“Il povero Milano cridava, pensando di poter cridare, ma fu
una mala cosa per Milano.”—Burigozzo.
At Novara, Milan lost her independence for ever. The restoration of the Sforza, witnessed twice over in the first thirty years of the sixteenth century, was a mere1 puppet-show, barely concealing2 the hand of greater Powers behind. The Gascon archers3, who from the Castello walls amused themselves by shooting to fragments the great clay model of ‘the Horse,’ had ruined as effectively the fair social fabric4, as unique, as fragile, and as incomplete, which Leonardo’s work symbolised in the person of its founder5, Francesco Sforza.
With the captivity6 of Lodovico began in fact that long foreign subjugation8 of Milan which was to endure into modern times. Her vicissitudes9 during the short period that still comes within the scope of our medi?val story are too sad to linger over. Reoccupied by the French after Novara, the city was mulcted in an enormous sum as the penalty of rebellion, and instead of the comparatively mild régime under a native governor, first instituted by Louis, she had to suffer the iron rule of a foreign viceroy, whose aim was to stamp out every spark of free and patriotic10 aspiration11 in the people.
But for several years Milan enjoyed at least outward peace, under the triumphant12 Lilies, governed in succession by the Cardinal13 de Rohan, the Sieur du Benin, and 190Charles d’Amboise, Sieur de Chaumont, the last of whom ruled from 1505 to his death in 1511. In 1509 domination of the French was shaken by a sudden reversal of policy on the part of Pope Julius, who, having used their aid to humble14 Venice, suddenly made friends with that Republic, and loudly roared to all Europe his intention of driving the French out of Italy. The immediate15 result for Milan was a great inroad of Swiss allies of the Pope, under that terrible peasant priest, the Cardinal de Sion, and the devastation16 of the fair Lombard provinces. The French, whose forces were weakened by dispersion in various directions and could ill resist this furious onslaught, endeavoured to dismay their adversary17 by raising a so-called General Council for the reform of the Church, in the shape of a few partisan18 cardinals19, who sat solemnly in the Duomo at Milan and pronounced futile20 sentences of excommunication and deposition21 against the bellicose22 Pontiff.
But Julius, strong in alliance with the Emperor and the King of Spain, laughed at the feeble thunders of his rebellious23 sons. The French found better aid in the military genius of Gaston de Foix, the King’s nephew, who succeeded Chaumont as Governor of Milan and commander of the army in 1511. With a stern and silent rapidity which amazed all Italy, the young general of twenty-two swept through Lombardy, retaking lost cities, relieving those beleaguered24, and carrying his arms against the Papalists and Imperialists right up to Ravenna, where he routed them utterly25 in the famous battle of Easter Day, 1512. The victory, however, issued fatally for the winners. The hero of it was borne dead from the field in slow and mournful procession back to Milan, followed soon after by his paralysed army in retreat before the renewed hosts which the inactivity of the new French commander, Palissy, had allowed the dauntless Pope to collect. 191Pressed on all sides in the Duchy by the Swiss, Palissy was unable to maintain his position there either, and continuing their retreat the French passed away over the Alps, abandoning all their conquests in Lombardy, except the fortresses26 of Milan and Cremona.
And now once more a Sforza was proclaimed Lord of Milan, amid the thunderous rejoicings of the people. But the son of Lodovico and Beatrice, Massimiliano, whom the Pope and the Cardinal de Sion, for their own political purposes, lifted to the throne of his ancestors at this juncture27, was nothing but the feeble tool of those two potentates28, a helpless and rotten bark tossed amid the storms of those contentious29 times. For the little authority which he wielded30, he was utterly unfit. Bred up in exile at the Emperor’s Court, he had no affection for his country, and regarded his new sovereignty merely as an opportunity for extravagant31 pleasure and dissipation. The maintenance of his luxurious32 Court, and of the huge army necessary to defend the State, demanded enormous sums, to raise which he recklessly alienated33 the ducal revenues, and continually imposed unexpected taxes on his subjects. To satisfy rapacious34 allies and favourites, he flung away his fiefs, seeming, as a chronicler says, to follow the proverb—The fewer possessions, the fewer cares. While the light-minded youth forgot all duties and cares of State, in feasting, jousting35 and the dance, the resentment36 of the people was rising against him, his ministers and captains were intriguing37 with his foes38, and the roar of the great guns at intervals40 from the Castello might have reminded him that the key of Milan was still held by the enemy, and that Louis in France was quickly preparing an expedition to reconquer Lombardy.
The first attempt of the French in 1513, under Louis de la Tremouille and Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, met, however, with an unexpected and signal defeat 192from the Swiss at Novara, which drove them back over the Alps. This was followed by the capitulation of the French garrison41 in the Castello of Milan, and Massimiliano seemed now firmly established in his seat. But Julius II. was dead, and the whole political scene had shifted once again. The Venetians were now ranged with France against the Papal League, and the accession of Francis I. to the French throne, early in 1515, raised up against the Sforza a young and enthusiastic foe39, who was undaunted by the sad experiences of his two predecessors42 in their Italian ventures. The King hastened to raise an enormous army, with which he crossed the mountains in person, and, skilfully43 guided by Trivulzio, surprised and made captive Prospero Colonna, general of the ducal forces, who was awaiting him in a strong position. Advancing unopposed, almost up to Milan, Francis seemed about to complete a bloodless conquest, when a sudden rising of the Milanese themselves, and the arrival of a great force of Swiss to the aid of the Duke, checked his progress. And now at Marignano (Melegnano) outside Milan was fought that mighty44 battle (14th September 1515), not of men, but of giants—as the veteran Trivulzio affirmed—in which the fierce and stubborn Swiss and the gallant45 French contended all one evening and again the next day, till seven thousand of the mountaineers lay dead upon the field, and their brave comrades, utterly exhausted46, were forced to give way and fly into Milan.
At news of the defeat Massimiliano retired47 into the Castello, abandoning the city to the enemy. Here he might have held out awhile, but his spirit was too small, and by the advice of Girolamo Morone, one of the most astute48 statesmen of that day, and the chief stay of this generation of the House of Sforza—who counted on the existence of a more promising49 younger brother, Francesco—the incompetent50 prince renounced51 193his Duchy to the French King for a large pension. Retiring to France, this elder son of the Moro disappears ingloriously out of the story of Milan.
The Duchy remained for the next six years in French possession, and was ruled with comparative justice and beneficence by the Constable52 de Bourbon, till the just, generous, and propitiatory53 impulses of the new sovereign yielded to indifference54 and forgetfulness, and it was abandoned to the cruel and arbitrary government of the Sieur de Lautrec, brother of the King’s mistress, the Comtesse de Chateaubriant. His tyranny helped to provoke another revolution in 1521, when the young Emperor Charles V. united with Pope Leo X. in a new Holy League, and proclaiming his right to Milan as an imperial fief, sent an army to invade the Duchy. Lautrec, having executed some of the noblest citizens on suspicion of intriguing with the Imperialists, abandoned the city, leaving the Castello garrisoned55, and took up his stand four miles from the city, at the Bicocca, where he suffered a tremendous defeat, which lost Milan again to France. This turn of the tide carried Francesco, Lodovico’s second son, to the ducal throne. The wild joy with which the oppressed and suffering Milanese greeted this new Sforza, in whose name they trusted with touching56 hopefulness for a return of the old glory of their city, was not wholly misplaced. Duke Francesco II. has left a memory of good repute. The misfortunes of his reign7 were not due to his faults or weaknesses, but to the political circumstances of the time, which deprived him of all real power, and made him a mere pawn57 in the great game played between Charles V. and Francis I. with Italy for stake. Milan was, in fact, dominated by the Spaniard, and the presence of a great army of these foreigners was a crushing burden upon prince and people. Though there to defend the city, they 194wrought little less destruction and cruelty than the French, when the latter returned as enemies in 1523, and advancing close to the capital, spread havoc58 and desolation all around. Though unable to take Milan, they established themselves in some of the neighbouring towns, and the approach of Francis himself with a large army in the following year (1524) drove the Duke into flight. The city, bereft59 of half its population and garrison by a terrible pestilence60, was utterly unable to make any defence against the French monarch61. Francis, having entered Milan in triumph, passed on to besiege62 Pavia, which kept him heroically at bay through many months.
Meanwhile the Emperor was rapidly gathering63 force for the relief of his vassal64 State. From Naples came Lanoy with the garrison of that province; from Germany the ferocious65 giant Fründsberg, leading twelve thousand lanzknechts; while mercenaries from every part swarmed66 to the camps of Charles’ other commanders, the Constable de Bourbon and the Marquis of Pescara. This horde68 of hungry and rapacious villains69, whom the Emperor left to gather supplies and pay out of the unfortunate country which it passed through, swooped70 down upon the gallant army of the King, which, falsely secure in its vainglory and sense of personal valour, allowed itself to be entrapped71 in the Park of Pavia, and on 24th February 1525, that vast and exquisite72 pleasaunce, created for the summer dalliance and the gay winter sports of the Dukes of Milan, became an awful red-mown field of all the chivalry73 of France. Never, perhaps, was such an oblation74 of knightly75 grace and virtue76 poured out to Death as on that day. One after another the gentlemen of France fell around their King. The famous veterans of the Italian wars died together with the youngest scions78 of their Houses, new come to this fatal Italy. Among many Milanese nobles who 195also fought in the King’s ranks and fell was Galeazzo di San Severino, who, after mourning for his friend and lord, the Moro, through several years of exile, had taken service with the conqueror79 and risen to the position of Grand Ecuyer of France.
Madame, tout80 est perdu sauf l’honneur, wrote Francis to his mother. Among other things the Duchy of Milan, but just retaken, was lost again, and this time for ever. Monseigneur le Roy being a prisoner at Pizzighettone, his army destroyed and the survivors81 of his gentlemen confined in different fortresses, Duke Francesco returned again under the imperial protection to his capital. But though he was beloved by his people, his restoration meant a renewal82 of the intolerable Spanish tyranny, and fresh exactions for the benefit of the Emperor’s treasury83, worse than any the city had ever suffered before. The Duke himself groaned84 under a slavery for which the empty title and insignia of sovereignty little compensated85 him.
And now at the very height of Charles’ success, there seemed to come a hope of freedom for his oppressed vassal. Italy and the whole European world had been startled by the overwhelming victory of Pavia, and began to fear the further advance of a conqueror whose triumph was a menace to all. Pope Clement86 VII., whose projects for the aggrandisement of the Medici were hampered87 by Charles’ predominance in the peninsula, seized the opportunity to draw the Queen-Mother of France, Henry VIII. of England, Venice and the smaller Italian States into a vast alliance against the Emperor. This seemed the moment for Milan to throw off the yoke88 of Spain, and Francesco, or rather his chancellor89, the able and faithful Morone, entered into secret relations with the League. He was, however, betrayed by the Marquis of Pescara, whom he had endeavoured to seduce90 from allegiance to Charles. 196Morone came near to losing his head, and the Duke himself was denounced for high treason to his feudal91 Lord, and was forced to take refuge in the Castello, where he was closely blockaded by Pescara and De Leyva; while the miserable92 citizens, who had found the Spanish troops intolerable enough as their allies and defenders93, had now to suffer unspeakable things from them in the character of conquerors94.
For many months the Duke held out in the hope of the relief promised by the League, till provisions grew short and famine appeared at hand. Meanwhile the city, driven to frenzy95 by its oppressors, rose again and again in desperate tumults97, which were quelled98 each time by the Spanish generals with treacherous99 promises to relieve the general misery100, and followed by severities and outrages101 more dreadful than ever, till the fair city became a very hell of slaughter102, lust103 and rapine. In vain the forces of the League, under the brilliant young Giovanni de’ Medici, approached to the Duke’s succour. They were driven back by the Imperialists, and Francesco was at last forced by extremity104 of want to surrender the castle and abandon the city altogether (1526).
But the League was daily growing in strength and soon returned to the attack. The Imperialists were closely besieged105 in their turn in Milan, till the descent of Fründsberg with fresh hordes106 of mercenaries compelled the assailants to retire and concentrate themselves on the defensive107 against the once again overwhelming Imperialists. Lombardy was now become the complete prey108 of the occupying armies. The ferocious and undisciplined hosts that nominally109 served the Emperor no longer heeded110 the commands of a master who gave them no pay, and was himself far away in Spain. They were practically an independent robber horde, following whom, and going where, they pleased, supporting and enriching themselves 197on plunder111, torturing and murdering peasants and citizens without distinction, to squeeze from them their last possession. It meant nothing to the soldiers that Charles was entering into negotiations112 for peace with the League. Nor could their captains control them. The Constable de Bourbon, who became Governor of Milan for the Emperor in 1526, promised the afflicted113 people to move the army from their midst, but even if he had been sincere, he could not have kept his word. Yet the army loved him above all their other leaders, this rebel and exiled prince of France, who was an adventurer like themselves.
Before long Milan and the country round was changed into a bare desert, out of which even Spanish cruelty could no longer extract a subsistence. The thought of the unvisited regions farther on began to spread and agitate114 among the famished115 hordes; the names of Florence and Rome, cities of untold116 riches, were breathed from one to another, and as one man they rose at the offer of the Constable de Bourbon to lead them southwards. As a swarm67 of locusts117 lifts from a devastated118 plain, they swept suddenly away on the awful, irresistible119 course which ended in that final catastrophe120 of the Middle Ages, the Sack of Rome.
This tragic121 event, though hardly a part of the pious122 Emperor’s plans, made the last link in the chain which Spain was forging round Italy. Neither the Pope, nor Francis I., who had regained123 his liberty early in 1526, were able to offer any further serious resistance to the conqueror, though for some years yet the French continued to make desperate efforts to regain124 Milan, and the city had to endure both the tyranny of the Spanish governor, De Leyva, and the horrors of blockade. The Treaty of Barcelona between the Pope and the Emperor, and the peace signed by Charles and Francis at Cambrai—that Paix des Dames125, arranged by the 198most famous ladies of France and Italy—followed by the Congress and Coronation of the Emperor at Bologna in 1530, secured peace at last for the tormented126 country by laying the destinies of Italy finally in the conqueror’s hands. Francesco Sforza, who threw himself on the Emperor’s mercy, was graciously pardoned and reinstated in his Dukedom. The return of this amiable127 prince inspired a faint joy in the exhausted people, and gradually, in spite of the enormous subsidies128 exacted by the Emperor, and the burdens imposed to drive off the attacks of the independent condottieri and pirates who ranged the disordered country, a certain amount of life and activity crept back into the cruelly-wronged city.
Such consolation129 and remedy for her wounds as his fettered130 powers and grave embarrassments131 allowed, Francesco administered, introducing order into the wild confusion of the government, and reviving trade and industry by careful regulations. But what a changed Milan from that in which his father and mother had reigned132 gloriously, in beautiful stainless133 palaces, surrounded by the finest productions of art, was this wrecked134, defiled135 and devastated city, in whose deserted136 streets and suburbs nettles137 grew rankly, and wolves, grown used to feed on human flesh, roamed at will, attacking armed men, and snatching children from their mothers’ arms! ‘What an incredible evidence of the change of fortune,’ writes Guicciardini, ‘to those who had seen her not long before overflowing138 with inhabitants, and not only full of all gaiety and delight from the natural inclination139 of her inhabitants to feasting and pleasure, but because of the wealth of her citizens, the infinite number of her shops and industries, the delicacy140 and abundance of all the things which form man’s food, the superb apparel and equipages and sumptuous141 adornments of both her women and her men, more flourishing and happy than any other city of Italy.’
199There is an interesting record of these years of tribulation142 in the chronicle of a Milanese mercer named Burigozzo, who, sitting in his dark-browed shop, set down from day to day, as they passed before his eyes, the vicissitudes of el povero Milano. His quaint143 simplicity144 and patriotic grief make his tale very moving. It is a picture of confusion, tumult96 and misery, relieved at first by brilliant gleams, such as the hollow pomps and glories of the entries of kings and conquerors, but darkening ever to a more tragic gloom and terror and despair as it passes from the milder sufferings of the period of French occupation to the unspeakable horrors—cose da non dire—committed by the Spaniards and lanzknechts of Pescara and De Leyva. All the great events of the time are made vivid to us in his pages. We hear the ceaseless noise of battle outside, the guns of the Castello, often directed upon the terror-stricken city itself, roaring continually and answered by the great bell of the Duomo sounding a martello, to summon the citizens to arms. These, maddened by exactions and cruelty, or inspired by hope of driving out oppressors, or excluding assailants, gather in thousands at the call. Suffering has made them merciless, and they attack and butcher parties of mercenaries in the streets. Once they make a holocaust145 of the old wooden Campanile of the Duomo, with a whole company of Spaniards within it. And through the streets, crowded with blaspheming and bestial146 soldiery, we see endless processions pass, white-robed children, men and women with bare feet and clad in sackcloth, monks148, friars, all the hierarchy149 of the Cathedral, filling the air with penitential wailings and cries of misericordia, as they wind from the Duomo to St. Ambrogio to implore151 the help of the great patron saint of the once fortunate Milan. Churches crowded with suppliants152; the excited populace pressing round some upstart prophet—some 200fierce bearded monk147 who drives the timid priests from altar and pulpit, and calls upon the people in the name of Christ to slaughter the French. In street and temple alike confusion and foulness153, where so shortly before the genius of order had presided. Then upon the uproar154 falls the sick and heavy silence of the pestilence, and the mercer’s tale moves as with a hushed step, while, imprisoned155 for a whole month within his house, he watches his children die, himself by the grace of God untouched and well—while no sound is heard but the carts going by laden156 with the sick, and the ceaseless campana del corpo—while the graveyards157 spread and double in extent round the numberless churches. A hundred thousand persons perished, he tells us, during the summer months of 1524.
As the picture unrolls itself before us we are fain to turn away from the spectacle of anguish158 and all abomination during the hideous159 years of the Spanish occupation after 1525. The city preyed160 upon by the fiendish mercenaries, the people outraged161, pillaged162, and tortured till they yielded up their last mite163 of buried treasure. Multitudes flying from their homes to avoid worse things and sheltering in the country round, though that was infested164 by human beasts and wild ones only less cruel, or worse, stopped and bound, little children and all, by their ruthless tormentors, to prevent their escape. And withal siege, starvation; such a leanness of men from hunger as was an anguish to witness, the little bread which they possessed165 seized by the governor, the dying poor driven into so-called refuges, whence every days scores were carried out dead.
But the story of these thirty years is not entirely166 of gloom. If we turn from the people to the great Milanese nobility, we see a different aspect of life, no less tragic in a sense, but brilliant enough and glorified167 by the fine culture and rare artistic168 taste of the age. 201Within their sumptuous palaces and wide secluded169 gardens, defended by great names and powerful interests from the intrusions of marauding soldiery, or in pleasant country villas170 beside the lakes and placid171 rivers of Lombardy, whither they retired when pestilence or famine held sway in the city, they created for themselves that unreal world of ladies and cavaliers, arms and love, of which Ariosto sings. It was during these years that the courtly Dominican friar, Matteo Bandello, was Prior of the Convent of Sta. Maria delle Grazie, and was collecting in the most elect circles those gay and scandalous tales, which, retold by his witty172 pen with introductions describing the circumstances in which he heard them, give a vivid picture of the incomparable cinquecento society of Milan, with its fine literary accomplishment173, vivacious174 wit and over liberal manners—a society presided over by such gracious figures as Ippolita Sforza, the lady of Bandello’s own particular adoration175, and Cecilia Gallerani, the Moro’s old favourite. Ippolita, a granddaughter of Duke Galeazzo Maria, was married to Alessandro Bentivoglio, a son of the deposed176 Lord of Bologna. She and Cecilia, now the Contessa Bergamini, and Camilla Scarampi made up a trio of Milanese poetesses and literary connoisseurs177 of finest discrimination and judgment178 and of wide renown179. Apparently180 careless of the woes181 of their country, these ladies and others of their rank, with the graceful182 cavaliers and dilettante183 ecclesiastics184 who made their court, occupied themselves in romantic vanities, in amorous185 intrigues187, and in learned and philosophic188 dalliance. Close relations united them with the other courts and aristocracies of North Italy, and the famous Marchioness of Mantua, Isabella da Este, was often the centre and queen of those elegant gatherings189 of beauty and wit and gallantry described by Bandello. History shows us that most typical lady of 202Italian society dancing with the King of France at the great ball which the usurping190 monarch gave in 1507, in the Castello of Milan, in the very halls where her sister and brother-in-law had once reigned—a spectacle significant of fallen Italy. Like the princes of the neighbouring States, the great nobles of Milan, once powerful in the story of their city, had lost all patriotic and independent spirit. The severe repression191 of party-passion, that unfailing symptom of vigorous life in an Italian community, by the French conquerors in 1500, reduced them to idleness and political nullity. They made friends with the new powers and entered their service, but they had no longer any real influence on affairs. The revolutions which placed the Sforza princes on the ducal throne in turn afforded the nobles opportunities of intrigue186 and brought home to them the terrible realities of foreign subjugation. In 1521, for example, those who had embraced the side of the old dynasty suffered the reprisals192 of the savage193 Lautrec, and on mere suspicion Milan was desolated194 of its noblest inhabitants by summary executions, banishment195 and forfeiture196. These families were, however, restored to their old position by the elevation197 of Francesco Sforza to the Dukedom, and they made no attempt to rebel against the Imperial Eagle, which was their real master. When the intolerable persecution198 inflicted199 by the Spanish and German mercenaries from 1525 to 1529 maddened the people to repeated insurrection, not one of the nobles came forward to give them courage and to organise200 and direct their undisciplined efforts to effective action. A certain Pietro della Pusterla, of a House which through all the story of Milan had been distinguished201 as leaders of popular movements, seems to have assumed some authority over them, but even he abandoned them in the hour of need and danger.
These futile attempts exhausted the last remains202 of 203aspiration for liberty and self-government in the broken-spirited Milanese. They made no attempt to rebel against the settlement of 1530, which resigned them finally into the Emperor’s hands. Though utterly dismayed—tutto smarrito, says Burigozzo—by the heavy fine inflicted by Charles as a penalty for the rebellion of the Duchy, they resigned themselves to patientia and hope for better days to come.
Much patientia was necessary before those days came. The country round was depopulated, and it was long before the old abundance flowed again into the city. There were times when bread lacked and the people murmured against the helpless Duke. Prices remained very high and there was little trade. A visit, however, from Charles V. in 1533, expected with fear and dismay by the citizens, to whom his name was only associated with ravaging203 lanzknechts and Spaniards, brought them, to their joyful204 surprise, good luck—a great influx205 of custom and rich payment for their goods, instead of robbery.
In 1534 a brief reflection of its old glory brightened the city on the arrival of a bride for the Duke, the sixteen-year-old Cristina of Sweden, whose portrait by Holbein is in the National Gallery. The streets and squares were magnificently decked for her reception. The young princess, whose countenance206, says the chronicler, was more divine than human, rode in under a golden baldaquin, surrounded by twelve of the noblest gentlemen of the city, so splendidly arrayed that each appeared an Emperor, and with such great white plumes207 in their caps that her Excellency seemed to move in the midst of a forest. The joy with which she was greeted was, however, shallow enough, and changed quickly to groans208 when the money for the Duchess’ maintenance had to be squeezed out of the people by a special tax.
204The fine bridal feast was soon followed by a still more pompous209, but lugubrious210 pageant211, when eighteen months later (1535), the last Duke of Milan was carried to his tomb in the great temple founded by the first Duke, Gian Galeazzo Visconte. Always delicate of constitution, and worn out by the great anxieties of his life, Francesco fell a victim to a severe illness in 1535. He left no child to inherit the ducal throne.
There still survived, however, a Sforza, Gian Paolo, son of the Moro by Lucrezia Crivelli. This prince set off immediately for Rome, to press the Pope to support his claim to the Dukedom. But on his way he was seized with sickness and died. Men said that he was poisoned by those to whom his existence was an inconvenience.
Thus was spent the dynasty of the Sforza, and Milan devolved as a vacant fief to the Empire. This great city, once the seat of Roman Emperors, the crowning place of Carlovingian and German monarchs212, the capital of North Italy, and for centuries the heart of the most powerful principality in the peninsula, was now to sink to a mere provincial213 position, to become an impotent fragment of dismembered and captive Italy.
We need not occupy ourselves with the further vicissitudes of the city under the now settled dominion214 of Spain, which all the chivalrous215 and repeated efforts of France in the sixteenth century was unable to overthrow216. It is enough to note her transference from Spanish to Austrian rule after the War of Succession in the early years of the seventeenth century, and her continued subjection to the House of Hapsburg—with the brief Napoleonic interruption of 1796 to 1815—till in 1848 she rid herself by insurrection of the Austrian garrison, and ten years later became free and national at last as a member of the new-born Kingdom of Italy.
205Her medi?val life ended with her medi?val liberty. Its robust217 passions, its vigorous and restless activity of body and mind, the sense of human power, the wide-ranging speculation218, the audacious flights of the spirit, which mark its florescence in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, turned to weariness, disillusion219 and despair. Individuality lost itself in the bonds of convention and submission220. In art, in literature, everywhere—decay. On thought, on science, the blight221 fell. The same hand which had stilled the political aspirations222 of Milan was laid heavily upon her soul. The prepotence of Spain and the revival223 of dogmatic zeal224 in the Papacy meant the employment of every engine of oppression against that spiritual freedom which Italy had used both for good and for evil. The Holy Office was set up in the Convent of Sta. Maria delle Grazie, and our friend Burigozzo lived long enough to see the pitiful ceremonies of the public recantations and penances225 of heretics before the door of the Duomo. But the most powerful agent of the Catholic reform in Milan was the famous Cardinal Archbishop, Carlo Borromeo, known to religious history as San Carlo. As Ambrose stands at the entrance of Milan’s medi?val era, with back turned upon the ruined Empire behind, and strong gaze broadening down the centuries of new faith, new hope, new ideals, so Carlo Borromeo stands at its close, as sternly facing towards the past, and closing the door upon the new world of thought and knowledge beyond. Her independent story is consecrated226 at its beginning and at its end by the mighty personality of a saint, who, whatever his influence upon her actual progress, gives by his example of will, of courage, and of spiritual exaltation, an everlasting227 inspiration to mankind.
Carlo Borromeo was a scion77 of the great patrician228 family of that name in Milan, founded far back in the 206mists of medi?val antiquity229 by a certain pilgrim, the buon romeo from whom it took its name. The House was conspicuous230 in the story of the city, and was foremost in consequence and in wealth in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Carlo was born in the ecclesiastical purple. His uncle, Pius IV., of the Milanese House of Medici, created him a cardinal in 1559, at the age of nineteen, and heaped benefices upon him. In 1560 he became Archbishop of Milan on the retirement231 of Cardinal Ippolito II. d’Este, who had occupied the See for a great number of years in succession to his uncle Ippolito I. The young Cardinal was now wealthier than any other prince of the Church. A few years later, however, he renounced all his benefices, which having he was great, and casting away, greater, as his biographer observes. He retained the Archbishopric only, and taking up his abode232 in the city, he devoted233 himself to the government of his diocese, with an immense zeal and fervour of reform. The Jesuits, the Teatini, and other of the new and reformed orders which sprang up in obedience234 to the religious impulse of the time, were introduced by him into Milan, and he suppressed the immensely wealthy and influential235 order of the Umiliati, and alienated its revenues to the support of the new communities and to the furtherance of his great schemes. An ascetic236 of purest and most exemplary life, he indulged as representative of the Church in a boundless237 pride and pomp. He was a despot, and his despotism opposed itself to all independence of thought. He extended his ecclesiastical jurisdiction238 to its utmost limits, and seizing delinquents239 almost under the nose of the civil authorities, filled the dungeons240 of the episcopal palace with them. His imperious will came into conflict with the governors, but his powerful influence in the bigoted241 Court of Spain gave him supremacy242, and he was in fact the ruler of Milan. His 207splendid temper of Milanese patrician vented243 itself in grandiose244 schemes for the building, restoration and ornamentation of churches and religious institutions. But as his authority was exerted to suppress all individuality and spontaneity in literature and thought, so his rich patronage245 was lent only to the decadence246 in art. A nobler manifestation247 of the man was seen during the pestilence of 1576, when, with heroic self-forgetfulness, he fulfilled his duty as chief pastor248 of the afflicted people, succouring them by every means in his power. His exalted249 figure, with cross borne high, leading processions of penitent150 and supplicatory250 citizens through the streets, is one of the saintly pictures of history.
Carlo Borromeo died in 1584, having lived but just forty-six years. Beyond him is the long sleep of Milan. Under the pall251 of stillness her historic virtues252 lie dormant253, her historic names inglorious. But not dead. When the long-deferred moment of the awakening254 comes, the old courage, the old faith, the old sense of fellowship arises stronger and more lively than before, and the names of old resound255 again among the champions of Lombard and Italian freedom, in the prisons of repressive tyranny, round the barricades256 of the Cinque Giornate, on the fields of Custozza, Novara, Solferino, side by side with the patriots257 sprung of the nameless blood which long ago watered the rich tilth of Legnano.
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3
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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4
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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5
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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6
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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7
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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9
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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10
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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11
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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12
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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13
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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14
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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15
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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16
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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17
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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18
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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19
cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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20
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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21
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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22
bellicose
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| adj.好战的；好争吵的 | |
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23
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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24
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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25
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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26
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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27
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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28
potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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29
contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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30
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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31
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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32
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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33
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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34
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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35
jousting
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| （骑士）骑马用长矛比武( joust的现在分词 ) | |
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36
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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37
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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38
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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39
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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40
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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41
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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42
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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43
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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44
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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45
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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46
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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47
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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48
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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49
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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50
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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51
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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52
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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53
propitiatory
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| adj.劝解的；抚慰的；谋求好感的；哄人息怒的 | |
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54
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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55
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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56
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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57
pawn
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| n.典当，抵押，小人物，走卒；v.典当，抵押 | |
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58
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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59
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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60
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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61
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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62
besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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63
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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64
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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65
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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66
swarmed
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|
| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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67
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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68
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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69
villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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70
swooped
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| 俯冲，猛冲( swoop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
entrapped
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| v.使陷入圈套，使入陷阱( entrap的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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73
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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74
oblation
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| n.圣餐式；祭品 | |
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75
knightly
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|
| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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76
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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77
scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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78
scions
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| n.接穗，幼枝( scion的名词复数 )；（尤指富家）子孙 | |
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79
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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80
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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81
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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82
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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83
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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84
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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85
compensated
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|
| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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86
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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87
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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89
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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90
seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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91
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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92
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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93
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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94
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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95
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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96
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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97
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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98
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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100
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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101
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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102
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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103
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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104
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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105
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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107
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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108
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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109
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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110
heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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112
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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113
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
agitate
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| vi.(for,against)煽动，鼓动；vt.搅动 | |
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115
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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116
untold
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| adj.数不清的，无数的 | |
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117
locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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118
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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119
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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120
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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121
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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122
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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123
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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124
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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125
dames
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| n.（在英国）夫人（一种封号），夫人（爵士妻子的称号）( dame的名词复数 )；女人 | |
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126
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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127
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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128
subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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129
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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130
fettered
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| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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132
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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133
stainless
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| adj.无瑕疵的，不锈的 | |
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134
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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135
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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136
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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137
nettles
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| n.荨麻( nettle的名词复数 ) | |
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138
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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139
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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140
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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141
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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142
tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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143
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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144
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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145
holocaust
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| n.大破坏；大屠杀 | |
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146
bestial
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| adj.残忍的；野蛮的 | |
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147
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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148
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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149
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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150
penitent
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| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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151
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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152
suppliants
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| n.恳求者，哀求者( suppliant的名词复数 ) | |
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153
foulness
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| n. 纠缠, 卑鄙 | |
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154
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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155
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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157
graveyards
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| 墓地( graveyard的名词复数 )； 垃圾场； 废物堆积处； 收容所 | |
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158
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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159
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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160
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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161
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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162
pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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163
mite
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| n.极小的东西；小铜币 | |
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164
infested
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|
| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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165
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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166
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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167
glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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168
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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169
secluded
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|
| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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170
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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171
placid
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|
| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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172
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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173
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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174
vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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175
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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176
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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177
connoisseurs
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| n.鉴赏家，鉴定家，行家( connoisseur的名词复数 ) | |
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178
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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179
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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180
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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181
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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182
graceful
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|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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183
dilettante
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| n.半瓶醋，业余爱好者 | |
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184
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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185
amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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186
intrigue
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|
| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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187
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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188
philosophic
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|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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189
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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190
usurping
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的现在分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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191
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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192
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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193
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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194
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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195
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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196
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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197
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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198
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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199
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200
organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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201
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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202
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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203
ravaging
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| 毁坏( ravage的现在分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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204
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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205
influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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206
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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207
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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208
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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209
pompous
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|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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210
lugubrious
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| adj.悲哀的，忧郁的 | |
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211
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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212
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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213
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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214
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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215
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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216
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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217
robust
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|
| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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218
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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219
disillusion
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| vt.使不再抱幻想，使理想破灭 | |
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220
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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221
blight
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| n.枯萎病；造成破坏的因素；vt.破坏，摧残 | |
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222
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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223
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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224
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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225
penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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226
consecrated
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|
| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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227
everlasting
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|
| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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228
patrician
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|
| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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229
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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230
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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231
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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232
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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233
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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234
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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235
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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236
ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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237
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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238
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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239
delinquents
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|
| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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240
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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241
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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242
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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243
vented
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| 表达，发泄（感情，尤指愤怒）( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244
grandiose
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|
| adj.宏伟的，宏大的，堂皇的，铺张的 | |
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245
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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246
decadence
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| n.衰落，颓废 | |
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247
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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248
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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249
exalted
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|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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250
supplicatory
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| adj.恳求的，祈愿的 | |
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251
pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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252
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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253
dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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254
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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255
resound
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| v.回响 | |
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256
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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257
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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