At the back of the mind there always exists a sort of unconscious conception of the various contingencies1 that may lie round the corner. It is usually unformulated, but it is there none the less, and at the moment when I was captured I had a very real if confused idea of what was going to happen to me.
The idea was naturally confused because the etiquette2 of surrender is not included in Field Service Regulations, and as it is not with that intention that one originally sets out for France, the matter had not bulked largely in the imagination. But the terrorist had supplied these deficiencies, and he had made it hard to rid oneself of the supposition that one had only to cross a few{19} yards of unowned hollows to find oneself in a world of new values and formul?. As a dim recollection of some previous existence I had carried the image of strange brutalities and assaults, of callous3, domineering Prussians, of Brigadiers with Sadistic4 temperament5. I was fully6 prepared to be relieved of my watch and cigarette-case, and to be prodded7 in the back by my escort’s bayonet.
Instead of that, however, he presented me with a cigar and pretended to understand my French, which is on the whole the most insidious8 of all forms of compliment.
There was also a complete absence of that machine-perfect discipline of which we had heard so much. Several of the German officers had not shaved, men stood to the salute9 with their heels wide apart, and the arrival of a silver epaulette was not the sign for any Oriental prostrations. Beyond the fact that the men wore grey uniforms and smoked ungainly pipes, they strangely resembled an English battalion12 that was carrying on a minor13 local engagement.{20}
The authorities who interviewed us and confiscated14 our correspondence displayed the characteristic magnanimity of the captor; after enlarging on the individual merits of the Entente15 soldier, they proceeded to explain why they themselves were winning the war.
“It’s staff work that counts,” they said. “We’ve got unity16 of command; Hindenburg. You’ve got two generals, Haig and Foch.”
Indeed, everywhere behind the line there was intense gratification, but not so much of the victory-lust that must have inflamed17 them in the early months of the war, but of the weariness that four years had brought, and of the thought that the close of so much misery18 was near. Actual successes (so it appeared) were only the means to an end—it was peace that mattered.
All this was very different from what I had expected. On the way to Battalion Headquarters I had visioned an inquisitional cross-examination. I had expected to{21} be questioned by some fierce-jawed general, who would demand the secrets of the General Staff, which I should heroically refuse. Then he would call for the thumbscrew and the rack, for the cat-o’-nine-tails and the red-hot iron. “Will you speak now?” he would hiss19. But I should remain as ever steadfastly20 loyal. The entire scenic21 panorama22 of the Private of the Buffs had swept before my eye; only a spasm23 of optimism had changed the crisis. Just at the moment when I was being led out to be shot, the general would suddenly relent. His voice would shake, and a quiver would run down his massive frame.
“No, no!” he would say, with out-stretched hand. “Spare him! He’s only a boy, and besides he’s a soldier and, damn it! that’s all that I am myself.”
Actuality, however, refused to reflect the Lyceum stage. The man with the records viewed my presence with complete equanimity24.
“Oh, well,” he said, “it’s no good my{22} asking you any questions. You’d be sure to answer them wrong, and besides, I don’t think you could tell me so very much. Let’s see, you’re in the —— Division, aren’t you? Well, you’ve got the following battalions25 with you.”
And he proceeded to give gratuitous26 information on the most intricate points of organisation27 and establishment, all the hundred and one little things that had been so laboriously28 tabulated29 before the Sandhurst exams., and had afterwards been so speedily forgotten. He knew the number of stretcher-bearers in a battalion, the number of G.S. wagons30 at brigade, and the quantity of red tabs at division. Any one possessing a quarter of his knowledge could have had a staff appointment for the asking.
“Not bad,” he laughed.
It was now two o’clock in the afternoon, and since the barrage31 had opened at three in the morning, none of us had sat down for a moment. We began to entertain hopes of lunch.{23}
“Where are we bound for?” I asked.
“Douai.”
“But we don’t march there to-day, do we?”
“If you can,” he said cheerfully. “But it’s about twenty kilos, and by the time you’ve got to Vitry you probably won’t be sorry to have a rest.”
The prospect32 of a twenty-kilometre march along the unspeakable French roads was anything but encouraging. It was drizzling33 slightly, and there seemed no likelihood of getting any food. In a sad silence we waited, while the scattered34 groups of prisoners were collected into a party sufficiently35 large to be moved off together.
Proceedings36 were at this point considerably37 delayed by a company sergeant-major of the Blankshires who had spent his last moments of liberty near the rum jar; and under its influence he could not rid himself of the idea that he was still in charge of a parade. Nothing would induce him to fall in in the ranks. He persisted in standing38{24} on a bank, from which he directed operations in bucolic39 spasms40, meanwhile treating the Germans with the benevolent41 patronage42 that he had been wont43 to display before the newly-joined subaltern. It was the one flash of humour that that grey afternoon provided.
At last enough stragglers had dribbled44 in, six officers and about a hundred and twenty men, and the march back began.
Nothing could exceed the depression of that evening. The rain began to fall heavily, and through its dim sheets peered the mournful eyes of ruined villages. We marched in silence; Vis-en-Artois, Dury, Torquennes, one by one they were passed, the landmarks45 we had once picked out from the Monchy heights. A stage of exhaustion46 had been reached when movement became mechanical. For twelve hours we had had no food, and no rest for at least sixteen, and to this physical weariness was added the depression that the bleak47 French landscape never fails to evoke—the grey{25} stretches of rolling ground unrelieved by colour; the dead-straight roads lined by tree-stumps, the broken homesteads; and to all this was again added the cumulative48 helplessness that the events of the day had roused; the knowledge of the ignominy of one’s position, and the uncertainty49 of what was to come.
Gradually the succession of broken houses yielded to whole but deserted50 villages; and these woke even more the sense of loneliness, of nostalgia51. Formerly52, on the way back from the line, there was nothing so cheering as to see through the night the first signs of civilisation53. Then they were to the imagination as kindly54 hands welcoming it back to the joys from which it had been exiled. But now the shadowy arms of a distant windmill only served to increase the feeling of banishment55 and separation. Behind us we could hear the dull roll of guns, we could see the flares56 of the Verey lights curving against the sky; and these seemed nearer happiness than the untouched barns.{26}
At last towards ten o’clock we reached Vitry and were herded57 into an open cage. The whole surface of it was a liquid slime, round which men were moving, trying to keep warm. Sleep there was impossible. But at any rate there was something to eat, a cup of coffee, a quarter of a loaf of bread. The German officer received us as a hotel-keeper receives guests for whom he has no beds.
“I am very sorry, gentlemen,” he said; “but you’re only here for one night. But I think I might be able to find you a little room in the hut for the wounded.”
And so tired were we that there was pleasure in the mere58 prospect of a roof; and on a floor covered with lousy straw we passed the night in snatches of sleep, disturbed every moment by the tossing of cramped59 limbs, and by the presence of muddy boots driven against one’s face, and brawny60 Highlanders sprawling61 across one’s chest. But in that state of exhaustion these troubles were remote—for a while at{27} any rate we could be still; and in the waking moments there lay no venom62 even in the recurring63 thought that on the next morning we should have to begin our march afresh.
§ 2
At Douai we spent four days of incorrigible64 prolixity65 in a small house behind the bank. There was absolutely nothing to do. We had no books: we could not write. There was no chess-board, and the only pack of cards was two aces66 short. All we could do was to sleep spasmodically, and try not to remember that we were hungry.
It was an impossible task. There was nothing else to think about. There was no chance of forgetting how little we had had for breakfast. Slowly we dragged from meal to meal.
For breakfast we got a cup of coffee made from chestnuts67, and an eighth of a loaf of bread. For lunch there was a bowl of vegetable soup. For supper another cup{28} of coffee, and another eighth of a loaf. Each morning there was an infinitesimal issue of jam. That comprised our entire ration10.
We also had nothing to smoke.
There was nothing for it but to lie on our beds, with every road of thought leading to the same gate. One remembered the most minute details of dinners enjoyed on leave. A steaming array of visionary dishes passed continually before the eyes. One thought of the tins of unwanted bully68 stacked at the foot of dugouts. And for myself there was the bitter recollection of three untouched parcels that I had received on the eve of capture.
“To think of it,” I said, “a whole haggis, two cakes, four tins of salmon69!”
“Appalling!” echoed the others.
“And to think that the Jerrys have got it!”
“Don’t talk about it, man; let’s forget.”
But there was no escape.
“As a perfume doth remain
In the folds where it hath lain,”
{29}
so lingered the thoughts of those untouched delicacies70.
The only interesting features of our day were the talks we had with one of the German interpreters. It was the first time that any of us had a chance of discovering their attitude towards the Entente, and it was interesting to see how closely their propaganda had followed our own lines.
To our accounts of atrocities71 in Belgium, the Germans had retorted with stories about the Russian invasion of East Prussia. By them the employment of native troops against white men was represented as an offence against humanity as gross as the use of gas. Nothing, moreover, would shake their belief that France and Russia were the aggressors. To the interpreter it was a war of self-defence. There is no doubt that his faith in this was absolutely sincere.
But what really touched him most closely was the propaganda of our Press.
“Surely you cannot believe,” he said, “that we are an entire nation of barbarians72?{30} Whatever our quarrels, you surely ought to allow that we are human beings. If it had not been for your newspaper chiefs,” he added, “the war would have been over in 1916.”
It was the one point on which he was really bitter.
One morning we were standing in the courtyard, and a German orderly was chopping up wood for our fires. It was a bit cold, and to keep himself warm one of the officers went over to help him.
The interpreter turned to the rest of us and said: “Now then, if your John Bull could get hold of a photograph of that, he’d print huge headlines, ‘Ill-treatment of British Officers. Made to chop up wood for German soldiers.’”
It was at Douai that we discovered for the first time the German habit of putting dictaphones in prisoners’ rooms. Ours was attached to the electric light appliances and masqueraded as a switch wire. But if any one listened to our conversation,{31} they can have heard very little to interest them, save perhaps sundry73 strings74 of unsavoury epithets75 preceding the word “Boche.”
From Douai we moved to Marchiennes; half of the way by tram. Every time we stopped, French women crowded round us bringing cigarettes and tobacco.
“It is not allowed,” said the German sergeant-major, “but I shall be blind.”
Material comforts were even fewer at our new resting-place. There were eight of us and we were put in a large, draughty barn, with bed-boards covered with bracken that was unspeakably lousy. There were no rugs or blankets of any description, and the nights were miserably76 cold. The eight days we spent there were the worst of our whole captivity77. The food, consisting mainly of a stew78 of bad fish and sauerkraut, was at times uneatable. Indeed, things would have gone very badly with us, had we not managed to make friends with one of our guard. He was very small and very grubby, and{32} introduced himself to us one morning when the commandant was not about.
“Me Alsacian,” he said. “English, French, kamarades. Prussians, ugh! nix.”
From this basis of common sympathies negotiations79 proceeded as smoothly80 as linguistic81 difficulties permitted. He told us that, if we wanted food, the only way was to apply to the Maire. He himself would carry the letter.
Two hours later he returned with a loaf of bread and a packet of lard. It seemed a banquet, and for the rest of our stay he brought us, if not a living, at any rate an existing ration, and on the day that we moved he even came on to the station carrying a sack of provisions.
Our train journey provided an admirable example of official negligences. For officialdom is the same all the world over. In England it was like a game of “Old Maid”; and so it was here. To the commandant at Marchiennes eight prisoners were only so many cards to be got rid of as quickly as{33} possible. As soon as they had been put in a train, and the requisite82 number of buff sheets dispatched, his job was at an end. What happened in the course of transmission mattered not at all.
And so the eight of us, with two German sentries84, were put in a train at Marchiennes at ten o’clock on a Monday morning. We had rations11 for one day, and we reached Karlsruhe, our destination, at 7 p.m. on the Thursday. In this respect our experience is that of every other prisoner that I have met; only we, by being a small party, fared better than most.
First of all, in regard to our sentries. As there were so few of us, we soon managed to get on friendly terms with them. They were a delightful85 couple. One of them was medically unfit, and had never been in the trenches86. He was mortally afraid of his own rifle, and at the first opportunity unloaded it. The responsibility of a live round in the breech was too great.
The other was old and kindly, with the{34} Iron Cross; and like all men who have seen war, loathed87 it thoroughly88.
“Englander and German,” he said, “trenches, ah, blutig; capout; here alles kameraden; krieg, nix mehr.”
And at every station he tried to get food out of the authorities. He was not very successful. Only once, at Louvain, did he manage to raise some bully beef and bread, and if we had had to rely on official largess, we should have been very thin by the time we reached Karlsruhe. But luckily, through being a small party, we were able to benefit from the generosity89 of the Belgian civilians91 at a small village called Bout-Merveille, who showered on us bread and eggs and cigarettes.
But for all that the journey was tedious beyond words. We were crowded in a third-class carriage, with unpadded seats. We had nothing to read. Wherever the train stopped at a siding it remained there for any period from four to seven hours; it did all its movement by night, and for at{35} least ten hours of daylight presented us with a stationary92 landscape. It seemed as though it would never end. Nor did our arrival in Germany afford any diversion. Another traditional conception “went west.” We had all vaguely93 expected to receive some insult or brutality94 at the hands of the civilian90 population. But no old men spat83 on us, no hectic95 women attacked us with their hair-pins. Instead of that they regarded us with a friendly curiosity.
“Cheer up!” one girl said to us. “The war’ll soon be over. You will be back in four months.”
It was the same here as behind the line. Peace—nothing else mattered. The Germans had suffered so much personally that they had ceased to nourish the collective loyalties96 of world power and empire. They no longer wanted to conquer the world, they wanted to be at peace; and to this end their victories in the field seemed the shortest way. The short snatches of conversation{36} that we had with civilians on Heidelberg Station were all in this key. Peace would come in four months. Beyond that they had no ambitions. They no longer shared the megalomania of their rulers.
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1
contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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sadistic
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| adj.虐待狂的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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6
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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prodded
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| v.刺，戳( prod的过去式和过去分词 )；刺激；促使；（用手指或尖物）戳 | |
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8
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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10
ration
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| n.定量(pl.)给养，口粮；vt.定量供应 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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13
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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14
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15
entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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16
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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17
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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21
scenic
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| adj.自然景色的，景色优美的 | |
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panorama
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| n.全景，全景画，全景摄影，全景照片[装置] | |
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spasm
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| n.痉挛，抽搐；一阵发作 | |
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equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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26
gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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tabulated
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| 把（数字、事实）列成表( tabulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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31
barrage
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| n.火力网，弹幕 | |
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32
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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drizzling
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| 下蒙蒙细雨，下毛毛雨( drizzle的现在分词 ) | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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39
bucolic
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| adj.乡村的；牧羊的 | |
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40
spasms
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| n.痉挛( spasm的名词复数 )；抽搐；（能量、行为等的）突发；发作 | |
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41
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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42
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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dribbled
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| v.流口水( dribble的过去式和过去分词 )；（使液体）滴下或作细流；运球，带球 | |
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45
landmarks
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| n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 )；目标；（标志重要阶段的）里程碑 ~ (in sth)；有历史意义的建筑物（或遗址） | |
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46
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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47
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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48
cumulative
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| adj.累积的，渐增的 | |
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49
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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50
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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51
nostalgia
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| n.怀乡病，留恋过去，怀旧 | |
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52
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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53
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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54
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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55
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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56
flares
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| n.喇叭裤v.（使）闪耀( flare的第三人称单数 )；（使）（船舷）外倾；（使）鼻孔张大；（使）（衣裙、酒杯等）呈喇叭形展开 | |
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57
herded
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| 群集，纠结( herd的过去式和过去分词 )； 放牧； （使）向…移动 | |
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58
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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59
cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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brawny
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| adj.强壮的 | |
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sprawling
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| adj.蔓生的，不规则地伸展的v.伸开四肢坐[躺]( sprawl的现在分词 )；蔓延；杂乱无序地拓展；四肢伸展坐着（或躺着） | |
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venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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incorrigible
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| adj.难以纠正的，屡教不改的 | |
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prolixity
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| n.冗长，罗嗦 | |
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aces
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| abbr.adjustable convertible-rate equity security (units) 可调节的股本证券兑换率；aircraft ejection seat 飞机弹射座椅；automatic control evaluation simulator 自动控制评估模拟器n.擅长…的人( ace的名词复数 )；精于…的人；（ 网球 ）（对手接不到发球的）发球得分；爱司球 | |
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chestnuts
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| n.栗子( chestnut的名词复数 )；栗色；栗树；栗色马 | |
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bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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strings
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| n.弦 | |
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epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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stew
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| n.炖汤，焖，烦恼；v.炖汤，焖，忧虑 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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smoothly
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| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
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linguistic
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| adj.语言的，语言学的 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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spat
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| n.口角，掌击；v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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loathed
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| v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的过去式和过去分词 )；极不喜欢 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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hectic
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| adj.肺病的；消耗热的；发热的；闹哄哄的 | |
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loyalties
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| n.忠诚( loyalty的名词复数 )；忠心；忠于…感情；要忠于…的强烈感情 | |
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