WITH THE NORTHWEST FUR COMPANY
After the downfall of the Pacific Fur Company, the occupation of Astoria by the Northwesters, and the change of its name to Fort George, Ross took service with the Northwest Company. It is life as a fur trader with the Northwest Company that he describes in his book The Fur Hunters of the Far West. In point of time, these volumes precede most of the books on the far western fur trade, and they give faithful and interesting accounts of the conditions met with at the time. Ross’s books, in fact, are foundation stones for any history of the settlement of the Northwest. Although the books were not written until long after the period of which they treat—for the preface of this work is dated June 1, 1854, while the book was published the next year—Ross must have kept full diaries of his goings and comings, for in most of his dates he is exact, and his narrative1 is full of details that would almost certainly have slipped from an unaided memory.
In his new service Ross discovered that matters were42 now in charge of men who knew very little about the Indians of the Pacific coast, and who lightly regarded those persons who had been in the service of Mr. Astor, whom they called Yankees. The new-comers had much to learn.
One of the first acts of the Northwest Company was to despatch2 an expedition of twenty men, in charge of Messrs. Keith and Alexander Stuart, to report to Fort William, on Lake Superior, the news of the acquisition of Astoria by the Northwest Company. On reaching the Cascades3 of the Columbia they were attacked by a large number of Indians, and Mr. Stuart was wounded. Two Indians were killed, and the expedition returned to Fort George. The attack caused great indignation there, and an extraordinary expedition was fitted out to punish the Indians. Eighty-five picked men and two Chinook interpreters constituted the force; and besides the ordinary arms carried in the West they had “two great guns, six swivels, cutlasses, hand grenades, and hand knives.”
As the expedition passed along up the river, it struck terror to the hearts of the Indians, while it is said that “the two Chinook interpreters could neither sleep nor eat, so grieved were they at the thoughts of the bloody4 scenes that were to be enacted5.”
The people who were to be punished, however—the Cath-le-yach-é-yach, a Chinookan tribe living below the Cascades—were not all frightened, and when they were required to deliver up the property taken43 from Keith and Stuart, they declared themselves ready to do so, but not until after the whites had delivered to them those who had killed two of their people. They sent off their women and children into the forest and prepared to fight. There were multitudinous parleys9 lasting10 for three or four days, at the end of which time the whites, regarding discretion11 as the better part of valor12, “without recovering the property, firing a gun, or securing a single prisoner, sounded a retreat and returned home on the ninth day, having made matters ten times worse than they were before.”
The expedition was much derided13 by the Indians, and the white people who took part in it were extremely mortified14 about it. The situation was really one of war, and when a short time afterward15 the Northwest brigade departed for the interior, the Indians at the Cascades did not come near to the camp nor in any degree interrupt their progress.
Consulted by McDonald, who was in charge of the Columbia trade, Ross had urged on him the importance of taking the “usual precautions” in travelling up the river. Nevertheless, no guard was set at night, and an alarm taking place, people jumped up and began to fire their guns at random16 and one of the men was shot dead. There seems no reason to suppose that there were actually any Indians in the camp.
At Fort Okanagan the expedition passed on, leaving Ross behind in charge of the post. He was now in a prairie country where horses were absolutely essential44 to travel, and no horses were to be had nearer than Eyakema valley, two hundred miles away, where the horse Indians, Cayuses, Nez Percés, and other warlike tribes encamped each spring, to collect the roots of the camas. Here horses were plenty, but, as it was a great camp occupied by many different tribes, to visit it was to incur19 some danger. However, Ross took a few trade goods and set out with three men, young McKay and two French Canadians, these last taking with them their Indian wives, to assist in the care of the horses.
It was an anxious time, and the perplexities of the journey were not lessened20 when, on the fourth night after leaving Okanagan, the chief of the Pisscows tribe, who had learned where Ross was going, sent two men to urge him to turn back, declaring that if they did not do so they were all dead men. However, Ross determined21 to go on; as he puts it, “I had risked my life there for the Americans, I could now do no less for the North-West Company; so with deep regret the friendly couriers left us and returned, and with no less reluctance22 we proceeded.”
On the sixth day after leaving the fort they reached the valley, where they found a great camp, of which they could see the beginning, but not the end. It must have contained not less than 3,000 men, exclusive of women and children, and three times that number of horses. Everywhere was seen the active life of these primitive23 people. Councils were being held, women45 were gathering24 roots, men were hunting. Horse racing25, games, singing, dancing, drumming, yelling, and a thousand other things were going on. The noise and confusion are hardly to be described; but the interest and the beauty of the scene could not have been appreciated by these men, who were carrying their lives in their hands and marching into danger.
“Our reception was cool, the chiefs were hostile and sullen26, they saluted27 us in no very flattering accents. ‘These are the men,’ said they, ‘who kill our relations, the people who have caused us to mourn.’ And here, for the first time, I regretted we had not taken advice in time, and returned with the couriers, for the general aspect of things was against us. It was evident we stood on slippery ground; we felt our weakness. In all sudden and unexpected rencontres with hostile Indians, the first impulse is generally a tremor28 or sensation of fear, but that soon wears off; it was so with myself at this moment, for after a short interval29 I nerved myself to encounter the worst.
“The moment we dismounted, we were surrounded, and the savages31, giving two or three war-whoops and yells, drove the animals we had ridden out of our sight; this of itself was a hostile movement. We had to judge from appearances, and be guided by circumstances. My first care was to try and direct their attention to something new, and to get rid of the temptation there was to dispose of my goods; so without a moment’s delay, I commenced a trade in horses;46 but every horse I bought during that and the following day, as well as those we had brought with us, were instantly driven out of sight, in the midst of yelling and jeering32: nevertheless, I continued to trade while an article remained, putting the best face on things I could, and taking no notice of their conduct, as no insult or violence had as yet been offered to ourselves personally. Two days and nights had now elapsed since our arrival, without food or sleep; the Indians refused us the former, our own anxiety deprived us of the latter.
“During the third day I discovered that the two women were to have been either killed or taken from us and made slaves. So surrounded were we for miles on every side, that we could not stir unobserved; yet we had to devise some means for their escape, and to get them clear of the camp was a task of no ordinary difficulty and danger. In this critical conjuncture, however, something had to be done, and that without delay. One of them had a child at the breast, which increased the difficulty. To attempt sending them back by the road they came, would have been sacrificing them. To attempt an unknown path through the rugged34 mountains, however doubtful the issue, appeared the only prospect35 that held out a glimpse of hope; therefore, to this mode of escape I directed their attention. As soon as it was dark, they set out on their forlorn adventure without food, guide, or protection, to make their way home, under a kind Providence36!
47 “‘You are to proceed,’ said I to them, ‘due north, cross the mountains, and keep in that direction till you fall on the Pisscows River; take the first canoe you find, and proceed with all diligence down to the mouth of it and there await our arrival. But if we are not there on the fourth day, you may proceed to Oakanagan, and tell your story.’ With these instructions we parted; and with but little hopes of our ever meeting again. I had no sooner set about getting the women off, than the husbands expressed a wish to accompany them; the desire was natural, yet I had to oppose it. This state of things distracted my attention: my eyes had now to be on my own people as well as on the Indians, as I was apprehensive37 they would desert. ‘There is no hope for the women by going alone,’ said the husbands, ‘no hope for us by remaining here: we might as well be killed in the attempt to escape, as remain to be killed here,’ ‘No,’ said I, ‘by remaining here we do our duty; by going we should be deserting our duty.’ To this remonstrance38 they made no reply. The Indians soon perceived that they had been outwitted. They turned over our baggage, and searched in every hole and corner. Disappointment creates ill humor: it was so with the Indians. They took the men’s guns out of their hands, fired them off at their feet, and then, with savage30 laughter, laid them down again; took their hats off their heads, and after strutting39 about with these for some time, jeeringly40 gave them back to their owners: all this time, they never48 interfered41 with me, but I felt that every insult offered to my men was an indirect insult offered to myself.
“The day after the women went off, I ordered one of the men to try and cook something for us; for hitherto we had eaten nothing since our arrival, except a few raw roots which we managed to get unobserved. But the kettle was no sooner on the fire than five or six spears bore off, in savage triumph, the contents: they even emptied out the water, and threw the kettle on one side; and this was no sooner done than thirty or forty ill-favored wretches43 fired a volley in the embers before us, which caused a cloud of smoke and ashes to ascend44, darkening the air around us: a strong hint not to put the kettle any more on the fire, and we took it.
“At this time the man who had put the kettle on the fire took the knife with which he had cut the venison to lay it by, when one of the Indians, called Eyacktana, a bold and turbulent chief, snatched it out of his hand; the man, in an angry tone, demanded his knife, saying to me, ‘I’ll have my knife from the villain45, life or death.’ ‘No,’ said I. The chief, seeing the man angry, threw down his robe, and grasping the knife in his fist, with the point downwards46, raised his arm, making a motion in advance as if he intended using it. The crisis had now arrived! At this moment there was a dead silence. The Indians were flocking in from all quarters: a dense47 crowd surrounded us. Not a moment was to be lost; delay would be fatal, and nothing49 now seemed to remain for us but to sell our lives as dearly as possible. With this impression, grasping a pistol, I advanced a step towards the villain who held the knife, with the full determination of putting an end to his career before any of us should fall; but while in the act of lifting my foot and moving my arm, a second idea floated across my mind, admonishing48 me to soothe49, and not provoke, the Indians, that Providence might yet make a way for us to escape: this thought saved the Indian’s life, and ours too. Instead of drawing the pistol, as I intended, I took a knife from my belt, such as travellers generally use in this country, and presented it to him, saying, ‘Here, my friend, is a chief’s knife, I give it to you; that is not a chief’s knife, give it back to the man.’ Fortunately, he took mine in his hand; but, still sullen and savage, he said nothing. The moment was a critical one; our fate hung as by a thread: I shall never forget it! All the bystanders had their eyes now fixed50 on the chief, thoughtful and silent as he stood; we also stood motionless, not knowing what a moment might bring forth51. At last the savage handed the man his knife, and turning mine round and round for some time in his hand, turned to his people, holding up the knife in his hand, exclaimed, ‘She-augh Me-yokat Waltz’—Look, my friends, at the chief’s knife: these words he repeated over and over again. He was delighted. The Indians flocked round him: all admired the toy, and in the excess of his joy he harangued52 the multitude in our favour. Fickle54, indeed,50 are savages! They were now no longer enemies, but friends! Several others, following Eyacktana’s example, harangued in turn, all in favour of the whites. This done, the great men squatted55 themselves down, the pipe of peace was called for, and while it was going round and round the smoking circle, I gave each of the six principal chiefs a small paper-cased looking-glass and a little vermilion, as a present; and in return, they presented me with two horses and twelve beavers56, while the women soon brought us a variety of eatables.
“This sudden change regulated my movements. Indeed, I might say the battle was won. I now made a speech to them in turn, and, as many of them understood the language I spoke58, I asked them what I should say to the great white chief when I got home, when he asks me where are all the horses I bought from you. What shall I say to him? At this question it was easy to see that their pride was touched. ‘Tell him,’ said Eyacktana, ‘that we have but one mouth, and one word; all the horses you have bought from us are yours, they shall be delivered up.’ This was just what I wanted. After a little counselling among themselves, Eyacktana was the first to speak, and he undertook to see them collected.
“By this time it was sun-down. The chief then mounted his horse, and desired me to mount mine and accompany him, telling one of his sons to take my men and property under his charge till our return. Being acquainted with Indian habits, I knew there would be51 repeated calls upon my purse, so I put some trinkets into my pocket, and we started on our nocturnal adventure; which I considered hazardous59 but not hopeless.
“Such a night we had! The chief harangued, travelled and harangued, the whole night, the people replied. We visited every street, alley18, hole and corner of the camp, which we traversed lengthwise, crossway, east, west, south, and north, going from group to group, and the call was ‘Deliver up the horses.’ Here was gambling61, there scalp-dancing; laughter in one place, mourning in another. Crowds were passing to and fro, whooping62, yelling, dancing, drumming, singing. Men, women, and children were huddled63 together; flags flying, horses neighing, dogs howling, chained bears, tied wolves, grunting64 and growling65, all pell-mell among the tents; and, to complete the confusion, the night was dark. At the end of each harangue53 the chief would approach me, and whisper in my ear, ‘She-augh tamtay enim’—I have spoken well in your favour—a hint for me to reward his zeal66 by giving him something. This was repeated constantly, and I gave him each time a string of beads67, or two buttons, or two rings. I often thought he repeated his harangues68 more frequently than necessary; but it answered his purpose, and I had no choice but to obey and pay.
“At daylight we got back; my people and property were safe; and in two hours after my eighty-five horses were delivered up, and in our possession. I was now52 convinced of the chief’s influence, and had got so well into his good graces with my beads, buttons, and rings, that I hoped we were out of all our troubles. Our business being done, I ordered my men to tie up and prepare for home, which was glad tidings to them. With all this favourable69 change, we were much embarrassed and annoyed in our preparations to start. The savages interrupted us every moment. They jeered70 the men, frightened the horses, and kept handling, snapping, and firing off our guns; asking for this, that, and the other thing. The men’s hats, pipes, belts, and knives were constantly in their hands. They wished to see everything, and everything they saw they wished to get, even to the buttons on their clothes. Their teasing curiosity had no bounds; and every delay increased our difficulties. Our patience was put to the test a thousand times; but at last we got ready, and my men started. To amuse the Indians, however, till they could get fairly off, I invited the chiefs to a parley8, which I put a stop to as soon as I thought the men and horses had got clear of the camp. I then prepared to follow them, when a new difficulty arose. In the hurry and bustle71 of starting, my people had left a restive72, awkward brute73 of a horse for me, wild as a deer, and as full of latent tricks as he was wild. I mounted and dismounted at least a dozen times; in vain I tried to make him advance. He reared, jumped and plunged75; but refused to walk, trot76, or gallop77. Every trial to make him go was a failure. A young conceited53 fop of an Indian, thinking he could make more of him than I could, jumped on his back; the horse reared and plunged as before, when, instead of slackening the bridle78 as he reared, he reined79 it tighter and tighter, till the horse fell right over on his back, and almost killed the fellow. Here Eyacktana, with a frown, called out, ‘Kap-sheesh she-eam’—the bad horse—and gave me another; and for the generous act I gave him my belt, the only article I had to spare. But although the difficulties I had with the horse were galling80 enough to me, they proved a source of great amusement to the Indians, who enjoyed it with roars of laughter.”
When Ross got out of the camp he rode hard and took a short cut in the effort to overtake his people, but could not find them. Presently, however, from the top of a ridge81, he saw three horsemen coming toward him at full tilt82. He made preparation for defence, and hiding behind a rock awaited the onslaught, but before they got close to him he discovered that these were the friendly Pisscows, who before had warned him to turn back, and with them he went on. At last they saw Ross’s people, who were driving their horses as fast as they could, but when they saw Ross and his companions behind them they thought them enemies, and stopped to fight. All were glad enough to get together, and at last, after various adventures, they reached the fort at Okanagan.
54
II
WORK OF A FUR TRADER
A little later Ross went north to his own post at the She-Whaps, where he made a good trade. From here he decided83 to go west to the Pacific coast on foot, believing that the distance was not more than two hundred miles, but before he reached the coast a destructive hurricane passed so close to his party that his guide, altogether discouraged by fatigue84 and failure, deserted85 during the night, and Ross was obliged to return.
One winter, much alarm was caused among the Indians by the depredations86 of strange wolves, reported to be hundreds in number, and as big as buffalo87, which were coming into the country, and on their march were killing88 all the horses. The Indians declared that all the horses would be killed, for men could not go near these wolves, nor would arrows or balls kill them. Shortly after the head chief of the Okanagan Indians had told this story to Ross, wolves killed five of the traders’ horses. Ross took up those left alive, and then put out a dozen traps about the carcass of one that had been killed. The next morning four of the traps were sprung. “One of them held a large white wolf by the fore7 leg, a foot equally large was gnawed89 off and left in another, the third held a fox, and the fourth trap had disappeared altogether.” Unable to get away, the captured wolf was quite ready to fight. It55 had gnawed the trap until its teeth were broken and its head was covered with blood. When killed it was found to weigh one hundred and twenty-seven pounds, an enormous animal. The one that had carried off the trap was at last discovered making the best of its way over the country, and pursuit resulted in its capture. The animal had dragged a trap and chain weighing eight and one-half pounds a distance of twenty-five miles, without appearing at all fatigued90. Ross wanted the skin, but had left his knife behind him. However, it was not for nothing that he had been for years associated with Indians, and he took the flint out of his gun, skinned the animal, and went home with skin and trap.
The killing of these two wolves and the crippling of the third put an end to the destruction, and not another horse was killed in that part of the country during the season.
Ross comments interestingly on the methods used by wolves in decoying horses.
“If there is no snow, or but little, on the ground, two wolves approach in the most playful and caressing91 manner, lying, rolling, and frisking about, until the too credulous92 and unsuspecting victim is completely put off his guard by curiosity and familiarity. During this time the gang, squatted on their hind17-quarters, look on at a distance. After some time spent in this way, the two assailants separate, when one approaches the horse’s head, the other his tail, with a slyness and56 cunning peculiar93 to themselves. At this stage of the attack, their frolicsome94 approaches become very interesting—it is in right good earnest; the former is a mere95 decoy, the latter is the real assailant, and keeps his eyes steadily96 fixed on the ham-strings or flank of the horse. The critical moment is then watched, and the attack is simultaneous; both wolves spring at their victim the same instant, one to the throat, the other to the flank, and if successful, which they generally are, the hind one never lets go his hold till the horse is completely disabled. Instead of springing forward or kicking to disengage himself, the horse turns round and round without attempting a defence. The wolf before, then springs behind, to assist the other. The sinews are cut, and in half the time I have been describing it, the horse is on his side; his struggles are fruitless: the victory is won. At this signal, the lookers-on close in at a gallop, but the small fry of followers97 keep at a respectful distance, until their superiors are gorged98, then they take their turn unmolested. The wolves, however, do not always kill to eat; like wasteful99 hunters, they often kill for the pleasure of killing, and leave the carcases untouched. The helplessness of the horse when attacked by wolves is not more singular than its timidity and want of action when in danger by fire. When assailed100 by fire, in the plains or elsewhere, their strength, swiftness, and sagacity, are of no avail; they never attempt to fly, but become bewildered in the smoke, turn round and round, stand and tremble,57 until they are burnt to death: which often happens in this country, in a conflagration101 of the plains.”
It must be remembered, however, that Ross is speaking of wolves of the western mountains, animals which were not familiar with the buffalo, and which now, since horses had been brought into the country, had been supplied with a new food animal. Ross says also, and he is almost the only writer who speaks of anything of this kind, that wolves sometimes attacked men, and instances two men forced to take shelter for several hours in a tree by a band of seventeen wolves.
It was about this time that a change of heart began to take place among the authorities of the Northwest Company. Since Astoria had become Fort George few or no steps had been taken to make the most of the possibilities of the country, but those who were on the ground dwelt constantly on the poverty of the country, the hostility102 of the Indians, and the impracticability of trade. The people who came over the mountains to take the place of the Astorians brought with them their habits of the fur country of the east, and seemed unable to change them. The traders from the east preferred the birch-bark canoe, and spent much time in searching for bark. It was even provided—lest that of good quality should not be found on the waters of the Pacific slope—that a stock of bark should be shipped from Montreal to London, and thence around Cape33 Horn to Fort George, in order that canoes might be made.
58 In 1816 the Columbia River district was divided by the authorities at Fort William into two separate departments, each one with a bourgeois103 at the head. Mr. Keith was chosen to preside at Fort George, while Mr. McKenzie was given charge of the department of the interior. There was much grumbling104 at this last appointment. Ross was appointed as second in command to Mr. Keith. Shortly after this there were various troubles at Fort George, one of the most important being the desertion of the blacksmith Jacob, who fled to a hostile tribe, from which he was taken by Ross, who went after him with thirty men. The enterprise was one which required that courage and endurance which Ross so often displayed in times of difficulty. The west coast trade was further complicated by the jealousy106 which Mr. Keith felt for Mr. McKenzie. These difficulties were overcome, and McKenzie again set out for his interior command, accompanied by a force of Iroquois, Abenakis, and Sandwich Islanders. Mr. Keith remained in command at Fort George.
Many of the hunters and trappers at Fort George lacked experience in dealing107 with the natives, and before long there was trouble with the Indians. These tried to exact tribute from the fur traders for trapping on the tribal108 land, and the fur traders, far from showing patience, were quite ready to quarrel. One or more of the hunters were wounded on the Willamette and some Indians were killed. Ross was sent out to try to59 effect a reconciliation109, but, as so often is the case where Indians have been killed, the people in the camps declined to smoke and to consider any other course than war. It was only by the exercise of great patience and forbearance, and finally by the gift of a flag to a chief, that the trouble was at last smoothed over, and the opposing parties smoked and made long speeches and then concluded a treaty—the whites having paid for the dead—which greatly pleased Mr. Keith.
McKenzie on his way up the Columbia did not get beyond the Cascades, for here he found the river frozen; so he camped and spent the winter among the Indians, showing, in his dealings with them, remarkable110 tact111 and judgment112.
Ross describes with some humor the happenings at a feast, such as frequently took place in the camp where McKenzie now was:
“On the score of cheer, we will here gratify the curiosity of our readers with a brief description of one of their entertainments, called an Indian feast. The first thing that attracts the attention of a stranger, on being invited to a feast in these parts, is, to see seven or eight bustling113 squaws running to and fro with pieces of greasy114 bark, skins of animals, and old mats, to furnish the banqueting lodge115, as receptacles for the delicate viands116: at the door of the lodge is placed, on such occasions, a sturdy savage with a club in his hand, to keep the dogs at bay, while the preparations are going on.
60 “The banqueting hall is always of a size suitable to the occasion, large and roomy. A fire occupies the centre, round which, in circular order, are laid the eatables. The guests form a close ring round the whole. Every one approaches with a grave and solemn step. The party being all assembled, the reader may picture to himself our friend seated among the nobles of the place, his bark platter between his legs, filled top-heavy with the most delicious mélange of bear’s grease, dog’s flesh, wappatoes, obellies, amutes, and a profusion117 of other viands, roots and berries. Round the festive118 board, placed on terra firma, all the nabobs of the place are squatted down in a circle, each helping119 himself out of his platter with his fingers, observing every now and then to sleek120 down the hair by way of wiping the hands. Only one knife is used, and that is handed round from one to another in quick motion. Behind the banqueting circle sit, in anxious expectation, groups of the canine121 tribe, yawning, howling, and growling; these can only be kept in the rear by a stout122 cudgel, which each of the guests keeps by him, for the purpose of self-defence; yet it not unfrequently happens that some one of the more daring curs gets out of patience, breaks through the front rank, and carries off his booty; but when a trespass123 of this kind is committed, the unfortunate offender124 is well belaboured in his retreat, for the cudgels come down upon him with a terrible vengeance125. The poor dog, however, has his revenge in turn, for the squabble and61 brawl126 that ensues disturbs all the dormant128 fleas129 of the domicile. This troop of black assailants jump about in all directions, so that a guest, by helping himself to the good things before him, keeping the dogs at bay behind him, and defending himself from the black squadrons that surround him, pays, perhaps, dearer for his entertainment at the Columbian Cascades than a foreign ambassador does in a London hotel!”
On leaving this place in the spring, the traders broke one of their boats while towing it up the Cascades, and there was no room in the other boats to load the cargo130 of the one that had been broken. There were sixty packages, of ninety pounds each, and this large and valuable cargo McKenzie turned over to a chief, to be kept for him until his return. When the brigade returned six months later the whole cargo was handed over safe and untouched to McKenzie. Such care for the property of their guests was often given by the old-time Indians.
The next summer when the inland brigade left Fort George for the interior, Ross accompanied it, for he was starting for his own post at She-Whaps. As usual, there were many annoyances—men deserted, others fell sick, some of the Iroquois were about to fire on the native Indians—and altogether the leaders of the party had their hands full in trying to keep peace.
Ross had with him a little dog which an Indian one morning got hold of and carried away. The dog, anxious to get back to his master, in its struggles to62 escape happened to scratch one of the children of his captor, and presently Ross saw the dog running to him, followed by two men with guns in their hands. The dog lay down by its master’s feet, and one of the Indians cocked his gun to shoot the animal. Ross jumped up and took the gun from the Indian, who seemed very angry and demanded it again. After a time Ross handed it back to him, at the same time picking up his own gun and telling the Indian that if he attempted to kill the dog he himself would die. The man did not shoot the dog, but telling his trouble to the other Indians, they gathered about Ross and there was every prospect of a pretty quarrel. However, Ross and McKenzie, strong in their knowledge of Indian character, smoothed things over, made a little gift to the child that had been scratched, gave the chief some tobacco, and presently went on their way with the apparent good-will of the whole camp.
A day or two later another example was seen of the way in which Ross handled the Indians. The chiefs and the traders were smoking and talking.
“While thus engaged, and the crowd thronging131 around us, a fellow more like a baboon132 than a man, with a head full of feathers and a countenance133 of brass134, having a fine gun in his hand, called out, ‘How long are the whites to pass here, troubling our waters and scaring our fish, without paying us? Look at all these bales of goods going to our enemies,’ said he; ‘and look at our wives and children naked.’ The fellow then63 made a pause, as if waiting an answer; but, as good fortune would have it, the rest of the Indians paid but little attention to him. No answer was made; nor was it a time to discuss the merits or demerits of such a question. Happening, however, to be near the fellow when he spoke, I turned briskly round, ‘So long,’ said I, ‘as the Indians smoke our tobacco; just so long, and no longer, will the whites pass here.’ Then I put some questions to him in turn. ‘Who gave you that fine gun on your hand?’ ‘The whites,’ answered he. ‘And who gives you tobacco to smoke?’ ‘The whites,’ he replied. Continuing the subject, ‘Are you fond of your gun?’ ‘Yes,’ ‘And are you fond of tobacco to smoke?’ To this question also the reply was ‘Yes,’ ‘Then,’ said I, ‘you ought to be fond of the whites who supply all your wants.’ ‘Oh, yes!’ rejoined he. The nature of the questions and answers set the bystanders laughing; and taking no further notice of the rascal135, he sneaked136 off among the crowd, and we saw him no more. The question put by the feathered baboon amounted to nothing in itself; but it proved that the subject of tribute had been discussed among the Indians.”
There was constant demand for readiness and quick-wittedness, for the whites were very few in number and the Indians numerous; moreover, these primitive people were altogether disposed to see how far the whites would permit them to go, and it was thus exceedingly easy to begin a quarrel about some trifling137 matter in which blood might be shed.
64 From his post in the She-Whaps Ross soon went east toward the Rocky Mountains, having been ordered to explore this country and see what it contained. He set out on foot with two of his best hands and two Indians. Each carried as baggage one-half dozen pairs of moccasins, a blanket, some ammunition138, needles, thread, and tobacco, besides a small axe139, a knife, a fire steel, and an awl127. All they had besides was a kettle and a pint140 pot. For subsistence they depended on their guns, and for a further supply of shoes and clothing on the animals that they might kill by the way.
The country was extraordinarily141 rough. Fur-bearing animals were not plenty, but game was abundant, elk142 and deer being seen in great numbers, and so tame as to make it appear that they had never been disturbed.
In six days’ travel down a stream, which Ross calls the Grisly-bear, they shot four elks143, twenty-two deer, two otters144, two beavers, and three black bears, without stepping out of the trail. A little later they saw moose, and still later is given a curious account of a battle between two large birds, both of which were captured. One of these was a white-headed eagle which weighed eight and three-quarter pounds, and the other “a wild-turkey cock, or what we call the Columbia grouse145,” which could only have been a sage146 grouse. This is said to have weighed eleven and one-quarter pounds!
During this same summer McKenzie had trouble with the Iroquois—seemingly most untrustworthy servants—who65 tried to kill McKenzie, perhaps with the idea of taking all the property of the expedition. However, McKenzie’s quickness and readiness enabled him to put the Iroquois to flight.
Soon after his return from his Eastern exploration Ross was invited by the Indians to accompany them on a bear-hunt, which he describes:
“The party were all mounted on horseback, to the number of seventy-three, and exhibited a fine display of horsemanship. After some ten miles’ travel, we commenced operations. Having reached the hunting-ground, the party separated into several divisions. We then perambulated the woods, crossed rivers, surrounded thickets147, and scampered149 over hill and dale, with yell and song, for the greater part of two days; during which time we killed seven bears, nine wolves, and eleven small deer: one of the former I had the good luck to shoot myself. In the evening of the third day, however, our sport was checked by an accident. One of the great men, the chief Pacha of the hunting party, named Tu-tack-it, Is-tso-augh-an, or Short Legs, got severely150 wounded by a female bear.
“The only danger to be apprehended151 in these savage excursions is by following the wounded animal into a thicket148, or hiding-place; but with the Indians the more danger the more honour, and some of them are foolhardy enough to run every hazard in order to strike the last fatal blow, (in which the honour lies,) sometimes with a lance, tomahawk, or knife, at the risk of their66 lives. No sooner is a bear wounded than it immediately flies for refuge to some hiding-place, unless too closely pursued; in which case, it turns round in savage fury on its pursuers, and woe152 awaits whoever is in the way.
“The bear in question had been wounded and took shelter in a small coppice. The bush was instantly surrounded by the horsemen, when the more bold and daring entered it on foot, armed with gun, knife, and tomahawk. Among the bushrangers on the present occasion was the chief, Short Legs, who, while scrambling153 over some fallen timber, happened to stumble near to where the wounded and enraged154 bear was concealed155, but too close to be able to defend himself before the vicious animal got hold of him. At that moment I was not more than five or six paces from the chief, but could not get a chance of shooting, so I immediately called out for help, when several mustered157 round the spot. Availing ourselves of the doubtful alternative of killing her—even at the risk of killing the chief—we fired, and as good luck would have it, shot the animal and saved the man; then carrying the bear and wounded chief out of the bush, we laid both on the open ground. The sight of the chief was appalling158: the scalp was torn from the crown of his head, down over the eyebrows159! he was insensible, and for some time we all thought him dead; but after a short interval his pulse began to beat, and he gradually showed signs of returning animation160.
“It was a curious and somewhat interesting scene to67 see the party approach the spot where the accident happened. Not being able to get a chance of shooting, they threw their guns from them, and could scarcely be restrained from rushing on the fierce animal with their knives only. The bear all the time kept looking first at one, then at another, and casting her fierce and flaming eyes around the whole of us, as if ready to make a spring at each; yet she never let go her hold of the chief; but stood over him. Seeing herself surrounded by so many enemies, she moved her head from one position to another, and these movements gave us ultimately an opportunity of killing her.
“The misfortune produced a loud and clamorous161 scene of mourning among the chief’s relations; we hastened home, carrying our dead bears along with us, and arrived at the camp early in the morning of the fourth day. The chief remained for three days speechless. In cutting off the scalp and dressing162 the wound, we found the skull163, according to our imperfect knowledge of anatomy164, fractured in two or three places; and at the end of eight days, I extracted a bone measuring two inches long, of an oblong form, and another of about an inch square, with several smaller pieces, all from the crown of the head! The wound, however, gradually closed up and healed, except a small spot about the size of an English shilling. In fifteen days, by the aid of Indian medicine, he was able to walk about, and at the end of six weeks from the time he got wounded, he was on horseback again at the chace.”
68 More or less wolf-hunting was done through the winter, and Ross describes certain methods of catching165 and killing these animals.
The killing of wolves, foxes, and other wild animals by the whites was really only a recreation, and the traders preferred shooting them to any other mode of destruction. The wolves were usually afoot and searching for food at all hours of the day and night. They liked to get up on nearby hills or knolls166, to sit and look about. It was the practice of the traders to scatter167 food about the places frequented by the wolves, and—when there were no wolves there—to practise shooting at a mark, watching where the balls hit and learning the elevation168 of the gun required to reach the spot, until finally many of them became very expert at this long-distance shooting.
“A band of Indians happening to come to the fort one day, and observing a wolf on one of the favourite places of resort, several of them prepared to take a circuitous169 turn to have a shot at the animal. Seeing them prepare—‘Try,’ said I, ‘and kill it from where you are,’ The Indians smiled at my ignorance. ‘Can the whites,’ said the chief, ‘kill it at that distance?’ ‘The whites,’ said I, ‘do not live by hunting or shooting as do the Indians, or they might.’ ‘There is no gun,’ continued the chief, ‘that could kill at that distance,’ By this time the wolf had laid hold of a bone, or piece of flesh, and was scampering170 off with it, at full speed, to the opposite woods. Taking hold of my gun—‘If69 we cannot kill it,’ said I, ‘we shall make it let go its prey171.’ ‘My horse against your shot,’ called out the chief, ‘that you do not hit the wolf.’ ‘Done,’ said I; but I certainly thought within myself that the chief ran no great risk of losing his horse, nor the wolf of losing his life. Taking an elevation of some fifteen or sixteen feet over it, by chance I shot the animal in his flight, to the astonishment172 of the chief, as well as all present, who, clapping their hands to their mouths in amazement173, measured the distance by five arrow-shots: nothing but their wonder could exceed their admiration174 of this effect of fire-arms.
“When the ball struck the wolf, it was in the act of leaping; and we may judge of its speed at the time, from the fact that the distance from whence it took the last leap to where it was lying stretched, measured twenty-four feet! The ball struck the wolf in the left thigh175, and passing through the body, neck and head, it lodged176 in the lower jaw177; I cut it out with my pen-knife. The chief, on delivering up his horse, which he did cheerfully, asked me for the ball, and that ball was the favourite ornament178 of his neck for years afterwards. The horse I returned to its owner. The Indians then asked me for the skin of the dead wolf; and to each of the guns belonging to the party was appended a piece: the Indians fancying that the skin would enable them, in future, to kill animals at a great distance.”
The following summer, McKenzie with Ross and70 ninety-five men went up the river and encamped at the site determined on for the new establishment of Fort Nez Percés, about one-half mile from the mouth of the Walla Walla. This country was occupied by Indians of the Shahaptian stock—fierce, good warriors179, and impulsive—easily moved in one direction or the other. They seemed by no means favorable to the coming whites; did not shake hands with them, and in fact appeared disposed to boycott180 the new arrivals.
The situation was a difficult one, because the construction of a fort required a dividing of the party into many small bands, and also because more Indians were constantly coming in, and their actions caused much uneasiness. They insisted on receiving pay for the timber to be used in building the fort; they forbade hunting and fishing; they set the price on all articles of trade, and it was difficult to know what the outcome of this might be.
The difficulties threatening the traders caused an almost complete suspension of work. They stood on their guard, ready for an attack at any time, while for five days there was no intercourse181 between whites and Indians; food was short, and one night the party went to bed supperless. The Indians continued to gather, and the traders thought that they were plotting and planning—no one knew what.
A slight enclosure had been put up, behind which the traders awaited whatever might happen. After a time, the chiefs opened negotiations182 with the whites and71 insisted that liberal presents should be made to all the Indians roundabout, in order to gain their favor. This was obviously impracticable, since all the property of the traders would not have sufficed to make a present to each Indian, and the demand was refused, with the result that the firmness of the white men caused the Indians to reduce their requests and finally to submit to the proposals of the whites, and as soon as this was agreed on a brisk trade went on.
The position chosen for the fort was noteworthy among the natives because it was the ground on which, some years before, Lewis and Clark had ratified184 a general peace between themselves and the tribes of the surrounding country. The situation was commanding. To the west was a spacious185 view of the great river, to the north and east were the wide expanses of the yellow plains, while to the south lay wild, rough hills on either side of the river, overlooked by two singular towering rocks on the east side of the stream, called by the natives “The Twins.” In the distance lay the Blue Mountains.
Presently a large war-party returned to the camp with scalps and captives—a great triumph. Now came a demand from the Indians that the white traders should not give guns or balls to the enemies of these Indians, but after much negotiation183 and many speeches, the Indians agreed that peace should be made between themselves and the Snakes.
It was not long after this that a considerable party72 was sent off to penetrate186 the country inhabited by the Snakes and other tribes to the south. The traders had secured two hundred and eighty horses, enough for riding and packing, and the most of these were to go off with the Snake expedition, which consisted of fifty-five men, nearly two hundred horses, three hundred beaver57-traps, and a considerable stock of trade goods. Mr. McKenzie led the expedition, which left Fort Nez Percés at the end of September. Ross, with the remaining party, stayed at the Fort.
The neighboring Indians, of whom Ross speaks in most cordial terms, treated the traders well and were respectful and good-natured, but presently came rumors187 of difficulties between the trading party to the Snakes and that tribe, and one of these rumors was confirmed by the arrival of a member of that expedition, an Iroquois, who had evidently had a hard time. According to his account, the Iroquois after a time separated from McKenzie to trap a small river which was well stocked with beaver. The Iroquois, according to the story, began to exchange their horses, guns, and traps with a small party of Snakes, and presently had little or nothing left. The returned Iroquois man got lost, and finally, with great difficulty, without food, blanket, or arms, got back to Fort Nez Percés. Other Iroquois returned and told various stories, and finally, going back to Fort George, persuaded Mr. Keith to send out a party to punish the Indians, who they said had injured them. Such a party was sent out to the Cowlitz73 River, and the Iroquois getting away from Mr. Ogden killed twelve men, women, and children, and scalped three of them. This seemed fatal to further friendly relations; nevertheless, at last peace was concluded between the traders and the Cowlitz Indians, and was sealed by the marriage of the chief’s daughter to one of the fur traders.
There was more sporadic188 fighting and killing of Indians and the murder of five people belonging to Fort George, so that things got into a very bad condition, which it took a long time to smooth over.
Late in the season Mr. McKenzie with six men on snow-shoes returned from the interior and gave an interesting account of the new country through which he had passed—a country to him not wholly new, because he had been through it in 1811. He reported that the Iroquois, instead of trapping and hunting, had separated and were scattered189 all over the country by twos and threes, living with the Indians, without horses, without traps, without furs, and without clothing. He left them as he found them.
Of the region traversed, Mr McKenzie reported:
“On our outward journey, the surface was mountainous and rugged, and still more so on our way back. Woods and valleys, rocks and plains, rivers and ravines, alternately met us; but altogether it is a delightful190 country. There animals of every class rove about undisturbed; wherever there was a little plain, the red deer were seen grazing in herds191 about the rivers; round74 every other point were clusters of poplar and elder, and where there was a sapling, the ingenious and industrious193 beaver was at work. Otters sported in the eddies194; the wolf and the fox were seen sauntering in quest of prey; now and then a few cypresses195 or stunted196 pines were met with on the rocky parts, and in their spreading tops the raccoon sat secure. In the woods, the martin and black fox were numerous; the badger197 sat quietly looking from his mound198; and in the numberless ravines, among bushes laden199 with fruits, the black, the brown, and the grisly bear were seen. The mountain sheep, and goat white as snow, browsed200 on the rocks, and ridges201; and the big horn species ran among the lofty cliffs. Eagles and vultures, of uncommon202 size, flew about the rivers. When we approached, most of these animals stood motionless; they would then move off a little distance, but soon came anew to satisfy a curiosity that often proved fatal to them.
“The report of a gun did not alarm them: they would give a frisk at each shot, and stand again; but when the flag was unfurled, being of a reddish hue203, it was with apparent reluctance they would retire beyond the pleasing sight. Hordes204 of wild horses were likewise seen on this occasion; and of all the animals seen on our journey they were the wildest, for none of them could be approached; their scent205 is exceedingly keen, their hearing also; and in their curiosity they were never known to come at any time within gun-shot. One75 band of these contained more than two hundred. Some of them were browsing206 on the face of the hills; others were running like deer up and down the steeps; and some were galloping207 backwards208 and forwards on the brows of the sloping mountains, with their flowing manes and bushy tails streaming in the wind.”
Mr. McKenzie’s successful trip commanded the admiration of all of the council of the head men at Fort George. Those who had formerly209 been opposed to him were now loud in his praises, and the establishment of Fort Nez Percés and the gaining of a foothold in the Snake country were warmly approved. He remained at Fort Nez Percés only seven days and then started back again. His report of the prospects210 in the Snake country was gratifying, but his people were giving great trouble.
III
INDIANS AND THEIR BATTLES
Fort Nez Percés was stockaded with an enclosure of pickets212 of sawn timber some twelve or fifteen feet high with four towers or bastions. The pickets were two and one-half feet broad by six inches thick. Near the top of the stockade211 was a balustrade four feet high, and a gallery five feet broad extended all around it, while the walls were loopholed. At each angle of the fort was a large reservoir holding two hundred gallons of water, and within the stockade were all the76 buildings, warehouses213, stores, and dwelling-houses. These buildings were all loopholed and had sliding doors, and the trading-room was arranged with a small door in the wall, eighteen inches square, through which the Indians passed their furs, receiving from the traders on the inside the goods to which they were entitled. The outer gate was arranged to open and shut by a pulley, and besides this there were two double doors. Except on special occasions, the Indians were never invited into the fort. Nevertheless, at the gate there was a house for the accommodation of the Indians, with fire, tobacco, and a man to look after them at all times. The Indians, however, did not like this arrangement, because it seemed to show suspicion on the part of the white men; they themselves were suspicious of some plots. They asked whether the traders were afraid of them or afraid that they would steal, and while the traders denied that they were afraid of anything, they persisted in their plan, and at length the Indians accepted the situation. The traders were supplied with cannons214, swivels, muskets216, and bayonets, boarding-pikes and hand-grenades, while above the gate stood a small mortar217. The position was a strong one, and Ross calls it the “Gibraltar of Columbia” and speaks of it as “a triumph of British energy and enterprise, of civilization over barbarism.”
McKenzie, on his return to the interior, had promised to be at the river Skam-naugh about the 5th of June and had asked that an outfit218 with supplies for77 his party be sent to meet him there. For this reason Ross returned from his annual trip to Fort George nearly a month earlier than usual—by the 15th of May. A party of fifteen men under a clerk named Kittson was sent out to take McKenzie his supplies and reinforce him. Kittson was a new man in the service, and was full of confidence that he could handle and defeat all the Indians on the continent. He had good luck until the party got into the debatable land in the Snake territory, and here, first, a dozen of his horses were stolen, and then, a little later, all of them.
Meantime McKenzie had had the usual difficulties with his Iroquois trappers, who could not be trusted with goods to trade with the Snakes. When the people whom he expected to meet at the river were not there, he sent out ten men to look for them. Two days after starting, as they were passing through a canyon219, they met, face to face, the Indians who had just taken all of Kittson’s horses, and, recognizing the animals, charged the three horse-thieves. One was killed, another wounded and escaped, and a third was taken captive, and the traders turned the herd192 about and drove the horses back to Kittson’s camp.
Kittson now had thirty-six men and joined McKenzie, on the way capturing two more Indian horse-thieves, caught at night while cutting loose the horses. Kittson handed over his supplies, received McKenzie’s furs, and set out again for Fort Nez Percés.
78 When McKenzie and Kittson separated, the former had only three men left with him, for his Iroquois did not arrive, as expected. While waiting for them, a threatening party of mountain Snakes appeared at his camp, who were very importunate220, so much so that at last McKenzie took from his pile of goods a keg of gunpowder221 and, lighting222 a match, threatened, if the Indians continued to advance, to blow up the whole party. Taken by surprise, they hesitated, and then suddenly, without a word, took to flight, not from fear of the threats of McKenzie, but because of the sudden appearance of a large war-party of Shahaptians on the other side of the river. Fortunately, these people could not cross the high and rushing stream, but a little later they made an attack on Kittson’s party and killed two of his men. As soon as the war-party had gone McKenzie and his men, with their property, crossed the channel of the river to an island, where they remained twenty-two days, until the return of Kittson. McKenzie and Kittson were now in a situation not at all agreeable. On one side were the Nez Percés, on the other the Blackfeet, and all about were the Snakes. All these tribes were hostile to one another, and all of them more or less ill-disposed toward the whites, so the summer was an anxious one, but McKenzie purposed to winter in the upper country as well as he might. Here Ross interjects an interesting sketch223 of trappers’ methods.
“A safe and secure spot, near wood and water, is first79 selected for the camp. Here the chief of the party resides with the property. It is often exposed to danger, or sudden attack, in the absence of the trappers, and requires a vigilant224 eye to guard against the lurking225 savages. The camp is called head quarters. From hence all the trappers, some on foot, some on horseback, according to the distance they have to go, start every morning, in small parties, in all directions, ranging the distance of some twenty miles around. Six traps is the allowance for each hunter; but to guard against wear and tear, the complement226 is more frequently ten. These he sets every night, and visits again in the morning; sometimes oftener, according to distance, or other circumstances. The beaver taken in the traps are always conveyed to the camp, skinned, stretched, dried, folded up with the hair in the inside, laid by, and the flesh used for food. No sooner, therefore, has a hunter visited his traps, set them again, and looked out for some other place, than he returns to the camp, to feast, and enjoy the pleasures of an idle day.
“There is, however, much anxiety and danger in going through the ordinary routine of a trapper’s duty. For as the enemy is generally lurking about among the rocks and hiding-places, watching an opportunity, the hunter has to keep a constant lookout227; and the gun is often in one hand, while the trap is in the other. But when several are together, which is often the case in suspicious places, one-half set the traps, and the other half keep guard over them. Yet notwithstanding80 all their precautions, some of them fall victims to Indian treachery.
“The camp remains229 stationary230 while two-thirds of the trappers find beaver in the vicinity; but whenever the beaver becomes scarce, the camp is removed to some more favourable spot. In this manner, the party keeps moving from place to place, during the whole season of hunting. Whenever serious danger is apprehended, all the trappers make for the camp. Were we, however, to calculate according to numbers, the prospects from such an expedition would be truly dazzling: say, seventy-five men, with each six traps, to be successfully employed during five months; that is, two in the spring, and three in the fall, equal to 131 working days, the result would be 58,950 beaver! Practically, however, the case is very different. The apprehension231 of danger, at all times, is so great, that three-fourths of their time is lost in the necessary steps taken for their own safety. There is also another serious drawback unavoidably accompanying every large party. The beaver is a timid animal; the least noise, therefore, made about its haunt will keep it from coming out for nights together; and noise is unavoidable when the party is large. But when the party is small, the hunter has a chance of being more or less successful. Indeed, were the nature of the ground such as to admit of the trappers moving about in safety, at all times, and alone, six men, with six traps each, would, in the same space of time, and at the same rate, kill81 as many beavers—say 4,716—as the whole seventy-five could be expected to do! And yet the evil is without a remedy; for no small party can exist in these parts. Hence the reason why beavers are so numerous.”
Ross points out also some of the troubles that the traders must meet with, which troubles were largely due, of course, to the absolute inability of the Indians to comprehend the conditions of this new life. The Indians asked for everything that they saw and berated232 the traders because their requests were not complied with. They were constantly playing jokes—or what they considered jokes—on the white men, which were irritating enough; and looked with contempt on the whites who were engaged in ordinary labor233, which they, of course, did not in the least understand. The Indians, with all their freedom, were far from happy, because they were in a state of constant anxiety and alarm. People who felt themselves injured were likely to make war excursions and kill some one belonging to another tribe, which, of course, extended the field of the trouble.
When fighting took place, and people supposedly friendly to the whites were injured, the traders were blamed, because they sold guns, powder, and balls to any one who might wish to trade with them. The life of the trader was thus one of anxiety, and to handle the Indians successfully called for extraordinary self-control.
Not long before this time some Shahaptians had killed two of Kittson’s men and several Snakes. The82 Snakes followed them, but before overtaking them came upon some Indians belonging to the Walla Walla, camped not three miles from Fort Nez Percés, where they killed a man, four women, and two children, and captured two young women and a man. The next day the whole Walla Walla camp moved down to the fort, carrying the bodies of the dead. Ross saw the disorderly procession coming on with shrieks234 and lamentations, and at first did not know what to make of the advance, but presently the Indians reached the gate of the fort, placed their dead upon the ground there, and began to gash236 themselves with knives in the old-time way of mourning. They called to Ross to come out to them, and he, while very reluctant, had no choice—if he was to retain his influence with them—but to obey.
“Turning round to the sentinel at the door, I told him to lock the gate after me, and keep a sharp look out. The moment I appeared outside the gate, so horrible was the uproar237, that it baffles all description. Intoxicated238 with wrath239 and savage rage, they resembled furies more than human beings; and their ghastly, wild, and forbidding looks were all directed towards me, as if I had been the cause of their calamity240. Tam-a-tap-um the chief then coming up to me, and pointing to one of the dead bodies, said, ‘You see my sister there,’ then uncovering the body to show the wounds, added, ‘That is a ball hole.’ ‘The whites’, said he again, ‘have murdered our wives and our children.83 They have given guns and balls to our enemies. Those very guns and balls have killed our relations.’ These words were no sooner uttered than they were repeated over and over again by the whole frantic241 crowd; who, hearing the chief, believed them to be true. Excitement was now at its height. Their gestures, their passionate242 exclamations243, showed what was working within, and I expected every moment to receive a ball or an arrow. One word of interruption spoken by me at the critical moment, in favour of the whites, might have proved fatal to myself. I therefore remained silent, watching a favourable opportunity, and also examining closely the holes in the garments of the dead bodies. The holes I was convinced were made by arrows, and not by balls as the chief had asserted; but it remained for me to convince others when an opportunity offered.
“Every violent fit of mourning was succeeded, as is generally the case among savages, by a momentary244 calm. As soon, therefore, as I perceived the rage of the crowd beginning to subside245, and nature itself beginning to flag, I availed myself of the interval to speak in turn; for silence then would have been a tacit acknowledgment of our guilt246. I therefore advanced, and taking the chief by the hand, said in a low tone of voice, as if overcome by grief, ‘My friend, what is all this? Give me an explanation. You do not love the whites; you have told me nothing yet.’ Tam-a-tap-um then turning to his people, beckoned247 to them with the84 hand to be silent; entire silence was not to be expected. He then went over the whole affair from beginning to end. When the chief ended, and the people were in a listening mood, I sympathized with their misfortunes, and observed that the whites had been undeservedly blamed. ‘They are innocent,’ said I, ‘and that I can prove. Look at that,’ said I, pointing to an arrow wound, which no one could mistake, ‘the wounds are those of arrows, not balls. Nor were the Snakes themselves so much to blame; as we shall be able to show.’
“At these assertions the chief looked angry, and there was a buzz of disapprobation, among the crowd; but I told the chief to listen patiently until I had done. The chief then composed himself, and I proceeded. ‘After your solemn acquiescence249 in a peace between yourselves and the Snakes, through the influence of the whites, the Shaw-ha-ap-tens violated the second pledge by going again to war, across the Blue Mountains; and not content with having killed their enemies, they killed their friends also. They killed two of the whites. The Snakes in the act of retaliation250 have therefore made you all to mourn this day; they have made the whites to mourn also. But your loss is less than ours; your relations have been killed; but still you have their bodies: that consolation251 is denied us. Our friends have been killed, but we know not where their bodies lie.’ These facts neither the chief nor the crowd could gainsay252. The chief, with a loud voice,85 explained what I had said to the listening multitude; when they with one voice exclaimed, ‘It is true, it is true!’ Leaving the chief, I then entered the fort, and taking some red cloth, laid six inches of it on each body, as a token of sympathy; then I told them to go and bury their dead. A loud fit of lamentation235 closed the scene. The bodies were then taken up, and the crowd moved off, in a quiet and orderly manner.
“But the satisfaction we enjoyed at the departure of the savages was of short duration, for they were scarcely out of sight, and I scarcely inside the door, when another band, related to those who had been killed, arrived at the fort gate, and the loud and clamorous scene of mourning was again renewed.
“Among this second crowd of visitors was a fellow dignified253 by the name of Prince, and brother to one of the young women who had been carried off by the Snakes. Prince encamped within fifty yards of the fort, and his tent was no sooner pitched than he began to chant the song of death. When an Indian resorts to this mode of mourning, it is a sure sign that, ‘he has thrown his body away,’ as the Indians term it, and meditates254 self-destruction. Being told of Prince’s resolution, I went to his tent to see him, and found him standing228, with his breast leaning upon the muzzle255 of his gun; his hair was dishevelled, and he was singing with great vehemence256: he never raised his head to see who I was. I knew all was not right, and spoke to him; but receiving no answer, I went away, on my return86 to the fort. I had scarcely advanced twenty yards from his tent, before I heard the report of a gun behind me, and turning back again, I found the unfortunate fellow lying on the ground weltering in his blood, his gun partly under him. He was still breathing. The ball had entered his left breast, below the nipple, and came out near the backbone257. The wound was bleeding freely, and he disgorged great quantities of blood. I went to the fort for some assistance, but on our return I expected that every moment would have been his last; however we dressed his wound, and did what we could to allay258 his suffering.
“The Indians now assembled in great numbers, and were noisy and violent. In the first instance, they threw all the blame of the unfortunate affair on the whites; but in their rage and violence, they quarrelled among themselves, and this new direction in their excitement removed the odium in some degree from the whites, and diverted the tide of popular fury into another channel. During the affair, one of those unfortunate wretches called medicine-men happened to be sitting at the fort gate, when a brother of the man who had just shot himself went up to him, saying, ‘You dog! you have thrown your bad medicine on my brother, and he is dead; but you shall not live,’ and in saying so, he shot him dead on the spot. The ball, after passing through the man’s body, went more than three inches into one of the fort palisades. I was standing on the gallery at the moment he was shot,87 and had it been on any other occasion but in the midst of a quarrel between the Indians, we certainly should have avenged259 his death on the spot; for the murdered man was an excellent Indian, and a sincere friend of the whites.
“The scene now assumed a threatening aspect. Guns, bows, arrows, and every missile that could be laid hold of, came into requisition; and robes, feathers, bells, belts, and trinkets of every description, were rattling260 about in true savage style. The fellow who had just shot the medicine-man was shot in his turn, and before the chiefs arrived, or could get a hearing, three others were shot. The place appeared more like a field of battle than anything else; for besides the five bodies that lay lifeless on the ground, twice that number were desperately261 wounded.
“As soon as the deadly quarrel began, not knowing the intent of the Indians, nor how it might end, I shut the gates, and kept as clear of the quarrel as possible. In the midst of the confusion, the Indians poured in from all quarters, adding fuel to the flame; and some of them in approaching the place, thinking it was a quarrel between the whites and themselves, fired a shot or two at the fort before they were aware of the mistake. This made us take to our bastions: our matches were lighted, guns pointed105, and we ourselves watched the man?uvres of the savages around us. One unguarded shot would have involved us in the quarrel, which it was our interest to avoid; as it88 would have put an end to all our prospects in the Snake as well as the Nez Percés quarter.
“As soon as the chiefs could get a hearing, peace was generally restored; and the five dead bodies were removed to the Indian camp, at a distance from the fort. Such a scene I should never wish to witness again. This affray, happening at our very door, gave us much uneasiness; as to keep the balance of good will at all times in our favour was a task of more than ordinary difficulty.”
The next day more Indians came in, and soon several tribes were represented. The whites were indirectly262 taxed with all the troubles, and there was a vast deal of speech-making and many threats. At last, however, after a week of counselling, the matter quieted down, the different tribes all smoked together, and peace was made—to last for a time.
Ross has much to say about the different tribes of Shoshoni stock and their relations to each other. He was long with them and studied them carefully.
The Ban-at-tees, which we call Bannocks, seem to have been held by the Snake tribes to the south and west as chargeable with most of the disturbances263 between the whites and the Snakes, and after a time it developed that the Indians that murdered Mr. Reid and his party in the autumn of 1813 were Bannocks.
During the winter a hunter named Hodgens became separated from his party during a violent snow-storm and lost his way. A little later, in the same way,89 he lost his horse; his gun became broken so that he could not make a fire, and during two days and two nights he was obliged to lie out without fire.
“On the fourteenth day, however, while scarcely able to crawl, he had the good luck to fall on the main camp of the War-are-ree-kas; where recognizing the chief’s tent, from the manner in which it was painted, he advanced towards it, looking more like a ghost than a living being. On his entering, Ama-ketsa, surprised at his unexpected arrival, and still more surprised at his emaciated264 appearance, stared him in the face for some time, and could scarcely believe that it was a white man; but as soon as he was convinced of the reality, and made acquainted with the wanderer’s forlorn state, he ordered one of his wives to put a new pair of shoes on his feet, gave him something to eat, and was extremely kind to him. Here Hodgens remained for eleven days in the chiefs tent, nursed with all the care and attention of a child of the family, until his strength was recovered; and as soon as he was on his legs again, Ama-ketsa furnished him with a horse, some provisions, and sent one of his own sons to conduct him to the whites. Although Hodgens could give the Indians no clue as to where the hunters were encamped, yet on the eighth day they arrived safe and sound at their friends’, and as straight as if they had been led by a line to them; which convinced our people that the Indians knew well the place of their retreat....
90 “A party of our people had been out a whole week in search of Hodgens, and found his dead horse, but despairing of finding him they returned to their camp; and all hope of ever finding Hodgens alive vanished: when he did come, their astonishment was equal to their delight. The friendly conduct of Ama-ketsa towards him was a strong proof of that chiefs good-will towards our people. During our friends’ stay in this place they had several surprises from the Indians, but they managed matters so well that no more of their horses were stolen.”
There is distinct reference in this volume to the Yellowstone National Park, which may very well have been visited by Ross or some of his trappers. He speaks of “Pilot Knobs”—the Three Tetons—salt and sulphur springs and of boiling fountains, some of them so hot as to boil meat. These allusions265 do not, of course, necessarily refer to Yellowstone Park, for there are many other places in the Rocky Mountains where such things are found, but the references to the Three Tetons and to the source of the Lewis River are suggestive enough.
Ross speaks also of various foods of the country; of the use of horse flesh and dog flesh and also of the Snake tobacco, which, for a time at least, the Indians preferred to that imported by the whites. He credits the Snake Indians with extraordinary skill in woodcraft, shown especially by the methods they employ to avoid possible enemies.
91
IV
WITH THE HUDSON BAY COMPANY
The time was now at hand when the Northwest Company should be merged266 into the Hudson Bay Company. This consolidation267 naturally cast a gloom over the retainers of the Northwest Company wherever they were situated268. The people who had been employed by the Northwest Company were uncertain where they stood. Those who had been promoted prior to the “deed-poll”—March 26, 1821—were provided for by the Hudson Bay Company, whereas all others were excluded from these benefits. Some of them, however, received pecuniary269 compensation for their disappointment, and of these Ross was one, or he was told by an officer of the company that five hundred pounds sterling270 had been placed to his credit, but of this he never received a penny.
Ross now entered the service of the Hudson Bay Company. He had been for a short time with the Pacific Fur Company; had spent seven years with the Northwest Company and, except for his experience, was about where he had been when he started.
The servants of the Northwest Company had been in the habit of depositing their savings271 with the firm which was its head, and a few years after the consolidation of the two companies this concern failed and all these savings disappeared.
92 Toward the end of his first volume, after much information about Indians, half-breeds, trading, trappers, and travel, Ross draws an interesting picture of the manner in which the bourgeois—or proprietary272 partner—journeys through the fur country, and the absolute loyalty273 to him and to the company felt by the voyageurs, who were, indeed, the backbone of the northern fur trade. He says:
“The bourgeois is carried on board his canoe upon the back of some sturdy fellow generally appointed for this purpose. He seats himself on a convenient mattress274, somewhat low in the centre of his canoe; his gun by his side, his little cherubs275 fondling around him, and his faithful spaniel lying at his feet. No sooner is he at his ease, than his pipe is presented by his attendant, and he then begins smoking, while his silken banner undulates over the stern of his painted vessel276. Then the bending paddles are plied60, and the fragile craft speeds through the currents with a degree of fleetness not to be surpassed;—yell upon yell from the hearty277 crew proclaiming their prowess and skill.
“A hundred miles performed, night arrives; the hands jump out quickly into the water, and their nabob and his companions are supported to terra firma. A roaring fire is kindled279 and supper is served; his honour then retires to enjoy his repose280. At dawn of day they set out again; the men now and then relax their arms, and light their pipes; but no sooner does the headway of the canoe die away, than they renew93 their labours and their chorus: a particular voice being ever selected to lead the song. The guide conducts the march.
“At the hour of breakfast they put ashore281 on some green plot. The tea-kettle is boiling; a variegated282 mat is spread, and a cold collation283 set out. Twenty minutes—and they start anew. The dinner-hour arrives, they put aground again. The liquor-can accompanies the provision-basket; the contents are quickly set forth in simple style; and, after a refreshment284 of twenty minutes more, off they set again, until the twilight285 checks their progress.
“When it is practicable to make way in the dark, four hours is the voyageurs’ allowance of rest; and at times, on boisterous286 lakes and bold shores, they keep for days and nights together on the water, without intermission, and without repose. They sing to keep time to their paddles; they sing to keep off drowsiness287, caused by their fatigue; and they sing because the bourgeois likes it.
“Through hardships and dangers, wherever he leads, they are sure to follow with alacrity288 and cheerfulness—over mountains and hills, along valleys and dales, through woods and creeks289, across lakes and rivers. They look not to the right, nor to the left; they make no halt in foul290 or fair weather. Such is their skill, that they venture to sail in the midst of waters like oceans, and, with amazing aptitude291, they shoot down the most frightful292 rapids; and they generally come off safely.
94 “When about to arrive at the place of their destination, they dress with neatness, put on their plumes293, and a chosen song is raised. They push up against the beach, as if they meant to dash the canoe into splinters; but most adroitly294 back their paddles at the right moment; whilst the foreman springs on shore, and, seizing the prow278, arrests the vessel in its course. On this joyful295 occasion, every person advances to the waterside, and great guns are fired to announce the bourgeois’ arrival. A general shaking of hands takes place, as it often happens that people have not met for years: even the bourgeois goes through this mode of salutation with the meanest. There is, perhaps, no country where the ties of affection are more binding296 than here. Each addresses his comrades as his brothers; and all address themselves to the bourgeois with reverence297, as if he were their father.”
About this time, Mr. McKenzie retired298 from the fur trade and went to live in northern New York. This left without occupation a number of hunters and trappers in the country, where Ross was stationed, and Ross made up his mind to leave the country and abandon the business which he had so long followed. He was still merely a clerk in the service of the great company. Finan McDonald, a Northwest veteran, now in the service of the Hudson Bay Company, was to be in charge of the people in the Snake country, and a little later John Warren Dease, a chief trader in the new company, reached Fort Nez Percés and told Ross that95 he had been named to take charge of the fort and the country immediately about it, while Ross was to succeed McKenzie in charge of the Snake country.
Nevertheless, Ross was determined to go back to the East and had started with his family, but on his way—when he reached the Rocky Mountains—he received a letter from Governor Simpson, offering him the management of the Snake country for three years at a liberal salary. Ross hesitated to accept, but finally did so, and went to Spokane House to make up his party. McDonald had recently come in there and with much grumbling; for he had had trouble with the Piegan Blackfeet, in which one of his men had been shot by treachery, and in a pitched battle afterward had with the same party he lost seven more of his men.
The account of this battle may properly be inserted here:
“One day, when they had travelled until dark in search of water, they found some at the bottom of a deep and rocky ravine, down which they went and encamped. They had seen no traces of enemies during the day, and being tired, they all went to sleep, without keeping watch. In the morning, however, just at the dawn of day, they were saluted from the top of the ravine before they got up, with a volley of balls about their ears; without, however, any being killed or wounded: one of them had the stock of his gun pierced through with a ball, and another of them his powder-horn shivered to pieces; but this was all the injury they96 sustained from the enemy’s discharge. The alarm was instantly given, all hands in confusion sprang up and went out to see what was the matter; some with one shoe on and the other off, others naked, with a gun in one hand and their clothes in the other. When they perceived the Indians on the top of the rocks, yelling and flourishing their arms, the whites gave a loud huzza, and all hands were collected together in an instant; but the Indians instead of taking advantage of their position, wheeled about and marched off without firing another shot.
“McDonald, at the head of thirty men, set out to pursue them; but finding the ravine too steep and rocky to ascend, they were apprehensive that the sudden disappearance299 of the Indians was a stratagem300 to entrap301 them, when they might have been popped off by the enemy from behind stones and trees, without having an opportunity of defending themselves. Acting302 on this opinion, they returned, and taking a supply of powder and ball with them, they mounted their horses, to the number of forty-five, and then pursued the enemy, leaving twenty men behind to guard the camp. When our people got to the head of the ravine, the Indians were about a mile off, and all on foot, having no horses, with the exception of five for carrying their luggage; and our people, before they could get up with them, had to pass another ravine still deeper and broader than the one they were encamped in, so that before they got down on one side of it the enemy had97 got up on the other side. And here again the Indians did not avail themselves of their advantage, but allowed our people to follow without firing a shot at them, as if encouraging them on; and so bold and confident were they, that many of them bent303 themselves down in a posture304 of contempt, by way of bidding them defiance305.
“As soon as our people had got over the second ravine, they took a sweep, wheeled about, and met the Indians in the teeth; then dismounting, the battle began, without a word being spoken on either side. As soon as the firing commenced, the Indians began their frantic gestures, and whooped306 and yelled with the view of intimidating307; they fought like demons308, one fellow all the time waving a scalp on the end of a pole: nor did they yield an inch of ground till more than twenty of them lay dead; at last, they threw down their guns, and held up their hands as a signal of peace. By this time our people had lost three men, and not thinking they had yet taken ample vengeance for their death, they made a rush on the Indians, killed the fellow who held the pole, and carried off the scalp and the five horses. The Indians then made a simultaneous dash on one side, and got into a small coppice of wood, leaving their dead on the spot where they fell. Our people supposed that they had first laid down their arms and next taken to the bush because they were short of ammunition, as many of the shots latterly were but mere puffs309. Unfortunately for the Indians,98 the scalp taken proved to be none other than poor Anderson’s, and this double proof of their guilt so enraged our people, that to the bush they followed them.
“McDonald sent to the camp for buck-shot, and then poured volleys into the bush among them, from the distance of some twenty or thirty yards, till they had expended310 fifty-six pounds weight; the Indians all this time only firing a single shot now and then when the folly311 and imprudence of our people led them too near; but they seldom missed their mark, and here three more of the whites fell. At this part of the conflict, two of our own people, an Iroquois and a Canadian, got into a high dispute which was the bravest man; when the former challenged the latter to go with him into the bush and scalp a Piegan. The Canadian accepted the challenge; taking each other by one hand, with a scalping knife in the other, savage like, they entered the bush, and advanced until they were within four or five feet of a Piegan, when the Iroquois said, ‘I will scalp this one, you go and scalp another;’ but just as the Iroquois was in the act of stretching out his hand to lay hold of his victim the Piegan shot him through the head, and so bespattered the Canadian with his brains that he was almost blind; the latter, however, got back again to his comrades, but deferred312 taking the scalp.
“M’Donald and his men being fatigued with firing, thought of another and more effectual plan of destroying99 the Piegans. It blew a strong gale313 of wind at the time, so they set fire to the bush of dry and decayed wood; it burnt with the rapidity of straw, and the devouring314 element laid the whole bush in ashes in a very short time. When it was first proposed, the question arose who should go and fire the bush, at the muzzle of the Piegans’ guns. ‘The oldest man in the camp,’ said M’Donald; ‘and I’ll guard him.’ The lot fell upon Bastony, a superannuated316 hunter on the wrong side of seventy; the poor and wrinkled old man took the torch in his hand and advanced, trembling every step with the fear of instant death before him; while M’Donald and some others walked at his heels with their guns cocked. The bush was fired, the party returned, and volleys of buck-shot were again poured into the bush to aid the fire in the work of destruction.
“About one hundred yards from the burning bush, was another much larger bush, and while the fire was consuming the one, our people advanced and stationed themselves at the end of the other, to intercept317 any of the Piegans who might attempt the doubtful alternative of saving themselves by taking refuge in it. To ensure success, our people left open the passage from the one bush to the other, while they themselves stood in two rows, one upon each side, with their guns cocked; suddenly the half-roasted Piegans, after uttering a scream of despair, burst through the flames and made a last and expiring effort to gain the other bush; then our people poured in upon each side of them a fatal100 volley of ball and buck-shot, which almost finished what the flames had spared. Yet, notwithstanding all these sanguinary precautions, a remnant escaped by getting into the bush. The wounded victims who fell under the last volley, the Iroquois dealt with in their own way—with the knife.
“After the massacre318 was ended, our people collected their dead and returned to the camp at sunset; not we should suppose to rejoice, but rather to mourn. We afterwards learned that only seven out of the seventy-five which formed the party of the unfortunate Piegans, returned home to relate the mournful tale. Although our people were drawn319 into this unfortunate affair with justice on their side, yet they persevered320 in it with folly and ended it with cruelty: no wonder, then, if they afterwards paid for their cruelty with their own blood.”
After a short stay at Spokane House, Ross, who had been given—on paper—a force of eighty men, was able to get together only forty, a number of whom were quite unsatisfactory. At the Flathead River post, at the foot of the mountains, he picked up fourteen more, making the whole party fifty-five. It was a curious mixture of Americans, Canadian Frenchmen, half-breeds, Iroquois, natives of eastern Canada, Saulteaux, Crees, Spokanes, Kutenais, Flatheads, Kalispels, Palouse, and one Snake. Of the Canadians, five were more than sixty years of age, and two more than seventy. The Iroquois were good hunters, but untrustworthy,101 while the local Indians were useful chiefly in looking after the horses. Twenty-five of the people were married, so that in the company there were twenty-five women and sixty-four children. They carried with them a brass three-pounder cannon215, more than two hundred beaver-traps, and about four hundred horses. It is understood, of course, that they carried no provisions, depending wholly on their guns for food, and Ross complains that on the day of starting they had killed but one deer, a slender repast for one hundred and thirty-seven hungry mouths.
Trouble with the Iroquois began almost at once. Having received their advances, they thought little about the debts that they owed for guns, horses, traps, clothing, and ammunition.
At a defile321 in Hell’s Gate, where the Piegans and Blackfeet used to cross the mountains on their war journeys, they camped for some little time, and here the hunters, to their great satisfaction, killed four wild horses, besides twenty-seven elk and thirty-two small deer. The capture of the horses was a great triumph for the hunters, who were more delighted with their success in this little adventure than if they had killed a hundred buffalo.
Not long after this, two Iroquois deserted and turned back, and the leader, having previously322 lost another Iroquois by desertion, felt that this must be stopped. He therefore followed the deserters about sixteen miles back on the trail and captured them, but they102 refused to return, and it was necessary to threaten to tie one of them to a horse’s tail before he would consent to go.
They were frequently meeting Indians; Piegans first and then Nez Percés, and whenever strangers were met with, the Iroquois traded off their property, even to their guns, receiving in return what Ross calls “trash.”
The weather was now growing cold, partly, perhaps, because they were climbing all the time. Beaver were plenty and elk, deer, and mountain goats extremely abundant. They were now getting close to the head of the Flathead River and were fronting great mountains, largely snow-covered. Six men were sent out to try to find a way through the mountains, and at length returned reporting that it was quite impracticable to cross the mountains here, because after reaching the plateau above the timber the snow was five or six feet deep for about twelve long miles. Beyond the mountains, however, they said, was a large open plain where the snow was scarcely a foot deep. These scouts323 had killed buffalo and brought in backloads of it. To travel with horses for a dozen miles, through snow five or six feet deep and crusted, was quite impossible, and Ross was bitterly discouraged. Nevertheless, he determined that this was the best way to cross the mountains, and sent the men back to camp, with instructions to greatly modify their story for the ears of the people. The outcome of it was that, after much counselling and more or less quarrelling, the party started to break a103 way through this snow-covered plateau. It proved much more difficult than even Ross had supposed, but by working with horses and men and using wooden mallets to break the crust, and shovels324 to cut the way, they at length, thirty-three days from the time they reached that camp and after twenty-one days’ extraordinary labor, got through the snow and came out on the other side, where there was feed for the horses and game for the men. Now, however, they were in the enemy’s country, for it was here that the Blackfeet were constantly travelling about, and just beyond here that McDonald had lost seven of his men the year before.
Just after they came down out of the mountains, they crossed the trail made by Lewis and Clark up the middle fork of the Missouri, nearly twenty years before.
After they had passed beyond the snow, they found beaver extraordinarily abundant in certain localities. At one place they took ninety-five beaver in a single morning and sixty more during the same day. But, as they continued to go down the mountains, the beaver became more scarce, but the snow was less. The young grass had started, and buffalo were enormously abundant, though at this time not fat. Blackfeet and Piegan war roads were constantly crossed, and fresh tracks of men and horses often seen. These signs made Ross more and more vigilant, and presently he discovered that his Iroquois were turning out their horses to wander among the hills, and although104 he warned them against repeating this, they paid little attention to the warning. Under such carelessness it was evident that any war-party discovering the trappers would have no difficulty in running off the animals. These, though nominally325 belonging to the individuals who used them, had been obtained on credit from the company, and if they were stolen, the loss would be the company’s. Only a day or two later, Martin, an Iroquois, was discovered to have turned loose six horses, whereupon Ross sent out for the horses, took them back into his own charge, gave Martin credit for the horses, and proceeded to move camp. Martin and his family remained sitting by the fire. However, the other Iroquois brought them along on some of their horses, and at night old men came to Ross to intercede326 with him, begging him to give back the horses to Martin. After much persuasion327 he did so, and the example was not forgotten either by the Iroquois or by others of the trappers.
The party proceeded eastward328 with disappointing results, for they found few beaver. Before long, therefore, they turned back, and, passing over the divide between the Salmon329 and Goddin Rivers, Ross sent off eight men to trap it downstream, but made them leave their horses behind, in order that they might more readily conceal156 themselves from the enemy, for Piegan Blackfeet were thought to be in the country. Meantime, the main party went off to John Day’s Valley to supply themselves with buffalo meat, for recently105 game had been scarce and they had been wasteful of food when they had passed through a country of abundance.
From a camp in Day’s Valley, two men were sent to Goddin River to bring back the eight who had been trapping there, and these messengers, carelessly advancing toward a smoke, which they took to be the fire of their own people, walked into the camp of a Piegan war-party. Their horses were captured, but the men threw themselves into the undergrowth and escaped by creeping along the margin330 of the river under its banks, which were overgrown with bushes. In the middle of the second night, they reached the camp in rags, with moccasins wholly worn out. A party of thirty-five started in pursuit of the Piegans. They did not overtake them, but found the eight trappers safe. They had slept within half a mile of the Piegan camp, neither party being aware of the presence of the other.
Passing over high, rough country, and pestered331 by the Iroquois, who spent most of their time in trying to get away from the main party, they reached the Rivière aux Malades. Ross now thought it best to let the Iroquois go off and hunt by themselves, but not all of them wished to go, and two of those who had given most trouble—Grey and Martin—preferred to remain with the main party. On the Malades River, there were good signs of beaver, and in one place they counted one hundred and forty-eight poplar trees cut down by that animal, in a space less than one hundred106 yards square. The first night they got fifty-two beaver, but were troubled by the rising and the falling of the water, caused, of course, by the melting of the snows on the mountains.
One afternoon a Piegan war-party, discovered approaching the camp, caused the greatest excitement. They did not attack, and presently Ross went out to meet them, gave them some tobacco, and told them to remain where they were. There were ninety-two Indians, and after a time Ross invited them to the camp, where they passed the night in smoking, dancing, and singing. Ross secured the Piegan arms, ordered forty of their horses hobbled and put in with the traders’ horses, and thus provided against any hostile action. These Piegans claimed to be on a peace mission to the Shoshoni, and denied all knowledge of the horses taken from the two trappers only a few days before. Ross believed that they felt themselves too few to attack his party and planning to give them a fright, he seized two of their horses and four of their guns, to repay the loss of the horses and traps on Goddin River. The Piegans were humble332 and apologetic and denied everything, and finally Ross returned their property and gave them a little tobacco and ammunition. They went off in separate parties, but before they disappeared in the mountains all gathered together again.
A little later another Piegan war-party came to the camp in Ross’s absence; but he returned before they had entered the camp. There were one hundred and107 ten of these, but they were badly armed, having only twenty-three guns and little or no ammunition. They professed333 to be friendly, and declared that they were not trying to take the property of the whites; for two nights before they had come into the camp and gone about among the horses, and had left evidences of their presence by moving a piece of meat which was roasting at the fire, and by rubbing two spots of red paint on a riding saddle at one of the tent doors. The chief who talked with Ross seemed so honest and frank that he was given some ammunition, tobacco, and a knife, and the two parties separated in a very friendly manner. Only a little later, they came across a Snake camp, to which also had come a number of Cayuse chiefs, and here were held ceremonial smokes and speeches, of a most friendly character.
Dropping down Reid’s River and trapping constantly, the party at last reached another great Snake camp. By this time they had 1,855 beaver. In this neighborhood there was more or less trouble. The Indians practised all sorts of stratagems334 to secure the horses of the trappers, and did succeed in getting ten of them, eight of which were later returned. The natives also took a number of traps. Moreover, as they were not punished for what they did, their boldness grew, and at last an Indian picked up a bundle and when it was taken from him by force, he strung his bow and threatened to shoot the man. Ross gave his people much good advice, and pointed out that if they108 would stick together they were perfectly335 able to cow the Snakes; but they must act together. His plan was to capture and hold ten of the Indians’ horses as security for property that had been taken. They went out and caught the horses, and when they returned with them to the camp, finding two Indians there, they counted out one hundred bullets, and loaded their cannon, letting the Indians see what was being done, and sent a message to the camp that as soon as the stolen traps had been delivered, they would give up the horses.
“When the two Indians had returned with the message to their camp, I instructed my people to have their arms in readiness, in such a position that each man could have his eye upon his gun, and could lay hold of it at a moment’s warning; but to appear as careless as if nothing was expected. That if the Indians did come, as they certainly would, to claim their horses, and insisted on taking them, I would reason the matter with them; and when that failed, I would give the most forward of them a blow with my pipe stem, which was to be the signal for my people to act. The moment, therefore, the signal was given, the men were to shout according to Indian custom, seize, and make a demonstration336 with their arms; but were not to fire, until I had first set the example. During this time there was a great stir in the Indian camp; people were observed running to and fro, and we awaited the result with anxiety.
109 “Not long after, we saw a procession of some fifty or sixty persons, all on foot and unarmed, advancing in a very orderly manner towards our camp; in front of which was placed our big gun, well loaded, pointed, and the match lit. My men were in the rear, whistling, singing, and apparently337 indifferent. On the Indians coming up to me and another man, who stood in front to receive them near to where the horses were tied, I drew a line of privilege, and made signs for them not to pass it. They, however, looked very angry, and observed the line with reluctance, so that I had to beckon248 to them several times before I was obeyed, or could make them understand. At last they made a sort of irregular halt.
“I then made signs for the Indians to sit down; but they shook their heads. I asked where was Ama-ketsa; but got no satisfactory reply. One of the fellows immediately introduced the subject of the horses, in very fierce and insolent338 language; I however, to pacify339 him, and make friends, spoke kindly340 to them, and began to reason the matter, and explain it to them as well as I could; but the fellow already noticed, being more forward and daring than the rest, sneered341 at my argument, and at once laid hold of one of the horses by the halter, and endeavoured to take it away without further ceremony. I laid hold of the halter, in order to prevent him, and the fellow every now and then gave a tug342 to get the halter out of my hand; the others kept urging him on, and they were the more110 encouraged, seeing my people did not interfere42; the latter were, however, on the alert, waiting impatiently for the signal, without the Indians being in the least aware of it. Beginning to get a little out of humour, I made signs to the Indian, that if he did not let go, I would knock him down; but, prompted no doubt by the strong party that backed him, and seeing no one with me, he disregarded my threat by giving another tug at the halter. I then struck him smartly on the side of the head with my pipe stem, and sent him reeling back among his companions; upon which my men sprang up, seized their arms, and gave a loud shout! The sudden act, with the terror conveyed by the cocking of so many guns, so surprised the Indians that they lost all presence of mind; throwing their robes, garments, and all from them, they plunged headlong into the river, and swam with the current till out of danger, every now and then popping up their heads and diving again, like so many wild fowl343! In less than a minute’s time, there was not a soul of the embassy to be seen about our camp! Never was anything more decisive.
“It may be satisfactory to the reader to know what kind of pipe stem it was that one could strike a heavy blow with. The pipe-bowls generally used, both by Indians and Indian traders, are made of stone, and are large and heavy; the stems resemble a walking-stick more than anything else, and they are generally of ash, and from two-and-a-half to three feet long.
111 “We had intended removing camp the same day; but after what had happened, I thought it better to pass another day where we were, in order to give the Snakes as well as ourselves an opportunity of making up matters. Not a soul, however, came near us all that day afterwards, and we were at a loss to find out what was going on in the Snake camp. I therefore got about twenty of my men mounted on horseback, to take a turn round, in order to observe the movements of the Indians, but they having brought me word that the women were all employed in their usual duties, I felt satisfied.
“During the following day, ten persons were observed making for our camp, who, on arrival, spread out a buffalo robe, on which was laid all our stolen traps! some whole, some broken into several pieces, which they had been flattening344 for knives; the whole rendered almost useless to us. Ama-ketsa, who had not been present at the affray of the preceding day, accompanied this party, and made a long and apparently earnest apology for the loss of our traps, and the misunderstanding that ensued; but he did not forget to exculpate345 his own people from all blame, laying the odium of the whole affair on the Banatees. We knew the contrary: the War-are-ree-kas were the guilty parties, and perhaps Ama-ketsa himself was not altogether innocent; at least, some of his people said so. We, however, accepted the apology, and the traps, as they were; and delivering up all the horses, treated the112 chief with due honours, satisfied that the business ended so well.
“The chief had no sooner returned to his camp with the horses, than a brisk trade was opened; the Indians, men, women, and children, coming to us with as much confidence as if nothing had happened. On the next morning, while we were preparing to start, one of my men fell from his horse and broke his thigh; we, however, got it so set, as not to prevent our removal. Although everything wore the appearance of peace, yet I thought it necessary to take precautions, in order to avoid any trouble with the natives in passing their camp. I therefore appointed ten men mounted on horseback to go before, the camp followed in order after, while myself and twenty men brought up the rear; and all was peace and good order.”
After a wide round from here they found themselves again on the Malades River, where thirty-seven of the people were poisoned, apparently by beaver meat, and it was from this circumstance that the river got its name. Just beyond this, they captured a Bannock, by whom they were told that the beavers with the white flesh—supposedly poisonous—were always roasted by the Indians and never boiled; unless roasted the meat was bad.
At a point on the Bear River the travelling party observed two animals apparently playing in the water, and on approaching the place these were found to be black bears, one of which was shot. They found113 that the bears were apparently hunting a beaver which was found concealed in the shoal water, and the signs seemed to indicate that this was a hunting-place where the bears often came to kill beaver.
Returning to Canoe Point, they rested for a couple of days. Their horses, which, of course, were unshod, had become very tender-footed, and they provided moccasins—so to speak—for no less than twenty-seven head. This, of course, is an old Indian practice. Not far from here they found buffalo in great numbers, and began to kill and dry meat, and just here Ross gives interesting testimony346 with regard to some characteristics of the buffalo which is worth repeating in these days, when the buffalo are no longer with us:
“While on the subject of buffalo, we may notice that there is perhaps not an animal that roams in this, or in the wilds of any other country, more fierce and formidable, than a buffalo bull during the rutting season: neither the Polar bear, nor the Bengal tiger, surpass that animal in ferocity. When not mortally wounded, buffalo turn upon man or horse; but when mortally wounded, they stand fiercely eyeing their assailant, until life ebbs347 away.
“As we were travelling one day among a herd, we shot at a bull and wounded him severely—so much so, that he could neither run after us, nor from us; propping348 himself on his legs, therefore, he stood looking at us till we had fired ten balls through his body, now and then giving a shake of the head. Although114 he was apparently unable to stir, yet we kept at a respectful distance from him; for such is the agility349 of body and quickness of eye, and so hideous350 are the looks of buffalo, that we dared not for some time approach him: at last, one more bold than the rest went up and pushed the beast over;—he was dead! If not brought to the ground by the first or second shot, let the hunter be on his guard! The old bulls, when badly wounded and unable to pursue their assailant, prop6 themselves, as we have seen, and often stand in that position till dead; but the head of a wounded bull, while in an upright position, is invariably turned to his pursuer; so if the hunter be in doubt, let him change his position, to see if the bull changes his position also. The surest mark of his being mortally wounded and unable to stir, is, when he cannot turn his head round to his pursuer; in that case, you may safely walk up and throw him down.
“The wild cow calves351 generally at one period, and that period later by a month than our tame cattle; then they all, as if with one accord, withdraw themselves from the mountains and rocks, and resort in large families to the valleys, where there is open ground, with small clumps352 of wood affording shelter and preservation353; as there they can see the approach of an enemy from afar. The cows herd together in the centre, and the bulls graze in the distance: all in sight of each other.
“The calving season is May, when the heat of the115 sun is sufficiently354 strong for the preservation of their young in the open air; during which time the herd feeds round and round the place as if to defend the young calves from the approach of an enemy or from wolves. The resident Indian tribes seldom hunt or disturb the buffalo at this season, or before the first of July. The Indians often assured me, that, during the calving season, the bulls keep guard; and have been frequently known to assemble together, in order to keep at a distance any wolves, bears or other enemies, that might attempt to approach the cows.”
A party sent after the Iroquois, who had gone off to trap by themselves, returned on the 14th of October, bringing with them not only the ten Iroquois but also seven American trappers. The Iroquois had had their usual success. They had no beaver, no traps, were naked and destitute355 of almost everything, and were in debt to the American trappers for having been brought to the Three Tetons. According to their story, they had been attacked by a war-party and robbed of nine hundred beaver, all their steel traps, and twenty-seven horses. Ross had the small satisfaction of saying to them, “I told you so,” but this did not bring back the lost property. On the other hand, other stories were told by certain of the Iroquois, which suggested that perhaps the Iroquois had sold their beaver to the Americans.
It was not long before another war-party made its appearance, causing the usual excitement and alarm,116 but these proved to be Nez Percés who had started for the Blackfeet to steal horses. Before they got there, the Blackfeet discovered and ambushed356 them, killing six of the Nez Percés.
The newcomers warned Ross that enemies were about, and as the trapping party was just about to enter a narrow valley, Ross with thirty-five men set out to examine it before the main party entered. They had looked it partly over, when they saw distant Indians hurrying to cover, and pursued them. The strangers got into the timber. The trappers asked the Indians to come out of the woods and smoke, and the Indians invited them to come into the woods and smoke; but neither party accepted the invitation. The Indians claimed to be Crows, but Ross believed they were Blackfeet. The traders picked up some robes, arms, and moccasins, thrown away in flight, which they left near the hiding-place of the Indians, and were just about to return, when, as they were mounting, they saw what looked like a large party of people coming. They made preparations for a fight, and then discovered that the approaching body consisted of a large band of horses, driven by four men. Ross with fifteen men charged toward the horses, whose drivers fled, leaving the herd. Among the horses were forty-three which belonged in Ross’s camp and one of those taken from the two trappers sent as messengers to the Goddin River party. The trappers overtook and captured three of the Indians and took them back to the camp.117 There a court-martial was held and the three captives were condemned357 to die, but Ross the next morning succeeded in letting them escape.
The return to the Flathead House was devoid358 of any special events save those of ordinary prairie and mountain travel. On the way they had to pass through deep snows and across frozen rivers where the ice was not always safe, and at one such point they lost a horse, and two of the men came near sharing its fate. They reached there the last of November.
The results of the trip amounted to five thousand beaver, exclusive of other furs—a very successful summer.
In a note appended to a brief vocabulary of the Snake language given by Ross he makes the following interesting prophecy: “I can state with undiminished confidence, that the Snake country towards the Rocky Mountains is, and will be, rich in furs for some generations to come, and full of interest to men of enterprise. Indeed, the dangers by which it was then, and still is, in a more or less degree, surrounded, will always tend to preserve the furs in that inland quarter.”
Little more than two generations have passed, and the fur in what used to be the Snake country has absolutely disappeared. The dangers from Indians have long been forgotten, though among the Indians toward the coast the tradition of the terrible Blackfeet yet persists, and they still speak of the Blackfeet as “bad people.”
The following spring Governor Simpson wrote to118 Ross, asking him to try and procure359 two Indian boys to be educated at the Red River Colony. Ross succeeded in getting a Kutenai and a Spokane boy, each ten or twelve years old. They were given up by the Indians with great regret. One of the fathers said: “We have given you our hearts—our children are our hearts; but bring them back again to us before they become white men—we wish to see them once more Indians—and after that, you can make them white men, if you like.” The Kutenai boy died after two or three years at school, but some years later the Spokane boy returned to his people. He did not turn out very well.
The next spring Ross started to Spokane House to turn in his furs, and then finally to leave the fur trade. Here he met Governor Simpson, who promised him a situation in Red River Colony until such time as he should be able to establish himself. The governor started back with the party. The return journey was long and laborious360. Isolated361 parties of Indians were met, in all of whom Ross took keen interest. He gives a graphic362 description of travel through mountains, and draws a picture which gives some idea of the difficulties of the journeys made by these early travellers, and of the hardihood and endurance of those who performed them.
Little does the traveller of the present day, hurrying along by train, or by steamboat, comprehend the constant labor of those early days.
They were journeying on foot up the course of a winding363, rushing river:
119 “When the current proves too strong or the water too deep for one person to attempt [to cross] it alone, the whole join hands together, forming a chain, and thus cross in an oblique364 line, to break the strength of the current; the tallest always leading the van. By their united efforts, when a light person is swept off his feet, which not unfrequently happens, the party drag him along; and the first who reaches the shore always lays hold of the branches of some friendly tree or bush that may be in the way; the second does the same, and so on till all get out of the water. But often they are no sooner out than in again; and perhaps several traverses will have to be made within the space of a hundred yards, and sometimes within a few yards of each other; just as the rocks, or other impediments bar the way. After crossing several times, I regretted that I had not begun sooner to count the number; but before night, I had sixty-two traverses marked on my walking-stick, which served as my journal throughout the day.
“When not among ice and snow, or in the water, we had to walk on a stony315 beach, or on gravelly flats, being constantly in and out of the water: many had got their feet blistered365, which was extremely painful. The cold made us advance at a quick pace, to keep ourselves warm; and despatch was the order of the day. The Governor himself, generally at the head, made the first plunge74 into the water, and was not the last to get out. His smile encouraged others, and his120 example checked murmuring. At a crossing-place there was seldom a moment’s hesitation366; all plunged in, and had to get out as they could. And we had to be lightly clad, so as to drag less water. Our general course to-day was north-east, but we had at times to follow every point of the compass, and might have travelled altogether twenty miles, although in a direct line we scarcely advanced eight. The ascent367 appeared to be gradual, yet the contrary was indicated by the rapidity of the current. After a day of excessive fatigue, we halted at dusk, cooked our suppers, dried our clothes, smoked our pipes, then, each spreading his blanket, we laid ourselves down to rest; and, perhaps, of all rest, that enjoyed on the voyage, after a hard day’s labour, is the sweetest.
“To give a correct idea of this part of our journey, let the reader picture in his own mind a dark, narrow defile, skirted on one side by a chain of inaccessible368 mountains, rising to a great height, covered with snow, and slippery with ice from their tops down to the water’s edge. And on the other side, a beach comparatively low, but studded in an irregular manner with standing and fallen trees, rocks, and ice, and full of drift-wood; over which the torrent369 everywhere rushes with such irresistible370 impetuosity, that very few would dare to adventure themselves in the stream. Let him again imagine a rapid river descending371 from some great height, filling up the whole channel between the rocky precipices372 on the south and the no121 less dangerous barrier on the north. And lastly, let him suppose that we were obliged to make our way on foot against such a torrent, by crossing and recrossing it in all its turns and windings373 from morning till night, up to the middle in water,—and he will understand that we have not exaggerated the difficulties to be overcome in crossing the Rocky Mountains.”
At last the party reached the summit of the Rocky Mountains, and passing by the Rocky Mountain House, took canoes. Here they found Joseph Felix Larocque, and from here they went on down the Athabasca in canoes to Jasper House and to Fort Assiniboine; and there again changing to horses, at last reached Edmonton. This was then the centre of a great trade, and was under charge of Mr. Rowan, chief factor of the Hudson Bay Company, and earlier a partner in the Northwest Company.
The further journey back toward the Red River was marked by the meeting, near Lake Bourbon—Cedar Lake—with Captain Franklin and Dr. Richardson on their overland Arctic expedition.
At Norway House Governor Simpson stopped, while Ross was to keep on eastward. Governor Simpson, after again trying to persuade Ross to remain in the service of the company, made him a free grant of one hundred acres of land in the Red River Settlement, and paid him many compliments on his efficiency and success in the Snake country.
With a party of twenty-seven people, a motley crew122 of incompetents374, Ross started from Norway House for Red River. He quotes an interestingly boastful speech by an ancient French voyageur:
“‘I have now,’ said he, ‘been forty-two years in this country. For twenty-four I was a light canoe-man; I required but little sleep, but sometimes got less than I required. No portage was too long for me; all portages were alike. My end of the canoe never touched the ground till I saw the end of it. Fifty songs a day were nothing to me. I could carry, paddle, walk, and sing with any man I ever saw. During that period, I saved the lives of ten bourgeois, and was always the favourite, because when others stopped to carry at a bad step, and lost time, I pushed on—over rapids, over cascades, over chutes; all were the same to me. No water, no weather, ever stopped the paddle or the song. I have had twelve wives in the country; and was once possessed375 of fifty horses, and six running dogs, trimmed in the first style. I was then like a bourgeois, rich and happy: no bourgeois had better-dressed wives than I; no Indian chief finer horses; no white man better-harnessed or swifter dogs. I beat all Indians at the race, and no white man ever passed me in the chase. I wanted for nothing; and I spent all my earnings376 in the enjoyment377 of pleasure. Five hundred pounds, twice told, have passed through my hands; although now I have not a spare shirt to my back, nor a penny to buy one. Yet, were I young again, I should glory in commencing the same career again.123 I would gladly spend another half-century in the same fields of enjoyment. There is no life so happy as a voyageur’s life; none so independent; no place where a man enjoys so much variety and freedom as in the Indian country. Huzza! huzza! pour le pays sauvage!’ After this cri de joie, he sat down in the boat, and we could not help admiring the wild enthusiasm of the old Frenchman. He had boasted and excited himself, till he was out of breath, and then sighed with regret that he could no longer enjoy the scenes of his past life.”
On the journey there was excitement enough, storms and running aground—usual incidents of canoe travel—but at last they reached Red River, and Ross’s fur trading journeys were over.
点击收听单词发音
1 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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2 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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3 cascades | |
倾泻( cascade的名词复数 ); 小瀑布(尤指一连串瀑布中的一支); 瀑布状物; 倾泻(或涌出)的东西 | |
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4 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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5 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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6 prop | |
vt.支撑;n.支柱,支撑物;支持者,靠山 | |
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7 fore | |
adv.在前面;adj.先前的;在前部的;n.前部 | |
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8 parley | |
n.谈判 | |
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9 parleys | |
n.和谈,谈判( parley的名词复数 ) | |
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10 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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11 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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12 valor | |
n.勇气,英勇 | |
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13 derided | |
v.取笑,嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14 mortified | |
v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 );伤害(人的感情);克制;抑制(肉体、情感等) | |
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15 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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16 random | |
adj.随机的;任意的;n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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17 hind | |
adj.后面的,后部的 | |
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18 alley | |
n.小巷,胡同;小径,小路 | |
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19 incur | |
vt.招致,蒙受,遭遇 | |
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20 lessened | |
减少的,减弱的 | |
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21 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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22 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
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23 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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24 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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25 racing | |
n.竞赛,赛马;adj.竞赛用的,赛马用的 | |
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26 sullen | |
adj.愠怒的,闷闷不乐的,(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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27 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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28 tremor | |
n.震动,颤动,战栗,兴奋,地震 | |
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29 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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30 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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31 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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32 jeering | |
adj.嘲弄的,揶揄的v.嘲笑( jeer的现在分词 ) | |
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33 cape | |
n.海角,岬;披肩,短披风 | |
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34 rugged | |
adj.高低不平的,粗糙的,粗壮的,强健的 | |
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35 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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36 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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37 apprehensive | |
adj.担心的,恐惧的,善于领会的 | |
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38 remonstrance | |
n抗议,抱怨 | |
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39 strutting | |
加固,支撑物 | |
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40 jeeringly | |
adv.嘲弄地 | |
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41 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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42 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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43 wretches | |
n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 );可怜的人;恶棍;坏蛋 | |
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44 ascend | |
vi.渐渐上升,升高;vt.攀登,登上 | |
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45 villain | |
n.反派演员,反面人物;恶棍;问题的起因 | |
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46 downwards | |
adj./adv.向下的(地),下行的(地) | |
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47 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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48 admonishing | |
v.劝告( admonish的现在分词 );训诫;(温和地)责备;轻责 | |
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49 soothe | |
v.安慰;使平静;使减轻;缓和;奉承 | |
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50 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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51 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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52 harangued | |
v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53 harangue | |
n.慷慨冗长的训话,言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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54 fickle | |
adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的,不坚定的 | |
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55 squatted | |
v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 );非法擅自占用(土地或房屋);为获得其所有权;而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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56 beavers | |
海狸( beaver的名词复数 ); 海狸皮毛; 棕灰色; 拼命工作的人 | |
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57 beaver | |
n.海狸,河狸 | |
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58 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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59 hazardous | |
adj.(有)危险的,冒险的;碰运气的 | |
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60 plied | |
v.使用(工具)( ply的过去式和过去分词 );经常供应(食物、饮料);固定往来;经营生意 | |
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61 gambling | |
n.赌博;投机 | |
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62 whooping | |
发嗬嗬声的,发咳声的 | |
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63 huddled | |
挤在一起(huddle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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64 grunting | |
咕哝的,呼噜的 | |
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65 growling | |
n.吠声, 咆哮声 v.怒吠, 咆哮, 吼 | |
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66 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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67 beads | |
n.(空心)小珠子( bead的名词复数 );水珠;珠子项链 | |
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68 harangues | |
n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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69 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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70 jeered | |
v.嘲笑( jeer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71 bustle | |
v.喧扰地忙乱,匆忙,奔忙;n.忙碌;喧闹 | |
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72 restive | |
adj.不安宁的,不安静的 | |
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73 brute | |
n.野兽,兽性 | |
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74 plunge | |
v.跳入,(使)投入,(使)陷入;猛冲 | |
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75 plunged | |
v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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76 trot | |
n.疾走,慢跑;n.老太婆;现成译本;(复数)trots:腹泻(与the 连用);v.小跑,快步走,赶紧 | |
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77 gallop | |
v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔;飞速发展 | |
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78 bridle | |
n.笼头,束缚;vt.抑制,约束;动怒 | |
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79 reined | |
勒缰绳使(马)停步( rein的过去式和过去分词 ); 驾驭; 严格控制; 加强管理 | |
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80 galling | |
adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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81 ridge | |
n.山脊;鼻梁;分水岭 | |
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82 tilt | |
v.(使)倾侧;(使)倾斜;n.倾侧;倾斜 | |
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83 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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84 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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85 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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86 depredations | |
n.劫掠,毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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87 buffalo | |
n.(北美)野牛;(亚洲)水牛 | |
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88 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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89 gnawed | |
咬( gnaw的过去式和过去分词 ); (长时间) 折磨某人; (使)苦恼; (长时间)危害某事物 | |
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90 fatigued | |
adj. 疲乏的 | |
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91 caressing | |
爱抚的,表现爱情的,亲切的 | |
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92 credulous | |
adj.轻信的,易信的 | |
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93 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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94 frolicsome | |
adj.嬉戏的,闹着玩的 | |
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95 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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96 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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97 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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98 gorged | |
v.(用食物把自己)塞饱,填饱( gorge的过去式和过去分词 );作呕 | |
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99 wasteful | |
adj.(造成)浪费的,挥霍的 | |
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100 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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101 conflagration | |
n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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102 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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103 bourgeois | |
adj./n.追求物质享受的(人);中产阶级分子 | |
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104 grumbling | |
adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
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105 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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106 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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107 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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108 tribal | |
adj.部族的,种族的 | |
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109 reconciliation | |
n.和解,和谐,一致 | |
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110 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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111 tact | |
n.机敏,圆滑,得体 | |
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112 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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113 bustling | |
adj.喧闹的 | |
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114 greasy | |
adj. 多脂的,油脂的 | |
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115 lodge | |
v.临时住宿,寄宿,寄存,容纳;n.传达室,小旅馆 | |
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116 viands | |
n.食品,食物 | |
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117 profusion | |
n.挥霍;丰富 | |
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118 festive | |
adj.欢宴的,节日的 | |
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119 helping | |
n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的,辅助的 | |
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120 sleek | |
adj.光滑的,井然有序的;v.使光滑,梳拢 | |
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121 canine | |
adj.犬的,犬科的 | |
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123 trespass | |
n./v.侵犯,闯入私人领地 | |
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124 offender | |
n.冒犯者,违反者,犯罪者 | |
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125 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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126 brawl | |
n.大声争吵,喧嚷;v.吵架,对骂 | |
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127 awl | |
n.尖钻 | |
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128 dormant | |
adj.暂停活动的;休眠的;潜伏的 | |
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129 fleas | |
n.跳蚤( flea的名词复数 );爱财如命;没好气地(拒绝某人的要求) | |
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130 cargo | |
n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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131 thronging | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
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132 baboon | |
n.狒狒 | |
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133 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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134 brass | |
n.黄铜;黄铜器,铜管乐器 | |
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135 rascal | |
n.流氓;不诚实的人 | |
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136 sneaked | |
v.潜行( sneak的过去式和过去分词 );偷偷溜走;(儿童向成人)打小报告;告状 | |
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137 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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138 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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139 axe | |
n.斧子;v.用斧头砍,削减 | |
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140 pint | |
n.品脱 | |
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141 extraordinarily | |
adv.格外地;极端地 | |
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142 elk | |
n.麋鹿 | |
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143 elks | |
n.麋鹿( elk的名词复数 ) | |
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144 otters | |
n.(水)獭( otter的名词复数 );獭皮 | |
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145 grouse | |
n.松鸡;v.牢骚,诉苦 | |
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146 sage | |
n.圣人,哲人;adj.贤明的,明智的 | |
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147 thickets | |
n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 );丛状物 | |
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148 thicket | |
n.灌木丛,树林 | |
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149 scampered | |
v.蹦蹦跳跳地跑,惊惶奔跑( scamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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151 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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152 woe | |
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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153 scrambling | |
v.快速爬行( scramble的现在分词 );攀登;争夺;(军事飞机)紧急起飞 | |
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154 enraged | |
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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155 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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156 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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157 mustered | |
v.集合,召集,集结(尤指部队)( muster的过去式和过去分词 );(自他人处)搜集某事物;聚集;激发 | |
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158 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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159 eyebrows | |
眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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160 animation | |
n.活泼,兴奋,卡通片/动画片的制作 | |
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161 clamorous | |
adj.吵闹的,喧哗的 | |
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162 dressing | |
n.(食物)调料;包扎伤口的用品,敷料 | |
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163 skull | |
n.头骨;颅骨 | |
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164 anatomy | |
n.解剖学,解剖;功能,结构,组织 | |
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165 catching | |
adj.易传染的,有魅力的,迷人的,接住 | |
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166 knolls | |
n.小圆丘,小土墩( knoll的名词复数 ) | |
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167 scatter | |
vt.撒,驱散,散开;散布/播;vi.分散,消散 | |
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168 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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169 circuitous | |
adj.迂回的路的,迂曲的,绕行的 | |
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170 scampering | |
v.蹦蹦跳跳地跑,惊惶奔跑( scamper的现在分词 ) | |
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171 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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172 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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173 amazement | |
n.惊奇,惊讶 | |
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174 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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175 thigh | |
n.大腿;股骨 | |
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176 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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177 jaw | |
n.颚,颌,说教,流言蜚语;v.喋喋不休,教训 | |
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178 ornament | |
v.装饰,美化;n.装饰,装饰物 | |
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179 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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180 boycott | |
n./v.(联合)抵制,拒绝参与 | |
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181 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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182 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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183 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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184 ratified | |
v.批准,签认(合约等)( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185 spacious | |
adj.广阔的,宽敞的 | |
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186 penetrate | |
v.透(渗)入;刺入,刺穿;洞察,了解 | |
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187 rumors | |
n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 );[古]名誉;咕哝;[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 );[古]名誉;咕哝;[古]喧嚷 | |
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188 sporadic | |
adj.偶尔发生的 [反]regular;分散的 | |
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189 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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190 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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191 herds | |
兽群( herd的名词复数 ); 牧群; 人群; 群众 | |
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192 herd | |
n.兽群,牧群;vt.使集中,把…赶在一起 | |
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193 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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194 eddies | |
(水、烟等的)漩涡,涡流( eddy的名词复数 ) | |
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195 cypresses | |
n.柏属植物,柏树( cypress的名词复数 ) | |
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196 stunted | |
adj.矮小的;发育迟缓的 | |
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197 badger | |
v.一再烦扰,一再要求,纠缠 | |
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198 mound | |
n.土墩,堤,小山;v.筑堤,用土堆防卫 | |
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199 laden | |
adj.装满了的;充满了的;负了重担的;苦恼的 | |
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200 browsed | |
v.吃草( browse的过去式和过去分词 );随意翻阅;(在商店里)随便看看;(在计算机上)浏览信息 | |
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201 ridges | |
n.脊( ridge的名词复数 );山脊;脊状突起;大气层的)高压脊 | |
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202 uncommon | |
adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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203 hue | |
n.色度;色调;样子 | |
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204 hordes | |
n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 );部落 | |
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205 scent | |
n.气味,香味,香水,线索,嗅觉;v.嗅,发觉 | |
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206 browsing | |
v.吃草( browse的现在分词 );随意翻阅;(在商店里)随便看看;(在计算机上)浏览信息 | |
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207 galloping | |
adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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208 backwards | |
adv.往回地,向原处,倒,相反,前后倒置地 | |
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209 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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210 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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211 stockade | |
n.栅栏,围栏;v.用栅栏防护 | |
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212 pickets | |
罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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213 warehouses | |
仓库,货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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214 cannons | |
n.加农炮,大炮,火炮( cannon的名词复数 ) | |
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215 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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216 muskets | |
n.火枪,(尤指)滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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217 mortar | |
n.灰浆,灰泥;迫击炮;v.把…用灰浆涂接合 | |
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218 outfit | |
n.(为特殊用途的)全套装备,全套服装 | |
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219 canyon | |
n.峡谷,溪谷 | |
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220 importunate | |
adj.强求的;纠缠不休的 | |
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221 gunpowder | |
n.火药 | |
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222 lighting | |
n.照明,光线的明暗,舞台灯光 | |
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223 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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224 vigilant | |
adj.警觉的,警戒的,警惕的 | |
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225 lurking | |
潜在 | |
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226 complement | |
n.补足物,船上的定员;补语;vt.补充,补足 | |
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227 lookout | |
n.注意,前途,瞭望台 | |
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228 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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229 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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230 stationary | |
adj.固定的,静止不动的 | |
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231 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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232 berated | |
v.严厉责备,痛斥( berate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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233 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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234 shrieks | |
n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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235 lamentation | |
n.悲叹,哀悼 | |
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236 gash | |
v.深切,划开;n.(深长的)切(伤)口;裂缝 | |
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237 uproar | |
n.骚动,喧嚣,鼎沸 | |
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238 intoxicated | |
喝醉的,极其兴奋的 | |
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239 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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240 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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241 frantic | |
adj.狂乱的,错乱的,激昂的 | |
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242 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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243 exclamations | |
n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 );感叹;感叹语;感叹词 | |
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244 momentary | |
adj.片刻的,瞬息的;短暂的 | |
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245 subside | |
vi.平静,平息;下沉,塌陷,沉降 | |
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246 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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247 beckoned | |
v.(用头或手的动作)示意,召唤( beckon的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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248 beckon | |
v.(以点头或打手势)向...示意,召唤 | |
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249 acquiescence | |
n.默许;顺从 | |
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250 retaliation | |
n.报复,反击 | |
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251 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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252 gainsay | |
v.否认,反驳 | |
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253 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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254 meditates | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的第三人称单数 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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255 muzzle | |
n.鼻口部;口套;枪(炮)口;vt.使缄默 | |
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256 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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257 backbone | |
n.脊骨,脊柱,骨干;刚毅,骨气 | |
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258 allay | |
v.消除,减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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259 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
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260 rattling | |
adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
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261 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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262 indirectly | |
adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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263 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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264 emaciated | |
adj.衰弱的,消瘦的 | |
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265 allusions | |
暗指,间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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266 merged | |
(使)混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 ); 相融; 融入; 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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267 consolidation | |
n.合并,巩固 | |
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268 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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269 pecuniary | |
adj.金钱的;金钱上的 | |
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270 sterling | |
adj.英币的(纯粹的,货真价实的);n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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271 savings | |
n.存款,储蓄 | |
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272 proprietary | |
n.所有权,所有的;独占的;业主 | |
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273 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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274 mattress | |
n.床垫,床褥 | |
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275 cherubs | |
小天使,胖娃娃( cherub的名词复数 ) | |
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276 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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277 hearty | |
adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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278 prow | |
n.(飞机)机头,船头 | |
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279 kindled | |
(使某物)燃烧,着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 ); 激起(感情等); 发亮,放光 | |
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280 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
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281 ashore | |
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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282 variegated | |
adj.斑驳的,杂色的 | |
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283 collation | |
n.便餐;整理 | |
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284 refreshment | |
n.恢复,精神爽快,提神之事物;(复数)refreshments:点心,茶点 | |
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285 twilight | |
n.暮光,黄昏;暮年,晚期,衰落时期 | |
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286 boisterous | |
adj.喧闹的,欢闹的 | |
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287 drowsiness | |
n.睡意;嗜睡 | |
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288 alacrity | |
n.敏捷,轻快,乐意 | |
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289 creeks | |
n.小湾( creek的名词复数 );小港;小河;小溪 | |
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290 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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291 aptitude | |
n.(学习方面的)才能,资质,天资 | |
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292 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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293 plumes | |
羽毛( plume的名词复数 ); 羽毛饰; 羽毛状物; 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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294 adroitly | |
adv.熟练地,敏捷地 | |
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295 joyful | |
adj.欢乐的,令人欢欣的 | |
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296 binding | |
有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
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297 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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298 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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299 disappearance | |
n.消失,消散,失踪 | |
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300 stratagem | |
n.诡计,计谋 | |
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301 entrap | |
v.以网或陷阱捕捉,使陷入圈套 | |
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302 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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303 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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304 posture | |
n.姿势,姿态,心态,态度;v.作出某种姿势 | |
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305 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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306 whooped | |
叫喊( whoop的过去式和过去分词 ); 高声说; 唤起 | |
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307 intimidating | |
vt.恐吓,威胁( intimidate的现在分词) | |
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308 demons | |
n.恶人( demon的名词复数 );恶魔;精力过人的人;邪念 | |
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309 puffs | |
n.吸( puff的名词复数 );(烟斗或香烟的)一吸;一缕(烟、蒸汽等);(呼吸或风的)呼v.使喷出( puff的第三人称单数 );喷着汽(或烟)移动;吹嘘;吹捧 | |
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310 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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311 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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312 deferred | |
adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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313 gale | |
n.大风,强风,一阵闹声(尤指笑声等) | |
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314 devouring | |
吞没( devour的现在分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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315 stony | |
adj.石头的,多石头的,冷酷的,无情的 | |
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316 superannuated | |
adj.老朽的,退休的;v.因落后于时代而废除,勒令退学 | |
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317 intercept | |
vt.拦截,截住,截击 | |
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318 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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319 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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320 persevered | |
v.坚忍,坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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321 defile | |
v.弄污,弄脏;n.(山间)小道 | |
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322 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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323 scouts | |
侦察员[机,舰]( scout的名词复数 ); 童子军; 搜索; 童子军成员 | |
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324 shovels | |
n.铲子( shovel的名词复数 );锹;推土机、挖土机等的)铲;铲形部份v.铲子( shovel的第三人称单数 );锹;推土机、挖土机等的)铲;铲形部份 | |
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325 nominally | |
在名义上,表面地; 应名儿 | |
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326 intercede | |
vi.仲裁,说情 | |
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327 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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328 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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329 salmon | |
n.鲑,大马哈鱼,橙红色的 | |
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330 margin | |
n.页边空白;差额;余地,余裕;边,边缘 | |
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331 pestered | |
使烦恼,纠缠( pester的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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332 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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333 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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334 stratagems | |
n.诡计,计谋( stratagem的名词复数 );花招 | |
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335 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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336 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
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337 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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338 insolent | |
adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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339 pacify | |
vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒);抚慰 | |
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340 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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341 sneered | |
讥笑,冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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342 tug | |
v.用力拖(或拉);苦干;n.拖;苦干;拖船 | |
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343 fowl | |
n.家禽,鸡,禽肉 | |
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344 flattening | |
n. 修平 动词flatten的现在分词 | |
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345 exculpate | |
v.开脱,使无罪 | |
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346 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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347 ebbs | |
退潮( ebb的名词复数 ); 落潮; 衰退 | |
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348 propping | |
支撑 | |
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349 agility | |
n.敏捷,活泼 | |
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350 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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351 calves | |
n.(calf的复数)笨拙的男子,腓;腿肚子( calf的名词复数 );牛犊;腓;小腿肚v.生小牛( calve的第三人称单数 );(冰川)崩解;生(小牛等),产(犊);使(冰川)崩解 | |
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352 clumps | |
n.(树、灌木、植物等的)丛、簇( clump的名词复数 );(土、泥等)团;块;笨重的脚步声v.(树、灌木、植物等的)丛、簇( clump的第三人称单数 );(土、泥等)团;块;笨重的脚步声 | |
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353 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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354 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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355 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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356 ambushed | |
v.埋伏( ambush的过去式和过去分词 );埋伏着 | |
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357 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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358 devoid | |
adj.全无的,缺乏的 | |
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359 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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360 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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361 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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362 graphic | |
adj.生动的,形象的,绘画的,文字的,图表的 | |
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363 winding | |
n.绕,缠,绕组,线圈 | |
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364 oblique | |
adj.斜的,倾斜的,无诚意的,不坦率的 | |
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365 blistered | |
adj.水疮状的,泡状的v.(使)起水泡( blister的过去式和过去分词 );(使表皮等)涨破,爆裂 | |
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366 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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367 ascent | |
n.(声望或地位)提高;上升,升高;登高 | |
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368 inaccessible | |
adj.达不到的,难接近的 | |
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369 torrent | |
n.激流,洪流;爆发,(话语等的)连发 | |
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370 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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371 descending | |
n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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372 precipices | |
n.悬崖,峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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373 windings | |
(道路、河流等)蜿蜒的,弯曲的( winding的名词复数 ); 缠绕( wind的现在分词 ); 卷绕; 转动(把手) | |
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374 incompetents | |
n.无能力的,不称职的,不胜任的( incompetent的名词复数 ) | |
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375 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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376 earnings | |
n.工资收人;利润,利益,所得 | |
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377 enjoyment | |
n.乐趣;享有;享用 | |
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