colony was little better than in 1885, so far as the question of general pacification was concerned. The Delta provinces had accepted the French rule, and the principal towns were growing in importance and prosperity[Pg 79] under a wise system of administration, but the neighbouring provinces were rampant76 with brigandage77 and open revolt. Organised resistance to the new order of things existed within a few miles of Hano? the capital, and Ha?phong the seaport78, of the colony.
Indeed, as late as in 1892 the suburbs of the first-mentioned were on several occasions attacked, looted and partially79 burnt; and in 1891 the Chinese bands who occupied the mountainous region known as the Bao-Day would raid the villages on the left bank of the Cua-Cam, and out of sheer bravado80 fire a volley or two over the river into Ha?phong.
Military columns were sent out each winter, but with small results. Before these forces the bands would retire to their rocky highland21 fortresses81, and to reach them the troops had to pass through many miles of most difficult country, covered with dense forest and jungle, and traversed by few paths, the whereabouts of which were kept secret by the enemy.
Information was most difficult to obtain, the fear of the Chinese being so great that even their victims refused to give the officers any aid in the[Pg 80] matter, knowing full well that reprisals82 would follow.
Frequently disasters would occur, and a reconnoitring party would be cut up in a narrow defile83, or a convoy84 ambuscaded and captured. From 1887 to 1891 each successive General commanding the troops in the colony had urged on the Government the necessity of undertaking85 operations on a more extensive scale than heretofore; and had these officers been allowed a free hand in the matter, there is little doubt that this chronic87 state of insurrection and anarchy88 would have been brought to a speedy end.
But the Ministry89 in Paris would not hear of such a thing. In France the mere90 mention of the word "Tonquin" raised a babble91 of excited recriminations. The public would have none of it.
In 1883, 1884 and 1885 nearly fifteen thousand of the flower of the French army had perished of disease, or had been slain92 by a merciless enemy.
The expedition had cost hundreds of millions of francs, and the large army of soldiers it was still necessary to maintain in the colony was of great expense each year to the metropolis93. The majority of Frenchmen who had never at any[Pg 81] time possessed serious cravings for a Colonial Empire, were tired of the whole business.
Right up to 1890 it was seriously debated in the Chamber95, on different occasions, whether it would not be better to abandon this new colony. Fortunately for France she retained her rich prize.
The Tonquin question had caused a hetacomb of Ministries96.
Jules Ferry, France's greatest politician since Gambetta, owed his downfall to Général de Négriers reverse at Ky-Lua, and the subsequent retreat of the army from Lang-son. Notwithstanding his undoubted talents he was never able to recover his former influence in State affairs.
In 1885 the excited Parisian mob would have torn him to pieces had he fallen into their hands.
"à bas Ferry!" "à bas le Tonkinois!" was their cry.
To-day every serious Frenchman acknowledges his respect for this great statesman, who was undoubtedly97 the founder98 of the splendid Colonial Empire his country possesses.
From 1887 to 1891, owing to the state of public opinion, it became absolutely necessary for succeeding Ministers, who had any respect for the[Pg 82] stability of their portfolios99, to adopt a special line of conduct in regard to Tonquin, which might be defined as a policy of mild procrastination100.
Instructions were given to the Governors of the unhappy colony which might be summed up as, "Don't ask for more men; don't ask for more money. Do the best you can with what you have, and make no noise over it."
In consequence, the Governors were obliged to repress the legitimate101 aspirations102 of the military officers, and refused to sanction operations on an extensive scale, which, though necessary, would most probably attract public attention in France. The natural result of this situation was that during the whole of this period the relations between the civil and military powers in the colony were of the worst. In the French Chamber the Ministry would announce from time to time that the work of pacification was making rapid strides, that organised resistance was at an end, and that the occasional depredations103 which occurred—the importance of which, they stated, was magnified by the sensational104 press of the metropolis—were the acts of a few stray Chinese brigands105 (Voleurs de Vaches), whom the local militia106 and gendarmes[Pg 83] were quite able to bring to order. In the meanwhile, the bands aforementioned, secure in the comparative inactivity of the French, continued to plunder107 the villages and capture the native authorities, who were liberated108 after payment of a ransom109. In 1889 the famous Luu-Ky succeeded in carrying off three French colonists110, the two brothers Rocque and Baptiste Costa. They were surprised whilst on a shooting expedition a few miles from Ha?phong. They remained prisoners of the band for upwards111 of two months, and suffered every possible indignity112 and great privations. They were finally liberated on the payment of 80,000 dollars.
Encouraged by the success of their compatriots, the Chinese soldiers, who garrisoned113 the blockhouses and forts along the Kwang-si and Kwang-tung frontiers, would leave their uniforms behind them and pass into the provinces of Lang-son and Cao-Bang, where they would raid the rich valleys, burn the villages, drive away the cattle, slaughter114 the male inhabitants, and carry back the women into captivity115.
In the Yen-Thé the partisans of Ham-Nghi, who were secretly encouraged by the mandarins in Hué, had raised the standard of revolt.
[Pg 84]
They occupied strong and well-fortified116 positions, possessed an abundance of arms and ammunition117, and were ably generalled by De-Nam, a former military mandarin70 of the exiled Emperor, who received tribute in money or rice from the majority of the rich villages in the Upper Delta, the inhabitants of which undoubtedly sympathised with the rebels, and aided them by every means in their power.
Such was the position of affairs in the Tonquin in April, 1891.
On the morning of the 22nd April our detachment was taken on board one of the small but well-built river steamers which resemble in form the boats running on the Mississippi.
These vessels118 are of very light draught119, owing to the numerous shallows which exist in the upper reaches of the Tonquin rivers. After dodging120 around for more than an hour among the innumerable high stalactite rocks, covered with dwarfed121 vegetation, which tend to make Along Bay one of the most curious and picturesque122 spots in the world, our steamer entered one of the numerous estuaries123 by which the Song-Thuong and Song-Cau rivers empty themselves into the sea. The[Pg 85] banks on either side were of soft mud, covered as far as the eye could reach with mangroves.
The water, which in the bay had been of a green tint, was now of a dark red-brown, and presented a consistency125 of good pea-soup.
Far away to the north-east could be discerned the high spurs of the mountain range increasing in altitude, and extending towards the Kwang-si and Kwang-tung frontiers. But the sight of these was soon lost, as from one estuary126 we passed into another, and the landscape became one monotonous127 stretch of mangrove124 swamp over which the damp atmosphere seemed to dance in the bright sunlight. At last, after rounding a sudden curve, we caught our first glimpse of Ha?phong, which, owing probably to the continued and depressing vista128 we had just been subjected to, had the appearance of quite a big town.
At the time of which I am writing this city had emerged from its chrysalis state of a town built of mud upon mud, and a considerable transformation129 was taking place.
Whatever may have been the errors made by France with regard to the economical and political[Pg 86] administration of her colonies in the past, she was, and still is, undoubtedly our superior as a builder of towns; and the case in point may well serve as a demonstration130 of the fact.
In 1884, Ha?phong, a Sino-Tonquinese seaport, was an agglomeration131 of miserable132 dwellings133 constructed for the most part of mud, bamboo and matting, inhabited by natives, with here and there a few decent brick buildings occupied by a small number of Europeans and Chinese merchants.
It was situated in a swamp, and certain quarters of the town were invaded by the high tides several times each month. During the summer the blazing tropical sun converted the place into a cesspool. It reeked134 with disease, and cholera135 and malaria136 were ever rampant.
Seven years later, when I first saw the city, it presented the appearance of a well-built European centre; possessed floating wharves137, well-laid-out streets, fine boulevards and good roads. An excellent system of surface drainage was being laid down, and the thoroughfares and many of the buildings were already lighted by electricity.
Since 1891 Ha?phong has steadily138 increased[Pg 87] in area and importance, and is now an up-to-date, progressive city.
Our steamer only stayed here about an hour, the time required to draw a day's rations86 for the detachment.
We now learnt that our destination was Phulang-Thuong, an important town situated on the Song-Thuong, about 65 miles inland from Ha?phong, at which place the depot139 of the 2nd Battalion of our regiment45 was stationed.
We were soon off again, and to our relief the aspect of the surrounding country became a more hospitable140 one.
The flat expanse of slime, mud and mangroves had disappeared. Now the river ran in between high artificial embankments; beyond these, on either side, could be seen a well-cultivated plain whose only limit was the horizon, and which was divided up by low banks of earth into holdings of every shape and size. It had the appearance of an enormous fantastic chess-board, on which none of the divisions were of the same dimensions and few of them rectangular. All of them, however, were of the same colour—green; not green of a uniform shade, for each field seemed to[Pg 88] possess a different nuance141 of that colour, from the light, nearly yellow, tint of the freshly-planted rice, to the dark, almost brown, hue142 of the tobacco plant.
If the first impression one receives from the Delta landscape be a pleasing one, this is due to the novelty of the scenery, and soon wears off. Its place is taken by a sense of weariness, owing to the ever-recurring sameness of the vista; and the eyes are fatigued143 by the crude, garish144 brilliancy of the verdure, the uniform blue of an almost cloudless sky, and the painful reflection of the bright tropical sunshine on the water in the paddy fields.
The uniformity of the plains of the Delta provinces is broken by the numerous hamlets surrounded by a ditch and an embankment, on the crest145 of which is a dense, impenetrable thicket146 or hedge of live bamboo, reaching up as high as 20 or 30 feet. In the interior of these villages each hut possesses a garden or plantation147 which is a tangled148 mass of luxuriant tropical vegetation, and through this from outside one can catch but faint glimpses of the brown thatched roofs of the dwellings. Plantains, guava, persimmon and custard-apple trees abound149 here.
[Pg 89]
Coming straight out of this wealth of foliage150 are clumps151 of tall, stately areca palms, which, as they tower above the homesteads, seem to gaze out into the plain like sentries152, whose duties it might be to warn the villagers of the approach of the yak153 (pirates).
Close by the majority of these hamlets, situated generally on a slight eminence154, and in the shade of one or more ancient banyan155 trees, are fine pagodas156 with quaintly-sloping, red-tiled roofs, and curved eaves, the crests158 of these being ornamented159 with gruesome-looking dragons and griffins. When the village is rich the temple is surrounded by a whitewashed160 wall, the upper portion of which is a kind of open trellis-work in brick, with a doorway161 flanked by tall, curiously162-shaped columns, each surmounted163 by a many-hued, hideous164 plaster genie165.
It was easy to see that the population was very dense in this part of the Delta. Hard at work in the fields were many natives, the majority of whom were women. There were others winding166 their way along the narrow paths which top the small banks separating each holding, or on the rough roads upon the summit[Pg 90] of the embankments which accompany the sinuosities of the river.
These were in batches168 of from ten to thirty individuals, each carrying upon his or her shoulder a light bamboo, 4 feet long. Suspended from both extremities169 was a basket containing rice, vegetables, or some other local product which they were conveying to the nearest market for sale. These natives moved at a sort of jog-trot which gives a spring to the bamboo pole they carry, thus relieving them in a measure of the weight suspended at either end.
They can carry as much as 70 pounds during eight hours each day (that is exclusive of occasional rests), and they go at an average pace of 3 miles an hour.
The Tonquinese of both sexes wear enormous hats made from the leaves of the macaw palm. Those worn by the men are pointed59 at the top, and bear a strong resemblance in shape to a big paper lamp-shade. The weaker sex possess a headgear circular in form and flat on the top, around the edge of which is an inverted170 brim which shields the face and neck of the wearer from the horizontal rays of the sun.[Pg 91] These hats have often a diameter of as much as 30 inches.
Four hours after we left Ha?phong the aspect of the country underwent a decided171 change, and low hills were frequent. They increased in number and height as we went on, and the river soon wound its way between the first spurs of the Bao-Day range. This is a group of hills known as the "Ninety-nine Summits," which vary considerably in height from an altitude of 600 to 1,800 feet. All of them are covered with long grass, affording an excellent pasture for the cattle belonging to the numerous villages established in the valleys.
Although it was almost dusk the view from our little steamer was a varied172 and pleasing one, as the river twisted and turned between these almost cone-shaped elevations174. Sometimes it seemed as if a big hill had slipped right into the river and blocked the way; but the stream would narrow and go right round its base, and, as we swept by, we could look straight up the side of the slope. At such times we could not refrain from thinking of what might happen if a few enterprising rebels took up a position on[Pg 92] the side of such a hill. They could have fired volleys on to our crowded decks, and from such an angle that we could not have replied with the machine gun fixed175 on the roof forward.
However, fortunately for us, nothing of the kind did happen.
We arrived at Phulang-Thuong at nine o'clock in the evening, and having disembarked were quartered in an enormous pagoda157 which could easily have accommodated another five hundred men.
Each soldier was provided with a straw mattress176 and a blanket, and it was not long before silence and sleep reigned177 supreme178. The picquet and guard were supplied from the garrison68, for we were as yet unarmed. During the next day rifles, ammunition, and a khaki campaigning kit179 were served out to us. At this time putties were not worn in the French army; they have, however, been adopted since the 1900-01 campaign in China.
Each man made his own cloth leggings or gaiters, which reached about half-way up the calf180 of the leg, and were buttoned at the side. I should here remark that the French infantry182[Pg 93]man, whilst in the Colonies, wears a white sun-helmet, similar in shape to the one served out to our own troops, and, like the latter, it has a removable cover of khaki cloth.
The rifles we received were of the "-74 Gras Model." These, however, were replaced by "-86 Lebel Model" in May of the following year. The latter is a small calibre, smokeless powder, repeating weapon.
I was included in a batch167 of sixty men who were to reinforce the 1st Company of the 2nd Battalion, quartered at Nha-Nam, about 21 miles to the north of Phulang-Thuong.
There is a good road between these two points, which is constructed on an embankment 4 feet above the level of the surrounding paddy fields. It has probably been in existence for several centuries, and it is certainly one of the old mandarin routes, which were made throughout lower Tonquin by order of the Emperor Le-Vrang-Tong, who reigned during the latter part of the sixteenth century.
On the morning of the 24th April our detachment crossed the Song-Thuong river by the ferry, and stepped out briskly towards our new garrison.
[Pg 94]
We were under the orders of a sergeant183-major, who, owing probably to the instructions he had received, organised the little column in a strictly184 regulation manner: with vanguard, rear-guard and flankers. These precautions led to speculations185 among us as to whether we should get through our first day of service in the colony without smelling powder. The majority would certainly have hailed with delight any chance of a scrimmage, but we were destined186 to be disappointed in that respect—for the time being, at all events. We reached Cao-Thuong about midday, at which place we partook of a meal cooked by ourselves. On the 6th November, 1890, an important engagement had taken place here between the rebels—who occupied a strongly-fortified position—and a French column of about twelve hundred men. This combat, which may be considered the first blow struck at the partisans of the exiled Emperor Ham-Nghi, was the opening engagement in a lengthy187 struggle lasting188 nearly three years, and which transformed large, well-cultivated, densely-populated plains into desolate189 tracts190 of country, overgrown with jungle, dotted here and[Pg 95] there with the charred191 and blackened ruins of once flourishing villages.
That part of Tonquin known as the Yen-Thé region is bordered on the south and west by the Song-Cau river, on the east by the Song-Thuong, and on the north by a chain of rocky heights running from Tha?-Nguyen to Vanh-Linh, which is situated a little to the north of the new railway from Phulang-Thuong to Lang-son. The southern part of it, which is generally designated as the Lower Yen-Thé, is an immense plain rising gradually to the north, and studded here and there with small isolated192 groups of hills, none of which exceed 500 feet in height. It is traversed by numerous streams all running into the Song-Thuong and Song-Cau rivers, and to these the district owes its wonderful fertility.
The soil of this region is composed of a dull-red clay, containing innumerable small round pebbles193. It does not produce such fine rice as the black alluvial mud plains of the Delta, but it is better adapted than these for the growing of yams, tobacco, the mulberry tree and castor-oil plant.
About 20 miles north of Phulang-Thuong[Pg 96] this plain terminates, and it is succeeded by a mass of hills which here and there enclose small marshy194 plains. The country is overrun by dense forests, into which a few paths, made by charcoal195 burners, offer the only means of penetration196.
It would need a master-pen to produce an adequate description of the savage197 wildness of this region, which teems198 with game. Tigers, panthers, bears, many kinds of deer, wild pigs and boars abound; peacocks, silver-pheasants, partridges and snipe are very numerous.
For centuries past the Tonquinese have associated the Upper Yen-Thé with the mysterious and the supernatural. Native folk-lore declares that a former Emperor, thanks to a powerful magic he possessed, succeeded in driving from the lowlands a race of cruel and wicked genii. To escape complete destruction these fled into the forests, where, so runs the legend, they still live and guard the rich mineral treasures which are said to exist there.
The native of the Delta possesses a real dread199 of this part of the country, for, not only is the Tonquinese the most superstitious200 of humans, but the lowlander who comes into these regions is[Pg 97] speedily attacked by a virulent201 form of paludo-h?maturic fever, which in most cases terminates fatally.
It was owing principally to these reasons that the native troops, with the exception of the few companies recruited from the Muong tribes, were of small service during the operations which took place there.
In this maze202 of hills, covered by virgin203 forests, rank swamp and deep jungle, De-Nam established his headquarters in 1887. He was no commonplace individual, this Asiatic; indeed, when one considers his subsequent career, it is impossible to repress a sentiment of admiration204 for this man, who, during the four years he led the rebellion, proved himself to be a capable administrator205, a talented military engineer, and a clever and a daring general.
He belonged to the literati, or educated class, and was born near Dap-Cau, a town on the Song-Cau river, in 1836. Like his father, he became a mandarin, and filled successively several important posts in the Civil Administration of his country. On the establishment of the French Protectorate he withdrew to Hué,[Pg 98] the capital of Annam; but on the exile of Ham-Nghi he returned to his birth-place, and began secretly to organise62 the insurrection in the province of which he was a native, aided, as it has already been stated, by covert206 encouragement and subsidies207 from some of the high native officials at the Court.
His choice of the Yen-Thé as a centre of resistance to the French was in itself no small proof of the acumen208 the man possessed. Apart from the difficulties which the surface configuration209 of the region offered to the movements of European troops, the natives were stronger and more courageous210 than those of the Delta, and it was from them that the greater part of the old army of Tu-Duc was recruited. After the capture of the citadels211 of Son-Tay and Bac-Ninh by the French, these troops, abandoned by their Black Flag allies, returned to their homes, concealed213 their arms, and, with the suppleness214 innate215 in the Asiatic, became for the time being peaceful cultivators of their native soil.
Their minds were, however, deeply imbued216 with the delights of their past career—the satisfaction based on a sense of swaggering superiority[Pg 99] over their unarmed compatriots, and the consequent facilities which had existed for plundering217 them. The long "siestas," slack discipline, and numerous pipes of opium218 were still causes for keen regret, and they hated the monotony and hard work attached to the pursuit of agriculture. It is, therefore, easy to imagine with what eager joy these former warriors219 received the whispered appeal of secret propaganda—an appeal combining the glamour220 of patriotism221 with the promise of rapine, plunder, and the other joys so dear to the majority of Orientals—and the mysterious manner in which the message was communicated to them was in itself a fascination222 owing to their belief in the supernatural.
In 1888 the majority of the population of the Yen-Thé were fervent223 partisans of De-Nam, and but few villages had refused to throw in their lot with the insurgents224. All the hamlets that abstained225 from joining the revolt were Catholic centres, for numerous missions of the Roman Church had been established in this district for more than a century.
It was at this time that the leader of the insurrection decided on building a fortified strong[Pg 100]hold towards the north-east of Nha-Nam. A strong fort, rectangular in shape, with flanking bastions at each corner, was constructed. Within it were placed substantial native buildings capable of accommodating from six to eight hundred men. The position chosen was in a dense forest of which just the necessary area to be covered by the defensive226 work was cleared. Two narrow paths only led to it, and these approaches could be raked by cross-fires from the walls and bastions. The surrounding vegetation was so thick that it was impossible to make headway outside of the two tracks; and owing to its density227, and to the fact that the position was situated in a slight hollow, there were no means of obtaining a glimpse of the fortifications until the first palisade, which enclosed them at a distance of about 25 feet, was reached. There were three of these palisades, and in the grass-covered space between them were planted numerous pointed bamboo stakes, the whole forming a most serious agglomeration of auxiliary228 defences.
The preceding details may apply to the numerous other defensive works subsequently[Pg 101] erected229 by the rebels, all being on the same plan, and occupying similar sites.
From Hou-Thué—for this was the name given by the natives to the citadel212—De-Nam administered the whole of the province in the name of the exiled Emperor. The villages paid taxes into his treasury230, and furnished rice and other requisites231 for his army, which at this time consisted of about two thousand five hundred men, one thousand five hundred of whom were armed with breech-loading rifles.
The unfortunate hamlets which refused their support were mercilessly pillaged232 and burnt, and their inhabitants massacred as an example to other recalcitrants. It must, however, be stated, in justice to the rebel chief, that he protected those who were faithful to his rule, for, on several occasions, in 1889-90, he defeated detachments of native militia sent by the Resident in Bac-Ninh to collect taxes from the peasants. During this period the attention of the French authorities was so actively233 engrossed by the movements of the Chinese bands in the provinces of Lang-son and Cao-Bang on the Song-Ko? and Black rivers, that action in the Yen-Thé was put off until the end of 1890.
[Pg 102]
As a natural result of this policy of tergiversation, the power and prestige of De-Nam increased considerably; and so great was his confidence in the ultimate success of the insurrection, that he established a strongly-fortified position at Cao-Thuong, in which he placed a garrison under the orders of De-Tam, the most trusted and capable of his lieutenants.
This subordinate not only administered the surrounding country, and levied234 toll235 in the name of his chief, but by night he often crossed the Song-Thuong and raided the rich villages around Phulang-Thuong, the inhabitants of which had been living in security and growing rich, thanks to the close proximity236 of the French troops garrisoned in that town. It was frequently the lot of the unhappy Resident to watch, through the night, from his verandah, the burning houses of these unfortunates.
Patrols would be sent out, but their departure was at once signalled, and they would arrive on the scene only to find that the raiders had decamped with their spoil; and sometimes these detachments, being at a disadvantage in the gathering237 darkness, would be ambuscaded by the[Pg 103] rear-guard of the enemy, and suffer severe losses.
At last, something had to be done, and a column under General Godin was sent against the rebel position at Cao-Thuong. It was with some difficulty that the fort was located, owing to it being concealed in the midst of a dense thicket. Part of the expedition was surprised, and suffered losses. Eventually, thanks to the fire of half a battery of mountain guns, the position was evacuated238, and the enemy, after breaking up into small groups, succeeded in escaping northwards. No dead or wounded Tonquinese were found in the fort, but its solid construction and the judicious239 selection of its site was cause for great surprise to all the officers present. There can be no doubt that in this, and also during the subsequent operations against Hou Thué, the French considerably underrated the strength and military capabilities240 of the enemy. It would not, however, be wise for us to criticise241 too severely242, since we have committed similar errors in most of our own colonial expeditions.
A fine village close to the enemy's fort, was[Pg 104] found to be abandoned, and was burned. With this the operations terminated, which fact demonstrates the ignorance of the French officials concerning the extent of the rising, for they now concluded, somewhat hastily, that the centre of resistance had been destroyed.
In reality the garrison of a small outpost only had been dislodged, and the enemy returned to the position as soon as the troops had gone. They did not, however, remain there long, for shortly afterwards the authorities constructed a strong fortification on the crest of a hill which overlooked all the surrounding country, and this was occupied by a detachment of native militia, under the orders of a French officer.
Elated with the knowledge that they had slain several French and native soldiers, the rebels most probably concluded that the victory had been theirs. Certain it is that for long afterwards every minstrel in the province sang of the prowess exhibited by De-Tam's troops on that day.
Before General Godin's column was broken up, the civil authorities decided on one wise measure. To ensure the tranquillity244 of the region after[Pg 105] the taking of Cao-Thuong, a position was chosen at Nha-Nam, about 8 miles further north, and a fort was built there. A company of the Foreign Legion, one of native infantry with a mountain gun, and a few artillerymen were left behind to construct the fort.
Encouraged, no doubt, by the non-discovery of their strong positions in the north, and by the trifling246 loss they had sustained, the rebels became more venturesome than ever. Placards declaring war on the French Government, and threatening with death all natives who remained loyal to the foreigners, were posted up in the roads, by-ways and market-places of the province. Rich villages, situated but a mile or so from the garrison towns of Dap-Cau, Bac-Ninh and Phulang-Thuong, were pillaged, burnt, and many of the inhabitants slaughtered247. Almost each night would see the troops under arms, and the sky reddened with a conflagration248.
The civil authorities were supposed to supply intelligence to the military, and they had secret service funds at their disposal to pay for the work, but there was never any forthcoming. The enemy, however, were better served, and not an[Pg 106] ambuscade could be planned or a patrol sent out but they were immediately informed of the fact. Towards the end of November a perfect state of anarchy, a veritable reign41 of terror, existed throughout the province; and, as a last resource, the Yen-Thé was placed under martial249 law, and the administration of the district entrusted250 to the Brigadier-General in command of the 2nd Brigade at Bac-Ninh.
To such as are cognisant with the French methods of recruiting the personnel of that country's colonial civil service, there is little cause for surprise at the maladministration of Tonquin at this period of its history. To have a parent in the Ministry, a relation who was a deputy, or an electioneering agent, or to possess a friend with political influence—these were the surest means of obtaining a soft, well-paid billet under the tropics. Few, if any, of the candidates nominated knew anything about the country, its people, their customs or language prior to their arrival in it; and even to-day, when some apology for a competitive examination has become necessary—though this is not always the case—not one in fifty of France's public[Pg 107] servants in Indo-China possesses a sound knowledge of the vernacular251.
Very shortly after matters had been taken in hand by the military authorities things began to take a turn for the better, thanks to sterner measures and a better organised system of espionnage.
When information had been obtained disclosing the existence of a strong main position at Hou-Thué, a reconnaissance was sent out from Nha-Nam on the 9th December to locate the route. This action led to a vague knowledge of the whereabouts of the enemy being obtained, and a small column, under Major Fane, marched against the rebels on the 11th.
After a good deal of skirmishing and groping about in the dense forest, the detachment, which had blundered blindly on the fortifications, was very severely handled and forced to retreat.
A new expedition, a thousand strong, under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Winckel-Meyer, attacked the rebels on the 22nd December. An attempt was made to assault the stronghold.
Owing to the fact that the enemy's works were only visible at a distance of a few yards,[Pg 108] and also to the impracticability of clearing a road for the guns through the trees and undergrowth, it was found impossible to aid the attack by a preparatory action by the artillery245. For a similar reason the assaulting party were obliged to move in Indian file along two narrow paths, exposed all the time to a severe cross-fire. Under such conditions the impetus252 so necessary to success was impossible, progress was slow, and casualties numerous.
The foliage was so dense that the few rays of the sun which pierced through it produced an effect of dim twilight253. Through this semi-obscurity, which was intensified254 by the clouds of powder smoke which clung to the damp vegetation, could be distinguished255 the countless256 red flashes from the enemy's rifles. The continuous rattle257 of the musketry, the crashing clatter259 of the branches and twigs260 severed261 by the hail of lead, the insulting yells of the rebels, the monotonous boom of their war-drum, the complaints of the wounded and dying, produced a sensation of fearsome nightmare.
The European troops behaved splendidly. Those who escaped the zone of fire on the[Pg 109] paths tried their best to break through the first bamboo fence, but were shot down almost as soon as they reached it. At one point a hole was made in the enclosure, and two Legionaries got through. They made a rush for the second palisade, but before they could reach it one of them fell, and his thigh262 was pierced by a pointed stake. Fortunately, his comrade succeeded in carrying him back the way they had come, and escaped himself without a scratch.
Unable to stand the continued strain, a company of native troops—tirailleurs Tonkinois—retreated in disorder263. Some of them actually threw away their arms, and, with turbans gone, their long hair falling in confusion over their face and shoulders, fled shrieking264 and panic-stricken.
Seeing that success was not possible under the circumstances, the commander of the expedition wisely ordered a retreat. The engagement had lasted barely an hour, and over a hundred of the rank and file had been killed or wounded.
When the troops retired265 a good many of the slain, together with their arms and ammunition, fell into the hands of the rebels.
[Pg 110]
The column withdrew to Nha-Nam, and reinforcements of men, guns and mortars266 were sent from Bac-Ninh. Colonel Frey, who commanded the brigade, arrived, and took over the direction of the operations, which lasted from the 30th December to the 11th January, 1891.
Trenches267 were opened, but progress was very slow. Eventually, a position was reached about 100 yards from the first palisade, from which a glimpse of the interior of the fort could be obtained. A battery composed of two mountain guns and as many small mortars was established, and the shells thrown from them soon caused serious loss to the enemy, and set fire to one of the thatched roofs of the numerous buildings it contained. Most of these constructions were built of bamboo and plaster, so that the conflagration spread rapidly; and towards evening the interior of the citadel was a mass of flames. The rebels displayed striking courage, for they clung to the walls, and fired incessant268 volleys at the guns until late into the night. Profiting by the darkness, they then evacuated the fort, after burying their dead, and retired with their wounded to positions a few miles further north.
These positions were stronger than at Hou-Thué, and consisted of a big entrenched269 village, the approaches being covered by several forts and numerous rifle-pits, the importance of which was unknown to the French, so well had the secret of their construction been guarded.
On the following morning an assaulting column found the position at Hou-Thué empty, and the defences were partially destroyed by dynamite270.[1] After a few reconnoitring parties had been sent out, and no trace of the enemy discovered, the civil authorities concluded that the rebellion had been squashed, and the Governor gave orders for the column to be broken up.
[1] A most excellent and detailed271 account of the operations against Hou-Thué is to be found in "Pirates et Rebelles au Tonkin," by General Frey, published in 1892 by Messrs Hachette et Cie, Paris. The maps of the region and sketches272 of the position are reproduced from that work by the kind permission of the author and publishers.
However, to ensure tranquillity, it was decided to maintain the garrison, and strengthen the position at Nha-Nam, situate about 3 miles south-west of Hou-Thué, on a small elevation173 dominating to the south, east, and west the plain which extends towards the Song-Cau and[Pg 112] Song-Thuong rivers, and northwards of which is the mass of forest-covered hills already described.
The garrison consisted of a company of the Legion, one of native infantry, and a mountain gun. The construction of the position went on very slowly, for the military authorities were able to obtain but few coolies, and the greater part of the labour had to be performed by troops who were continually harassed273 by night attacks; for the rebels, encouraged, no doubt, by the failure of the French to discover their new stronghold, were soon as active as before. Fortunately, the garrison experienced small loss, for the enemy contented274 themselves by firing into the place at night from a distance of about 300 yards.
The strain on the men was very great, however, as three or four nights a week they were under arms in expectation of an attempt to rush the position. This was the state of affairs when our detachment arrived at Nha-Nam on the evening of the 24th April.
Our arrival at the fort caused some little excitement, and numerous were the questions asked us concerning friends in Algeria.
[Pg 113]
We were at once distributed over the company, and I found myself placed in the second squad43 of the first section, which was lodged243 in a small pagoda, situated about 10 yards inside the fort gate, and almost facing it. This building was in very good condition, and faced the south. A vacant bed was given me, the former occupant of which, having been rather severely wounded in a skirmish about a fortnight previously275, was in the hospital at Phulang-Thuong. I say bed, but in reality it was an apology for the comfortable cots used in Algeria. The trestles were of wood, and placed upon these was a plank276 about 2 feet broad. A regulation blanket folded in two served as a mattress. A good meal was awaiting us, and, after partaking of it, I arranged my kit, and in a quiet spot, with the help of a comrade, "washed down" with a bucketful of water.
Our long tramp, and the heat, had made us comfortably tired, so we turned in early and were soon sound asleep, notwithstanding the restricted dimensions of our couches. Our slumbers277 were undisturbed, and the night passed without incident.
[Pg 114]
On the morrow the men who had composed our relief detachment were paraded for inspection278 by our company commander, Captain Plessier. He addressed us with a few words of welcome, adding some sensible advice concerning the great dangers which existed from sunstroke, fever, and the abuse of alcoholic279 liquors, and the best way to avoid them. After that he questioned us individually concerning our previous knowledge of building and engineering. Before he interrogated280 a man, the sergeant-major who stood near him reading from a list he held, would inform our commander of the name and nationality of each in turn. To my surprise he addressed me in very good English, saying:
"What was your profession before you enlisted281?"
"I had not yet adopted one, sir," I answered.
"Hum! You evidently possess a good education, and we are in want of intelligent work." Then, turning to the non-commissioned officer behind him, he continued in French: "Sergeant-major! Make a note of it: this man to be put on the brick-making gang in his[Pg 115] spare time." As he passed on to the next private he threw a quick glance at me, in which I read a kindly282 sense of the humour of the situation.
To another who told him he was formerly283 an artist, he said:
"Excellent! excellent! the very man I want. My hut and the new kitchen will be finished to-morrow, so you can set about whitewashing284 at once."
This officer was a man of medium height, about thirty-five years of age. He was dark, and wore a small moustache. He was well-built, very active, and seemed to be about at all hours of the day and night. Though a strict disciplinarian he was extremely just, and never inflicted285 a punishment unless it was merited. Owing to this, and also to his cool courage under fire, his men were devoted286 to him, and would have followed him anywhere.
The morning was given to us, so as to permit of our settling down in our new quarters.
That afternoon I was initiated287 into the rudiments288 of brick-making. The clay pit and yard were at the bottom of the western slope of[Pg 116] our position, on the top of which was the réduit or citadel of our little fort. Eight Legionaries were employed at modelling the bricks and stacking them in the kiln289 (I was one of the gang), and ten native tirailleurs brought water from the well, chopped up the rice straw, and brought in wood for the fire. A picquet of ten men and a corporal, on the watch for snipers, protected us.
We stopped work at 5 p.m., and went up to the fort to take our evening meal, after which I hurried round our positions to take things in, and see all I could before the sun disappeared with that swiftness so startling to the newcomer in the East. In this part of the world there is no twilight.
Again we were favoured with a quiet night. At five o'clock the next morning, just before the bugle290 sounded the réveil, a sergeant-major came into our abode291 and gave us the orders for the day. My section, and another from the native regiment, were to start on a morning reconnaissance at six o'clock under the orders of our Captain; the remainder of the garrison was to continue work at the fortifications and build[Pg 117]ings in construction. I soon learnt that this was the daily routine, each unit taking alternate turns at reconnoitring or building. A quarter before the hour indicated the section was lined up, outside our pagoda, facing the south gate of the fort.
We were in our khaki kit of cotton drill, and carried our rifles, side arms, 120 rounds of ammunition, water-bottles filled with very weak coffee, and a sort of heavy-bladed half chopper, half knife, which was in a wooden sheath suspended from the belt on the right side. This tool, which is a cross between a Gurkha kookerie and a Manila bolo, is about 18 inches long, and has a blade which is broader and heavier at the end than at the shaft292. It is used to cut away the creepers, bamboos, and undergrowth, although at a pinch it makes a formidable weapon. A few minutes later the detachment of native troops who were to take part in the expedition, came from their quarters and formed up behind us. Their uniform, which was of similar texture and shade to ours, consisted of a vest, short trousers, and putties of the same pattern as those worn by the Muong tribes.[Pg 118] The men were unshod, and as a head-dress wore a round, flat hat made of bamboo, which is known as a sakalo. This has a diameter of about 8 inches, is painted with red lacquer, and has a small brass293 spike294 in the centre. In shape it somewhat resembles an inverted soup-plate. This hat is placed on the top of the chignon-turban worn by the Tonquinese, and secured to it by red cotton streamers. On occasions like the present one, the head-dress was covered by a khaki coiffre, which not only hid the sakalo, but also fell over the neck of each soldier at the back, as a protection from the sun. They were armed with the cavalry295 musket258 and bayonet. This weapon was of the same model and calibre as the one we were then using, but it was shorter and lighter296. In addition to the native "non-coms" in these regiments each section possessed two French sergeants297. These, of course, wore a uniform very much the same as ours.
As I stood in the ranks curiously watching through the trellis-like palisade the red ball of the tropical sun as it rose swiftly above the horizon and lit up the plain before me with[Pg 119] colours so brilliant that their glare seemed to burn the eyeball, I overheard the following remarks made by two comrades in proximity to me:
"Himmel! Sidi Mahomet (the sun) promises well to-day. We shall lose some fat before we get back, Bauer."
"Fat! I've none to lose," was the reply. "I found the last of mine in my boots yesterday, when we got back from Yen-Lé (a native village five miles south). That load of bamboo did it. I shall sweat my flesh away now. Pauvre Légion! Have you got a cibiche (cigarette)?"
"That load of bamboo!" said the first speaker, as he handed his chum his pouch298. "Do you think I carried back the buthuong's (native headman) feather mattress? Schafskopf! An ironwood pagoda beam, my boy. Eighty kilos, if it weighed a gramme! I heard the Capit?n (captain) say, 'This would make splendid doorposts, but it's too heavy,' so I tried it. Sacré nom! It was a blow. When we got here I was nearly dead. Kaput! Sweat? Why, when I went to the kitchen to get a drink of tea, Schmidt stared at me, and asked if it had been[Pg 120] raining. Dummer Kerl! The cartridges300 in my pouch were quite wet. I believe the powder in them must be damp, too."
I joined in the laugh at this sally, and asked:
"Do you know which way we shall go this morning, Bauer?"
"No, I don't," he replied; "and neither does any one else. The 'old man' (le vieux) arranges such matters with himself as he takes his coffee in the morning. All I do know is that if we go south, east or west we shall each bring back a load of bamboo. Mein Gott! It does take a lot to build this place. If we go north we shall have some fun, and some one will probably get hurt."
"No such luck," said the corporal on my right; "there will be no vacancies301 in the cadre to-day."
As he spoke302 our Captain came walking down from the réduit, and a few paces behind him one of the buglers leading his mount, a small white native pony304, not much bigger than a Shetland, but as beautifully formed as an Arab. Our commander carried no arms; a pair of[Pg 121] field glasses slung306 over his shoulder, and a small malacca cane307, constituted all his impedimenta.
He glanced at the detachment, and then said to our lieutenant75:
"Monsieur Meyer, the reconnaissance will proceed in the direction of Yen-Lé." (I heard a suppressed groan308 from the men near me.) "The Tirailleurs will supply the vanguard."
At the word of command one of the native infantrymen left the ranks and went out of the gate at a jog-trot. Once outside, he brought down his rifle from the shoulder, slipped in a cartridge299, closed the breech-bolt, and carried his arm at the slope. This man was what is known as the "point" of the column.
When he had proceeded about 40 yards, the "cover-point," composed of a corporal and four men, followed, and behind these, at an equal distance, came the vanguard; which in this case consisted of half a section under the orders of a sergeant. When another interval65 of 40 yards had been established, the remainder of the column proceeded, with the exception of a small rear-guard of ten men and a corporal, who followed about 100 yards behind us.[Pg 122] As we went through the gate, Bauer said to me: "We can be thankful the demoiselles—he meant the native troops—are in front to-day; we shan't have to stretch our skittles (legs)."
Once outside the fort we slung our rifles and marched at ease.
Our road was on a narrow embankment which wound snake-like over the rice fields, and we could only proceed in Indian file.
The country here was very much like that of the Delta, which I have already described. A well-cultivated plain, studded over with villages hidden in clumps of verdure, and surrounded by tall, graceful309 bamboos, which bent310 and creaked, and whose delicate foliage rustled311 under the slightest breeze. The only difference was that here and there were small hills, some covered with long grass, others with a dense and luxuriant vegetation, the pleasant aspect of which broke the monotony of the landscape.
Many of the villages were occupied, and from some of them, as our little column passed by, the notabilities would come out and make obeisance312, and offer refreshments313 to our com[Pg 123]mander. They had accepted the protection of the French authorities, and paid taxes into the treasury at Phulang-Thuong; but the mere fact that their village was not a mass of charred ruins was the best proof that they must also have been paying toll to De-Nam, and most probably supplying him with rice. Others of these hamlets openly gave proof of their hostility314 by barring the gates before we arrived. An order would be given and a few men would make a rush for the entrance, pull back the heavy beams placed one above the other, the ends of which fitted in slots cut in two massive posts, and break in the ironwood doors beyond.
No one was found in the place, all the inhabitants having escaped through some exit at the back of the village, generally leading into a dense jungle, where they hid with all the cattle they had time to drive before them.
The defences of these hamlets are much stronger and more elaborate than those of the Delta provinces. A double and sometimes triple embankment and bamboo hedge surrounds them. Between the first two of these are numerous deep ponds of stagnant315 water. Twisting, narrow[Pg 124] lanes, just large enough to allow of the passage of the tame buffalo316, divide up the interior, and make of each thick clay-walled house a veritable citadel. Leading up to each of the two or three doors, which must be passed to gain an entrance, are narrow passages through which only one man can go at a time, and these can be raked from end to end by the fire from well-placed loopholes.
I was greatly interested by what I saw that morning, and by the really clever system of defence adopted for their houses by these Asiatics. It is certain that had they offered us any serious resistance we would have suffered severe loss. That they did not, I attribute to the fact that they were fully305 cognisant that in such a case a gun could be brought from Nha-Nam, against which their fortifications would have stood but a poor chance. As Bauer had predicted, we ended up our morning by bringing back from Yen-Lé a load of bamboo. This we cut from the hedge of that village, which was not inhabited, for it had been burnt about two months previously, because its occupants had fired upon a passing detachment of troops.[Pg 125] The task of carrying our load back to Nha-Nam was no light one, and much bad language was used by the way. We reached our position about midday.
Had it been possible to obtain sufficient coolies, the troops would have been spared this labour. However, it did none of us any harm, for we were well fed, and drew a daily ration60 of a pint317 of good wine and a lot of rum, so that we could stand a little extra work.
Owing to the extreme heat, unless there was urgent need of their services, the troops were kept under cover each day from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m. From then until near sunset work would be resumed on the buildings and fortifications.
On the 5th May, at 1 a.m., I had my first experience of a night attack. My squad had come off guard-duty on the evening of the 4th, and we had turned in at nine, and were soon fast asleep. White duck pants and a soft linen318 shirt constituted our usual sleeping costume; each man placing the end of a sheet over his bare feet to protect them from the mosquitoes. In the event of an alarm it was easy for the[Pg 126] men to slip on their boots, buckle319 on their belts, seize their arms and hurry to their posts, of which each was already cognisant. A few seconds sufficed for our little garrison to be prepared to repel320 any attack on their position. A small light, screened from the outside, burnt in each room, and this prevented the confusion which complete obscurity would have created.
What it was exactly that awoke me it would be difficult to state. Instinctively321 I had sprung off my cot and was groping about for my boots, which were on the other side of it. After cursing myself for my stupidity, I found and slipped them on. Satisfied at being shod once more—a sense of weakness and inferiority dominates the white man caught barefooted—I did not wait to lace them, but buckled322 on my belt, took down my rifle from its peg323, and hurried over to the opposite side of our pagoda to take up my place at the window, between two other men. But a few seconds had elapsed since my awakening324, and now, as I stood with my head and shoulders above the opening, the butt181 of my rifle pressed under the arm-pit, the right hand gripping the stock with one finger[Pg 127] on the trigger, now only did I realise what had brought me from my slumbers. Previously, my awakening intelligence had been able to concentrate itself on one object only, that of arming myself, and reaching my post as soon as possible.
There was no moon, but the night was clear, the stars ablaze325. A few yards in front of us I could see the dim outline of the palisade, and, beyond it in the darkness, a grey streak326 of road which disappeared into the night. Along a front of perhaps 400 yards the sombre background was punctuated327 again and again, at a distance of about a quarter of a mile, by lightning like red flashes. Rat! tat! tat! tat!... These were Winchesters. Boom! boom!... Sniders or muzzle-loaders. Then Rat! tat! tat! again in quick, continuous succession.
With a sharp whirr, or a long drone, the bullets fly overhead. A swish and a crackle. Ah! that was lower, and has hit the palisade. Thud! Thud! they come into our good wall. A corporal blows out the light; wise man! A crack and a jingle328 of broken crockery—the tiles of our pagoda are getting it now. Flop329![Pg 128] a leaden messenger has come through a window, and flattened330 itself against the opposite wall.
In our room all is silent. Each man stands with his finger on the trigger; a corporal is behind each squad; we are waiting for orders. In the trenches on the crest of the slope behind us, and in the brick buildings scattered331 over our position, our comrades, like us, are expectant, ready and confident. The enemy's fire increases, and we hear it break out on the left. The flashes from their rifles come closer and closer; some of them are now not more than 100 yards away.
A good many bullets are finding their way into our building. A tin pannikin, with a hole drilled through it, falls with a clatter from the shelf, and an earthenware332 jar which contained cold tea is smashed. We can hear the soft trickle333 of the liquid over the tiled floor.
We take all the cover we can as we peep out into the darkness. No one has been hurt, but it begins to be trying to the nerves.
A ball flicks334 the window-ledge, and fills our eyes and nostrils with brick-dust. "Schweine!" exclaims my neighbour, rubbing his eyes.[Pg 129] "Silence!" says the corporal who stands just behind.
I have a growing desire to say something to somebody, and feel terribly lonely. Next I swear mentally that after counting ten I will open fire and stand all chances. I count ten; then—do nothing, and keep on waiting—it seems for hours. The whole thing lasts about thirty minutes.
At last! We hear footsteps coming down the hill, and Lieutenant Meyer appears walking at a quick pace, a bugler303 behind him. He comes into our quarters, and looks around in the obscurity to see that all are present. Just then some more of our tiles go to glory with a smash. He laughs lightly, and says:
"?a chauffe, mes enfants," and a titter runs through the room. Then, turning to a "non-com": "Schmidt! go over to the guard-house" (a few paces away to our left), "and tell the corporal that when the bugle sounds, he will open a fire of six cartridges from the loopholes. You can remain there and join in." Then to us: "Attention! for independent firing! at one hundred metres——"
[Pg 130]
Every man present braces335 himself and jubilates. The bugler, at a sign from our officer, steps forward to the doorway and sounds the "Open fire."
In a second we are all at it. Crash! bang! bang! The sentry336 at the gate also joins in, and we can see the flash and hear the report of his weapon as he fires from behind his shelter of sods.
All my nervous impatience337 is gone, and I no longer growl338 at fate and speculate on my chances of being shot in the dark. I am hitting back now, and feel joyful339 at it. Also I seem to possess two distinct individualities, one watching the other; and the one knows that the other will be pleased if I do not hurry, as I slip another cartridge into the breech, and close the bolt with a snap. So I effect the operation in the regulation manner, though I am craving94 to rush through it with lightning speed, and would do so, were not my invisible double watching me so attentively340. My rifle is as light as a feather as I bring it up to the shoulder. Then I peep along the barrel, and wait a second for a flash from the enemy. It is too dark to see[Pg 131] the top sight, so when the flash comes, with a steady pull I loose off at it.
Now the bugle brays341 the "Cease fire," and the rattling342 din2 ceases suddenly.
Within our room all is still again, except for an occasional cough, for we are breathing powder smoke. The place is full of it, and it hangs around like a fog.
The enemy's fire on our front is almost extinct. The little there is comes from a long way off—500 or 600 yards, perhaps. An occasional twinkle and a following pop! and then it ceases altogether.
On the right of our position they are still keeping it up, till we hear the quick successive crashes of two volleys fired by our comrades from the trenches, after which it dies away and is soon finished. So ends the night alarm.
Awaiting orders we remained under arms until our captain came round, accompanied by M. Joly, our surgeon, to enquire343 if there were any casualties. On our lieutenant replying in the negative, we heard our commanding officer laughingly inform him that the only patient for the doctor was the sergeant-major's dog, which[Pg 132] had been shot clean through the body. Strange to say, this animal, a liver-coloured pointer, recovered completely from its wound.
At about a quarter to two the "dismiss" was sounded, and we returned to rest again.
For the next few weeks the work of building went on apace, and by the end of May all the garrison was comfortably lodged and the defences completed. The tirailleurs laboured with us at this task; and it was whilst watching them at work that I was struck by the diversity of uses to which these natives are capable of adapting the bamboo. They used it for almost everything. Roof-beams, doorposts, window-frames and rafters were obtained from it for building purposes, and also beds, tables, chairs, matting and blinds. The whole of our position was surrounded by two barriers of bamboo, and in the space between them, about 20 feet, thousands of small pointed stakes of the same wood, boiled in castor oil to harden them, were planted in the ground. The native troops were undoubtedly cunning workmen, and were of great assistance in the construction of the fort.
They are, however, held in small respect by[Pg 133] the Legionaries, whose opinion of them as fighters is of the poorest.
The majority of these troops, recruited in the Delta provinces—the population of which are good agriculturists, but possess no military virtues—are of small value as a fighting unit.
The few companies formed of Thos and Muongs (mountain tribes of the Tonquin) have, however, rendered great service to the army, and their courage and morale344 is of the best.
Unfortunately, only about one-fifth of the total strength of each regiment is composed of these highlanders.
At the beginning of 1891 the colony possessed three regiments of tirailleurs Tonkinois. Each of these corps345 was composed of four battalions346 of one thousand men. In June, 1895, a fourth regiment of three battalions was raised, and in 1902 a fifth of similar composition was added to the strength of the army in Tonquin.
Each corps possesses a cadre of French officers and "non-coms," composed as follows: a colonel and an adjutant-major for each regiment, a major to each battalion, and a captain, two lieutenants and twelve sergeants to each company.
[Pg 134]
There exists, however, a great defect in the organisation of these native corps, of important significance to those acquainted with the admirable system adopted for our Indian army, for not two per cent. of the Frenchmen who compose the cadres of the tirailleurs regiments can speak the vernacular. The disadvantages consequent on this state of things are too evident to require explanation.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
battalion
|
|
| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
din
|
|
| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
situated
|
|
| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
extremity
|
|
| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
gulf
|
|
| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
alluvial
|
|
| adj.冲积的；淤积的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
jumble
|
|
| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
pinnacles
|
|
| 顶峰( pinnacle的名词复数 )； 顶点； 尖顶； 小尖塔 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
attaining
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
lesser
|
|
| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
dense
|
|
| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
delta
|
|
| n.（流的）角洲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
densely
|
|
| ad.密集地；浓厚地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
specimens
|
|
| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
attained
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
civilisation
|
|
| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
epoch
|
|
| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
exterminated
|
|
| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
survivors
|
|
| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
conquerors
|
|
| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
highland
|
|
| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
craftiness
|
|
| 狡猾，狡诈 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
organisation
|
|
| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
invaders
|
|
| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
warfare
|
|
| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
littoral
|
|
| adj.海岸的；湖岸的；n.沿（海）岸地区 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
tint
|
|
| n.淡色，浅色；染发剂；vt.着以淡淡的颜色 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
texture
|
|
| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
considerably
|
|
| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
copper
|
|
| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
bust
|
|
| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
repulsive
|
|
| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
distended
|
|
| v.（使）膨胀，肿胀( distend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
nostrils
|
|
| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
receding
|
|
| v.逐渐远离( recede的现在分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
qualified
|
|
| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
Buddhism
|
|
| n.佛教（教义） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
celestial
|
|
| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
naval
|
|
| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
squad
|
|
| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
regiments
|
|
| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
regiment
|
|
| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
munitions
|
|
| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
territorial
|
|
| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
concessions
|
|
| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
condor
|
|
| n.秃鹰；秃鹰金币 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
detested
|
|
| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
missionaries
|
|
| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
persecuted
|
|
| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
massacre
|
|
| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
engrossed
|
|
| adj.全神贯注的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
rupture
|
|
| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
renounce
|
|
| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
feudal
|
|
| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
renounces
|
|
| v.声明放弃( renounce的第三人称单数 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
pointed
|
|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
ration
|
|
| n.定量(pl.)给养，口粮；vt.定量供应 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
pacification
|
|
| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
organise
|
|
| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
descended
|
|
| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
intervals
|
|
| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
interval
|
|
| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
prey
|
|
| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
harass
|
|
| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
garrison
|
|
| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
garrisons
|
|
| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
Mandarin
|
|
| n.中国官话，国语，满清官吏；adj.华丽辞藻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
partisans
|
|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
monarch
|
|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
lieutenants
|
|
| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
lieutenant
|
|
| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
rampant
|
|
| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
brigandage
|
|
| n.抢劫；盗窃；土匪；强盗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
seaport
|
|
| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
partially
|
|
| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
bravado
|
|
| n.虚张声势，故作勇敢，逞能 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
fortresses
|
|
| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
reprisals
|
|
| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
defile
|
|
| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
convoy
|
|
| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
undertaking
|
|
| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
rations
|
|
| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
chronic
|
|
| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
anarchy
|
|
| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
ministry
|
|
| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
babble
|
|
| v.含糊不清地说，胡言乱语地说，儿语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
slain
|
|
| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
metropolis
|
|
| n.首府；大城市 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
craving
|
|
| n.渴望,热望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
chamber
|
|
| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
ministries
|
|
| （政府的）部( ministry的名词复数 )； 神职； 牧师职位； 神职任期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
Founder
|
|
| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
portfolios
|
|
| n.投资组合( portfolio的名词复数 )；（保险）业务量；（公司或机构提供的）系列产品；纸夹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
procrastination
|
|
| n.拖延，耽搁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
legitimate
|
|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
aspirations
|
|
| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
depredations
|
|
| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
sensational
|
|
| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
brigands
|
|
| n.土匪，强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
militia
|
|
| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
plunder
|
|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
liberated
|
|
| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
ransom
|
|
| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
colonists
|
|
| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
upwards
|
|
| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
indignity
|
|
| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
garrisoned
|
|
| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
slaughter
|
|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
captivity
|
|
| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
fortified
|
|
| adj. 加强的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
ammunition
|
|
| n.军火，弹药 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
vessels
|
|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
draught
|
|
| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
dodging
|
|
| n.避开，闪过，音调改变v.闪躲( dodge的现在分词 )；回避 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
dwarfed
|
|
| vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
picturesque
|
|
| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
estuaries
|
|
| （江河入海的）河口，河口湾( estuary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
mangrove
|
|
| n.(植物)红树，红树林 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
consistency
|
|
| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
estuary
|
|
| n.河口，江口 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
monotonous
|
|
| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
vista
|
|
| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
transformation
|
|
| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
demonstration
|
|
| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
agglomeration
|
|
| n.结聚，一堆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
miserable
|
|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
dwellings
|
|
| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
reeked
|
|
| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的过去式和过去分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
cholera
|
|
| n.霍乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
malaria
|
|
| n.疟疾 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
wharves
|
|
| n.码头，停泊处( wharf的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
steadily
|
|
| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
depot
|
|
| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
hospitable
|
|
| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
nuance
|
|
| n.(意义、意见、颜色)细微差别 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
hue
|
|
| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
fatigued
|
|
| adj. 疲乏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
garish
|
|
| adj.华丽而俗气的，华而不实的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
crest
|
|
| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
thicket
|
|
| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
plantation
|
|
| n.种植园，大农场 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
tangled
|
|
| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
abound
|
|
| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
foliage
|
|
| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
clumps
|
|
| n.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的名词复数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声v.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的第三人称单数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
sentries
|
|
| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
yak
|
|
| n.牦牛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
eminence
|
|
| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
banyan
|
|
| n.菩提树，榕树 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
pagodas
|
|
| 塔，宝塔( pagoda的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
pagoda
|
|
| n.宝塔（尤指印度和远东的多层宝塔），（印度教或佛教的）塔式庙宇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
crests
|
|
| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
ornamented
|
|
| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
whitewashed
|
|
| 粉饰，美化，掩饰( whitewash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
doorway
|
|
| n.门口，(喻)入门；门路，途径 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
curiously
|
|
| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
surmounted
|
|
| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
hideous
|
|
| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
genie
|
|
| n.妖怪，神怪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
winding
|
|
| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
batch
|
|
| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
batches
|
|
| 一批( batch的名词复数 )； 一炉； （食物、药物等的）一批生产的量； 成批作业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
extremities
|
|
| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
inverted
|
|
| adj.反向的，倒转的v.使倒置，使反转( invert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
varied
|
|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
elevation
|
|
| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
elevations
|
|
| （水平或数量）提高( elevation的名词复数 )； 高地； 海拔； 提升 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
mattress
|
|
| n.床垫，床褥 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
reigned
|
|
| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
kit
|
|
| n.用具包，成套工具；随身携带物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
calf
|
|
| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
butt
|
|
| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
182
infantry
|
|
| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
sergeant
|
|
| n.警官，中士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
strictly
|
|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
speculations
|
|
| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
lengthy
|
|
| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
lasting
|
|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
189
desolate
|
|
| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
tracts
|
|
| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
charred
|
|
| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
isolated
|
|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
pebbles
|
|
| [复数]鹅卵石； 沙砾； 卵石，小圆石( pebble的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
marshy
|
|
| adj.沼泽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
charcoal
|
|
| n.炭，木炭，生物炭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
penetration
|
|
| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
savage
|
|
| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
198
teems
|
|
| v.充满( teem的第三人称单数 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
199
dread
|
|
| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
200
superstitious
|
|
| adj.迷信的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
201
virulent
|
|
| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
202
maze
|
|
| n.迷宫，八阵图，混乱，迷惑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
203
virgin
|
|
| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
204
admiration
|
|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
205
administrator
|
|
| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
206
covert
|
|
| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
207
subsidies
|
|
| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
208
acumen
|
|
| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
209
configuration
|
|
| n.结构，布局，形态，(计算机)配置 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
210
courageous
|
|
| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
211
citadels
|
|
| n.城堡，堡垒( citadel的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
212
citadel
|
|
| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
213
concealed
|
|
| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
214
suppleness
|
|
| 柔软； 灵活； 易弯曲； 顺从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
215
innate
|
|
| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
216
imbued
|
|
| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
217
plundering
|
|
| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
218
opium
|
|
| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
219
warriors
|
|
| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
220
glamour
|
|
| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
221
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
222
fascination
|
|
| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
223
fervent
|
|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
224
insurgents
|
|
| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
225
abstained
|
|
| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
226
defensive
|
|
| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
227
density
|
|
| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
228
auxiliary
|
|
| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
229
ERECTED
|
|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
230
treasury
|
|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
231
requisites
|
|
| n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
232
pillaged
|
|
| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
233
actively
|
|
| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
234
levied
|
|
| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
235
toll
|
|
| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
236
proximity
|
|
| n.接近，邻近 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
237
gathering
|
|
| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
238
evacuated
|
|
| 撤退者的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
239
judicious
|
|
| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
240
capabilities
|
|
| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
241
criticise
|
|
| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
242
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
243
lodged
|
|
| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
244
tranquillity
|
|
| n. 平静, 安静 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
245
artillery
|
|
| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
246
trifling
|
|
| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
247
slaughtered
|
|
| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
248
conflagration
|
|
| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
249
martial
|
|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
250
entrusted
|
|
| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
251
vernacular
|
|
| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
252
impetus
|
|
| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
253
twilight
|
|
| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
254
intensified
|
|
| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
255
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
256
countless
|
|
| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
257
rattle
|
|
| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
258
musket
|
|
| n.滑膛枪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
259
clatter
|
|
| v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
260
twigs
|
|
| 细枝，嫩枝( twig的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
261
severed
|
|
| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
262
thigh
|
|
| n.大腿；股骨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
263
disorder
|
|
| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
264
shrieking
|
|
| v.尖叫( shriek的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
265
retired
|
|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
266
mortars
|
|
| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
267
trenches
|
|
| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
268
incessant
|
|
| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
269
entrenched
|
|
| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
270
dynamite
|
|
| n./vt.(用)炸药(爆破) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
271
detailed
|
|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
272
sketches
|
|
| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
273
harassed
|
|
| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
274
contented
|
|
| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
275
previously
|
|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
276
plank
|
|
| n.板条，木板，政策要点，政纲条目 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
277
slumbers
|
|
| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
278
inspection
|
|
| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
279
alcoholic
|
|
| adj.（含）酒精的，由酒精引起的；n.酗酒者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
280
interrogated
|
|
| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
281
enlisted
|
|
| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
282
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
283
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
284
whitewashing
|
|
| 粉饰，美化，掩饰( whitewash的现在分词 )； 喷浆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
285
inflicted
|
|
| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
286
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
287
initiated
|
|
| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
288
rudiments
|
|
| n.基础知识，入门 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
289
kiln
|
|
| n.（砖、石灰等）窑，炉；v.烧窑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
290
bugle
|
|
| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
291
abode
|
|
| n.住处，住所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
292
shaft
|
|
| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
293
brass
|
|
| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
294
spike
|
|
| n.长钉，钉鞋；v.以大钉钉牢，使...失效 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
295
cavalry
|
|
| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
296
lighter
|
|
| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
297
sergeants
|
|
| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
298
pouch
|
|
| n.小袋，小包，囊状袋；vt.装...入袋中，用袋运输；vi.用袋送信件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
299
cartridge
|
|
| n.弹壳，弹药筒；(装磁带等的)盒子 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
300
cartridges
|
|
| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
301
vacancies
|
|
| n.空房间( vacancy的名词复数 )；空虚；空白；空缺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
302
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
303
bugler
|
|
| 喇叭手； 号兵； 吹鼓手； 司号员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
304
pony
|
|
| adj.小型的；n.小马 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
305
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
306
slung
|
|
| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
307
cane
|
|
| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
308
groan
|
|
| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
309
graceful
|
|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
310
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
311
rustled
|
|
| v.发出沙沙的声音( rustle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
312
obeisance
|
|
| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
313
refreshments
|
|
| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
314
hostility
|
|
| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
315
stagnant
|
|
| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
316
buffalo
|
|
| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
317
pint
|
|
| n.品脱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
318
linen
|
|
| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
319
buckle
|
|
| n.扣子，带扣；v.把...扣住，由于压力而弯曲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
320
repel
|
|
| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
321
instinctively
|
|
| adv.本能地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
322
buckled
|
|
| a. 有带扣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
323
peg
|
|
| n.木栓，木钉；vt.用木钉钉，用短桩固定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
324
awakening
|
|
| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
325
ablaze
|
|
| adj.着火的，燃烧的；闪耀的，灯火辉煌的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
326
streak
|
|
| n.条理，斑纹，倾向，少许，痕迹；v.加条纹，变成条纹，奔驰，快速移动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
327
punctuated
|
|
| v.（在文字中）加标点符号，加标点( punctuate的过去式和过去分词 )；不时打断某事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
328
jingle
|
|
| n.叮当声，韵律简单的诗句；v.使叮当作响，叮当响，押韵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
329
flop
|
|
| n.失败(者)，扑通一声；vi.笨重地行动，沉重地落下 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
330
flattened
|
|
| [医]（水）平扁的，弄平的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
331
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
332
earthenware
|
|
| n.土器，陶器 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
333
trickle
|
|
| vi.淌，滴，流出，慢慢移动，逐渐消散 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
334
flicks
|
|
| （尤指用手指或手快速地）轻击( flick的第三人称单数 )； （用…）轻挥； （快速地）按开关； 向…笑了一下（或瞥了一眼等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
335
braces
|
|
| n.吊带，背带；托架( brace的名词复数 )；箍子；括弧；（儿童）牙箍v.支住( brace的第三人称单数 )；撑牢；使自己站稳；振作起来 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
336
sentry
|
|
| n.哨兵，警卫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
337
impatience
|
|
| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
338
growl
|
|
| v.（狗等）嗥叫，（炮等）轰鸣；n.嗥叫，轰鸣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
339
joyful
|
|
| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
340
attentively
|
|
| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
341
brays
|
|
| n.驴叫声，似驴叫的声音( bray的名词复数 )；（喇叭的）嘟嘟声v.发出驴叫似的声音( bray的第三人称单数 )；发嘟嘟声；粗声粗气地讲话（或大笑）；猛击 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
342
rattling
|
|
| adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
343
enquire
|
|
| v.打听，询问；调查，查问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
344
morale
|
|
| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
345
corps
|
|
| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
346
battalions
|
|
| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |