I. The Early Hymn1 Writers
The first mention of Christian3 Latin hymns by a known author occurs in the writings of St. Jerome who states that Hilary, Bishop4 of Poitiers (c. 310-366), a noted5 author of commentaries and theological works, wrote a Liber Hymnorum.[1] This collection has never been recovered in its entirety. Hilary’s priority as a hymn writer is attested6 by Isidore of Seville (d. 636) who says:
Hilary, however, Bishop of Poitiers in Gaul, a man of unusual eloquence7, was the first prominent hymn writer.[2]
More important than his prior claim is the motive8 which actuated him, the defense9 of the Trinitarian doctrine10, to which he was aroused by his controversy11 with the Arians. A period of four years as an exile in Phrygia for which his theological opponents were responsible, made him familiar with the use of hymns in the oriental church to promote the Arian heresy12. Hilary wrested13 a sword, so to speak, from his adversaries14 and carried to the west the hymn, now a weapon of the orthodox. His authentic15 extant hymns, three in number, must have been a part of the Liber Hymnorum. Ante saecula qui manens, “O Thou who dost exist before time,” is a hymn of seventy verses in honor of the Trinity; Fefellit saevam verbum factum te, caro, “The Incarnate16 Word hath deceived thee (Death)” is an Easter hymn; and Adae carnis gloriosae, “In the person of the Heavenly Adam” is a hymn on the theme of the temptation of Jesus.[3] They are ponderous17 in style and expression and perhaps too lengthy18 for congregational use since they were destined19 to be superseded20.
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In addition to these the hymn Hymnum dicat turba fratrum, “Let your hymn be sung, ye faithful,” has been most persistently21 associated with Hilary’s name. The earliest text occurs in a seventh century manuscript. It is a metrical version of the life of Jesus in seventy-four lines, written in the same meter as that of Adae carnis gloriosae.[4]
Pope Damasus, a Spaniard by birth (c. 304-384), is believed to have written hymns in addition to the Epigrams on the martyrs22 which constitute his authentic poetry. It would seem probable that his activities in identifying and marking the sites associated with the Roman martyrs might have been supplemented by the production of hymns in their honor. Two hymns bearing his name are extant, one in praise of St. Andrew the Apostle and one for St. Agatha. Upon internal evidence the ascription is dubious24 for they bear the mark of authorship too late to be considered among the poems of this famous Pope.
As a matter of fact, Ambrose, Bishop of Milan (340-397), remains25 the uncontested originator of the medieval Latin hymn as it becomes familiar to us in a uniform series of metrical stanzas26 adapted to congregational use. Like Hilary, Ambrose was born in Gaul.[5] He was the son of Ambrose, Prefect of the Gauls, and like his father he attained27 official appointment under the Roman government as Consular28 of Liguria and Aemilia, with Milan as place of residence. Theological controversy between the Arians and the orthodox was raging at Milan, the Bishop himself, Auxentius, having adopted the Arian position. Ambrose at this time was a catechumen but at the death of Auxentius was obliged to preserve order when the election of his successor took place. At that very moment the popular mandate29 created Ambrose Bishop of Milan at the age of thirty-four years. The period immediately following his election found him constantly battling for orthodoxy in a contest which passed beyond the limits of theological debate to the actual siege of orthodox churches by the Arian forces.
Ambrose was acquainted with the Syrian practice of hymn singing, and like Hilary, he recognized the effective use of the hymn by the proponents30 of the Arian heresy. It was not long before the congregations in the basilica at Milan were chanting antiphonally the praises of the Trinity in a similar form. Ambrose himself recorded his achievement, his biographer 3 Paulinus mentions the event and Augustine in his Confessions31 describes the congregational singing which he himself had heard.
We, though as yet unmelted by the heat of Thy Spirit, were nevertheless excited by the alarm and tumult32 of the city. Then it was first instituted that according to the custom of the eastern regions, hymns and psalms33 should be sung, lest the people should faint through the fatigue34 of sorrow.[6]
Ambrose wrote hymns appropriate for morning and evening worship, four of which now extant, can be proved to be of his authorship, Aeterne rerum conditor, “Maker of all, eternal King,” Deus creator omnium, “Creator of the earth and sky,” Iam surgit hora tertia, “Now the third hour draws nigh,” and Veni redemptor gentium, “Come Redeemer of the earth.”[7] Many others in keeping with his style and inspiration have been preserved and subjected to critical study with the result that eighteen hymns on varied35 themes are generally conceded to be Ambrosian. Had Ambrose never conferred upon the church his gift of hymnody he would still remain one of the great Latin Fathers of the fourth century, in his functions as statesman, organizer and scholar. His contribution to ecclesiastical poetry and music have made him influential36 century after century. In this role he has spoken directly to multitudes of Christians37 throughout the world, many of whom have been unacquainted with his name or unaware38 that they were following the Ambrosian tradition of congregational song. (See Illustrative Hymns, I. Splendor39 paternae gloriae, “O Splendor of God’s glory bright.”)
Spain shares the honors with Gaul as the birthplace of the earliest hymn writers, claiming first Damasus and then Prudentius, (348-413?), a lawyer, judge and poet of his era. Little is known of his life aside from his literary work which includes two collections of hymns, the Cathemerinon, a series for the hours of the day and the ecclesiastical seasons and the Peristephanon, a series of much longer poems in praise of the great martyrs of the early church. In his effort to learn more of the circumstances attending their martyrdom, Prudentius went to Rome to visit the scenes made sacred by their death and sufferings. Neither of these collections was written for liturgical40 use but for devotional reading. Both were destined to be appropriated by compilers of hymnaries, especially in Spain. 4 Hymns from the Cathemerinon, either in their original form or in centos, spread throughout the Christian church while the martyr23 hymns were also drawn41 upon but to a lesser42 extent. The hymns selected for festival use are perhaps most familiar today, for example, for Advent43, Corde natus ex parentis ante mundi exordium, of which the translation “Of the Father’s love begotten,” suggests the original meter. The Epiphany hymn, O sola magnarum urbium, “Earth hath many a noble city,” is also well known.[8]
Considered merely as Latin poetry, the hymns of Hilary, Ambrose and Prudentius are transitional in their literary character. They belong neither to the poetry of the Silver Age of Latin literature nor do they represent the medieval literary tradition. Of the metrical aspect something will be said presently. By some the Ambrosian hymn is regarded as a daring innovation and the model from which vernacular44 European verse was later to develop. In that case, it constitutes a class by itself. For evidence of the continuity of Latin poetry from the classical to the medieval age we must turn to the Carmina of Venantius Fortunatus.
Fortunatus (c. 530-600) was born near Treviso and lived as a youth in northern Italy, studying at Ravenna. The greater part of his life, however, was spent in Gaul which he visited first as a pilgrim to the shrine45 of St. Martin at Tours, who, he believed, had been instrumental in restoring his eyesight. At Poitiers he met Queen Rhadegunda, wife of Clothair, King of Neustria. She had founded a convent at Poitiers and there lived in retirement46. This was his introduction to a life of travel and of intercourse47 with the great. He was acquainted with bishops48, noblemen and kings whose praises he sang in many graceful49 tributes, occasional poems and epitaphs. Through the influence of Rhadegunda, his lifelong patron and friend, he was ordained50, and after her death he became Bishop of Poitiers, 597, where he lived until his death. As a churchman he was an admirer and biographer of the saints of Gaul, preeminently St. Martin whose life and miracles he recounted in poetic51 form.
Fortunatus seems to have carried with him from the Italian scenes associated with the poetry of Virgil—an inspiration which was never entirely52 lost. His poems suggest a familiarity with the literary background of classical verse. During his mature life he lived in the environment of sixth century Gallic society which was already assuming its medieval 5 Frankish outlines. Natural beauty and human companionship were alike important to him. He was acquainted with men and women of every degree from the monarch53 to the slave.
Although the spirit of religious devotion and of orthodox belief is evident in many of the hundreds of lyrics55 which he composed, four only may be classed as hymns. Three of these are concerned with the theme of the Holy Cross, Pange lingua, gloriosi proelium certaminis, “Sing, my tongue, the glorious battle,” Vexilla regis prodeunt, “The banners of the king advance,” and Crux56 benedicta nitet, “Radiant is the blessed cross.” The fourth, Tempora florigero rutilant distincta sereno, “Season of luminous57 days, marked bright with the birth of the flowers,” is a Resurrection hymn.[9] It is impossible to indicate here the extraordinary influence which this group of hymns has exerted in the evolution of Christian hymnody, continuing in Gaul the tradition, as it were, which Hilary first established. The circumstances of their origin and their lasting58 values will be considered in connection with processional hymns in Chapter VI.
(See Illustrative Hymns, II. Vexilla regis prodeunt, “The banners of the king advance.”)
II. Metrical Forms
The problem of metrical forms and the prosody59 of the earliest Latin hymns, in general, is a phase of the same problem affecting Latin poetry as a whole. The subject is both complicated and obscure, entangled60 with that of Latin rhetorical prose style, the transition from the quantitative61 accent of ancient classical poetry to the stress accent of medieval and modern verse and with the origin of rhyme. It is a problem for specialists among whom opinions are now divergent. Toward a practical understanding of the metrical values of the hymns of Hilary, Prudentius, Ambrose and Fortunatus, the pragmatic test of what is singable may be applied62. The ancient balanced rhythms of Semitic poetry as illustrated63 in the Hebrew psalms had been sung for generations. The metrical lyrics of ancient Greece were sung to an instrumental accompaniment as were the Latin lyrics of the Golden Age of Rome. These highly polished classical forms were for the elite64. Of popular poetry which was sung in the period immediately 6 preceding the appearance of the Latin hymn, very little is known. The early writers were experimenters. Hilary used classical meters with alterations65, of which the trochaic tetrameter catalectic proved most acceptable.[10] It is illustrated in Adae carnis gloriosae and also in hymns by Prudentius and Fortunatus. Prudentius used a variety of meters in addition to the trochaic which proved adaptable66 in actual liturgical practice but by that time stress accent was beginning to obscure the original quantitative values. Ambrose used the unrhymed iambic dimeter, a simple and singable form which has been in vogue67 ever since, at first unrhymed after the original models and later rhymed. The popular trochaic meter familiarized by Hilary, Prudentius and Fortunatus, when transformed by stress accent and rhyme, is easily recognized both in Latin and the vernaculars68. Fortunatus popularized the elegiac meter in hymns for a thousand years by demonstrating its use in Tempora florigero. Prior to the ninth century revival69 of hymnody, the Ambrosian hymn, considered as a metrical model, in comparison with all other existing models, dominates the field equally with its prestige as an expression of Christian theology and devotion.
III. Hymns in Worship
It is evident that the fourth century was one of innovation in the custom of congregational singing as the Ambrosian hymn was more widely diffused70. Our knowledge of what actually took place is very incomplete, based first upon the writing of Ambrose and his contemporaries and later upon the hints derived71 from monastic usage. That morning and evening services of prayer and praise were common is well known. That the singing of the new fourth century hymns was an integral part of such services is largely assumed. Prudentius wrote hymns for the evening ceremony of the lucernare or lighting72 of the candles, a Christian practice adopted from the Greek church, to which many references are found. The fact that the hymns of Prudentius were in existence long before they appeared in the records of formal worship points to early Christian usage, however dimly perceived.
Concerning music we learn from the most recent researches that “nothing definite is known of the melodies that were actually applied to 7 the hymns of St. Ambrose.”[11] The traditional liturgical music of Milan is known as the Ambrosian Chant. It cannot be traced to Ambrose himself but is supposed to have existed in a simpler form than that which appears in available manuscripts beginning with the twelfth century. At least it may be said to have existed prior to the Roman Chant and perhaps have influenced the latter. With a frank acknowledgement of ignorance as to the antiphonal melodies which thrilled St. Augustine at Milan, the possibility must be admitted that they reflected to some extent the formal music of the synagogue or the music of the Greeks or the elements of contemporary folk music because these were the musical materials of which the Christians had experience. All three may have been represented, but for a hymn of the Ambrosian type, the chant as evolved in rendering73 the Gospels or the Psalms may have given place to a form of song more characteristic of the lyric54.
IV. Themes
The tradition of Christian hymnology which upholds a way of life is fundamental in Ambrosian and contemporary hymns. The “way” is the first term by which Christianity was designated in the Scriptures74. Thus to the Scriptures the hymn writers turned for the living characterization of their themes. The call to a virtuous75 life is sounded in Splendor paternae gloriae quoted above. Similarly throughout these hymns, the high ideal of faith, purity, hope, patience, humility76 and love and the ethical77 teachings derived from the words of Jesus and from the early exemplars of the Christian religion are clearly expressed and enjoined78. Not alone for contemporaries in a period of crisis and controversy were these hymns effective. They have continued to speak the same words in the same spirit of joy and devotion derived from contact with the earlier springs of faith to every succeeding century.
The writings of men familiar with Roman civilization and trained in classical culture would naturally be presumed to retain the flavor of a non-Christian literature. Christianity had already appropriated from the pagan philosophers those teachings which were congenial to its own. Ambrose reveals both in his poetic and prose writings his acquaintance with classical 8 thought and literary models. Prudentius mingles79 the classical and the Christian. Fortunatus was inspired by classical poetry to a Christian expression of beauty in form and content. But in every case, these characteristics are marginal. The core of their hymns is the scriptural narrative80. Not only is the subject matter faithfully reproduced but the actual text is sometimes embedded81 in the verse. The result is a rare objectivity and a lack of embellishment especially in the works of Ambrose which became the preferred standard for later writers.[12]
The life of Jesus is a favorite theme particularly in those episodes which were described and expanded in hymns for the Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Easter and Pentecost. From the episode of the Nativity the praise of the Virgin82 was developed. The doctrine of the Trinity was everywhere upheld in hymns, even as its defense had been influential in their creation.
The group of hymns which praise the early Christian leaders, either directly or by incidental mention, form a nucleus83 for the impressive medieval hymnology of the saints. The Apostles have first place both in chronology and importance. Prudentius praised the Roman martyrs and Ambrose those of Rome and Milan as well. Both honored Laurence the Deacon and Agnes the Virgin. To the praise of the whole group “the noble army of martyrs,” the hymn Aeterna Christi munera, “The eternal gifts of Christ the King,” was written, unrivalled as a martyr hymn in any period of Latin hymnology.
(See Illustrative Hymns, III. Aeterna Christi munera, “The eternal gifts of Christ the King.”)
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1
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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ponderous
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| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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stanzas
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| 节，段( stanza的名词复数 ) | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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proponents
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| n.（某事业、理论等的）支持者，拥护者( proponent的名词复数 ) | |
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confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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liturgical
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| adj.礼拜仪式的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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vernacular
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| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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lyric
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| n.抒情诗，歌词；adj.抒情的 | |
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lyrics
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| n.歌词 | |
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crux
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| adj.十字形；难事，关键，最重要点 | |
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luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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prosody
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| n.诗体论，作诗法 | |
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entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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quantitative
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| adj.数量的，定量的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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elite
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| n.精英阶层；实力集团；adj.杰出的，卓越的 | |
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alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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adaptable
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| adj.能适应的，适应性强的，可改编的 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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vernaculars
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| n.白话( vernacular的名词复数 )；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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69
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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71
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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72
lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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76
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mingles
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| 混合，混入( mingle的第三人称单数 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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embedded
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| a.扎牢的 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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