On the fifth night the gods and heroes assembled in the city of Rome. Their meeting-place was the Forum1. The eternal city lay dormant2 around them, and Zeus, who had for the time recalled into existence the magnificent temple built in his honour, which used to adorn3 the incomparable centre of Roman might and splendour, sat in front of it, surrounded by the Flamines and the last Pontifex Maximus aided by the last Vestal Virgins4. On the via sacra there was an unending flow of thronging5 Romans and Greeks, and Cicero was seen talking with great animation6 with Julius C?sar, while Augustus seemed to chide7 Tacitus with mild irony8. Cornelius Scipio Africanus was deeply engaged in a conversation with Pericles, and Marcus Antistius Labeo discussed law with Plato. From afar the wind brought the sounds of the bells of the Vatican, at the hearing of which all conversation stopped; and when a few minutes later a choir9 intoned a hymn10 in a neighbouring church, the Pontifex and the Flamines veiled their heads in dumb resignation, and the Vestal Virgins looked up to Zeus as if imploring11 him for help. A pause followed. But soon the moon rose over the majestic12 Palatine hill; the Graces performed a soulful dance, and finally Zeus asked Caius Julius C?sar to entertain them[Pg 135] with his experiences during his third travel in England which, as he said, he had, in addition to his two landings during his mortal life, recently made after nearly two thousand years.
C?sar, standing13 near the house of the Senate of ancient Rome, thus addressed the divine Assembly:
"It is, O Jupiter and all the other gods and heroes, a singular pleasure and honour to me to address you on a topic so important and interesting. When I arrived in England for the third time (—I started from Dunkerque to avoid giving offence to the 112 scholars who have, each to his complete satisfaction, proved 112 different spots on the French coast between Boulogne and Calais wherefrom I am supposed to have started for England in my mortal time—) I was received by no wilder tribe than a few customs officials, who asked me whether I had any cigars in my toga. On my denying it, they searched me, and finding none they let me go. Two hours later I arrived in London, which I found ugly beyond words. I can understand that you, O Canova, cried on seeing it. What struck me most was its surprising silence, which contrasted very strongly with the noise of Rome, or Paris. I mentioned this to a casual acquaintance, who stared at me in despair, exclaiming: 'Silence, sir? Why, the noises of London drive half of us to madness. Here, take that (—he handed me a bunch of printed papers—) read it carefully and join us.' On looking into the papers I found that they contained a prospectus14 of a vast 'Society for the Abatement15 of Street-Noises in London.'
"This made me somewhat thoughtful. It was[Pg 136] quite clear to me that the unattractiveness of London is owing chiefly to its lack of animation, to its silence. I soon found out that silence is the dominating institution of that country. To talk is to infringe16 the principal law of their language. They want to see their language noiselessly, and not to hear it. Hence they constantly read printed language on wooden paper, in a wooden style, on wooden matters. This they call 'the daily Press.' I met one of the chief writers on their most popular paper, and he assured me that the editor solemnly warns each of his contributors not to indulge in any attempt at esprit or brilliancy of any sort; for, should he do so, the editor would be forced to dismiss him forthwith. All that the contributor is allowed to do is to make startling headlines, such as:
'Delicious puddings made out of wood.'
'New aqueducts full of milk for the people.'
'Discovery of wireless18 telegraphy among the ancient Egyptians.'
'Discovery of the pin-cushion to Cleopatra's needles.'
'Trunk murder: a man assassinates19 his widow.'
That same editor, on my asking him why he allowed such crying stupidities in the headlines, and nothing but the most platitudinous20 stuff in the body of the article, gave me the following answer:
"'My dear sir, our public has nerves but no intellect. Hence we work for sudden, rapid shocks to their nerves, and no fatigue21 to their intellect. They not only do not think; they do not want to think. They are practically convinced that thinking[Pg 137] is the perdition of all common-sense. Just let me give you an example. There is among the younger writers one whose mind is singularly suggestive and nimble. He really has something to say, and can say it well. However, unfortunately, he says it in what are, apparently22, contradictory23 and circuitous24 terms. This my readers cannot grasp; it fatigues25 them. They complain of that man's writings as being "heavy," "hard to follow." This is the consequence of the vogue26 of music halls. One may say that the popular University of this country, where the average man gets most of his ideas from, is the music hall. What, then, can we editors do better than imitate the style and substance of the music hall? Shocks to the nerves—and no fatigue to the intellect. Voilà!'
"On my way home I met Columbus. He told me, and no man ever spoke27 with more solid right, that he was the greatest benefactor28 to England. But for him, who by discovering the New World placed England in the very centre of the intelligent and wealthy nations, while formerly29 England was somewhere on the 'other end of all the world'; but for him, he said, England could never have had her unique leverage30. 'You, C?sar,' he added, 'discovered England, as the Vikings discovered America; I did not discover it, I made it. But would you believe me that thousands and thousands of Englishmen have scarcely ever heard my name? They[Pg 138] constantly talk of their race as born to rule. But what would they have ruled without me? The ponds in Lincolnshire. You wonder at their tongue-tiedness. I will tell you what it means. The English are neither talkers nor thinkers; they are almost exclusively men of action; or used to be. They have no intellectual initiative. They have started neither the Renascence, nor the Great Discoveries of my time, nor the Reformation, or the three greatest factors in the formation of modern Europe. All this was first started by us Italians. We can both talk and think and create; but we are not good at actions. The English are good only at action. This is the be-all and end-all of their history. Have you ever seen their Parliament? Do not omit attending it. You will there learn something that no other Assembly can teach you. It rarely contains a great orator31, for oratory32 is of little use in an Assembly with an iron party discipline, and with members every one of whom is amenable33 to no argument that has not had the august privilege of being born in his own mind. And since his mind brings forth17 none, he moves in a vicious circle!'
"'Would you not,' I asked Columbus, 'accompany me to the House of Commons?'
"'Readily,' said the great Genoese. And next day we repaired to the 'first club of the country.'
"The hall was curiously35 unfit for the business of a national Assembly. It is neither large, nor light[Pg 139] enough. The acoustics36 are fair, but superfluous37. For, who cares very much what any member other than himself is saying? In the midst there is a porter's lodge38, in which sits a gentleman in the attire39 of the eighteenth century. This, as behoves a conservative Roman, did not meet with my disapproval40. The only objection I made was that in my opinion he ought to have been clothed in all the various costumes in use since Magna Charta. The English, and the rest of the little ones, in utter contrast to ourselves, constantly vary their dress. We preferred to vary our inner selves.
"The subject of discussion, or rather of a score or so of monologues41, was one of which in my time I have had the amplest experience. They proposed to give weekly a certain sum of money to anyone of their citizens who on reaching his seventieth year had arrived at the end of his financial tether. In my day I had given away millions to the populace, and my imperial successors had gone even very much further. The common people was thereby42 demoralised as is everybody, even parents, who accepts, year in year out, free gifts from a third person or his children. Being demoralised, such a recipient43 of donations becomes inevitably44 the most cruel enemy of his donor45. Nothing contributed more to the downfall of Rome. A nation must consist of free and financially independent citizens, or it loses its most precious asset. How frequently, O Pericles, have you said to me, how much you regretted having introduced the same injurious donations into Athens. But this is the melancholy46 truth of all history: one learns from history one thing only, to wit, that no statesman has ever learned anything from history.
[Pg 140]
"In the midst of my sad reflections I could yet not help being amused by the speech of one member of the governing party, who belonged to that formidable mixture of faddists, formalists, cocksure-ists, and moral precisians who have in this country an influence that we should not have given to the members of the most exalted47 among the Roman patricians48. Much as they are laughed at, they yet have the power of striking dread49 into the public and instilling50 hesitation51 into the feeble nerves of statesmen. The name of the orator in question was, if I am right, Harold Gox. He said:
"'Mr Speaker, it is with a satisfaction and self-complacency new even to me that I beg to submit my remarks on a subject than which there is no greater one; a subject, sir, that has no predicate except that of immensity; an immensity, sir, that exceeds infinitude itself; and last not least, an infinitude vaster than all other infinitudes: a moral infinity52. This country, sir, was built up by morals and righteousness. Righteousness, I say, sir; and I will repeat it: righteousness. How did we come by our Empire? By righteousness. How did our colonists53 occupy vast continents? By righteousness. What was the guiding principle even of our national debt? Righteousness, in that we contracted it mainly by paying the foreigner to help us in beating our immoral54 enemies. Righteousness is the A and the Z of our glorious polity.
"'We cannot help being righteous; it is in us, over us, beside, beneath, and all through us. We have sometimes tried to be unrighteous; but, sir, we could not. It is not given to us, and we have only what is given to us.
[Pg 141]
"'Well then, sir, if that be so, as it undoubtedly55 is, beyond the shadow of a doubt; then I venture to say that any person that opposes the present bill of Old Age Pensions cannot but be an enemy of England, in that he is an enemy of righteousness.
"'What indeed, sir, can be fairer, juster, and more equitable56 than that they who have laboriously57 saved up a few sovereigns, should share them with those that have done everything in their power to have none?
"'Where there is nothing, there is death. Can a country introduce death as a regular constituent59 organ of its life? What in that case would righteousness do? She would blush green with shame, sir. Nothing would remain for her but to leave this country and to go to Germany or Turkey. Could we allow such a disaster? Would it not be necessary to hold or haul her back by ropes, strings60, or any other instrument of our party machinery61?
"'Just, pray, represent to yourself, sir, or to any other person, the actualities of the case. Here is a man of seventy. It is a noble feat62 of honourable63 perseverance64 to reach that age. It is, I make bold to submit, an evident proof of the favour and countenance65 of The Principle of All Righteousness that the man was allowed to proceed so far.
"'He has worked all such days of his long life as he did not spend in reverential contemplation of the works of the Almighty66. Who can blame him for that?
"'I go much further: who can possibly blame him for having focussed his attention rather on the liquid than on the solid bodies of Creation?
[Pg 142]
"'Each man has his own way of saying prayers.
"'Now, after having thus spent a long life in what has at all times been considered the essence of life; or as the ancient Romans used to formulate68 it, after having acted upon the noble doctrine69 of ora et labora (pray and work), he finds himself landed, or rather stranded70 in the wilderness71 of penury72. Sir, such a state of things is untenable, unbearable73, and unrighteous.
"'I know full well that people who have never given righteousness the slightest chance persist in repeating the old fallacy, that a labourer ought to save up for a rainy day. But, pray, sir, is it not perfectly74 clear that this principle is of Egyptian origin, and comes therefore from a country where there is no rain?
"'In England, sir, there are 362 rainy days a year; therefore 3620 rainy days in ten years, 18,100 rainy days in fifty years. How shall, I ask you, that unfortunate labourer, or grocer, or author, save up for 18,100 days? That takes a capital of at least ￡25,000. Well, who has that capital? No one. The nation alone has it. Ergo, the nation must pay for the rain.
"'I have, sir, in my locker75 a great many shots like the preceding, but I will, out of modesty76, not use them all. I will only dwell on one point. Sir, our opponents contend that the money needed for Old Age Pensions is not available unless it be taken from funds much more necessary for the public welfare. Now I ask, which are those funds? The answer I receive is that the nation needs more defensive77 measures against possible invasions on the part of a Continental78 power.
[Pg 143]
"'Sir, on hearing such nonsense one is painfully reminded of what Lord Bacon used to say: "Difficile est satiram non scribere."' (A voice from the Irish bench: 'Juvenal, and not Lord Bacon!') 'Well, Lord Percival, and not Lord Bacon, it amounts to the same.
"'An invasion? Sir, an invasion? How, for goodness' sake, do our opponents imagine such a thing to be possible? I know they say that Lord Roberts has declared an invasion of England a feasible thing. But has Lord Roberts ever invaded England? How can he know? How can anyone know?
"'They refer me to William the Conqueror79. But, sir, is it not evident that William could not have done it had he not been the Conqueror? Being the Conqueror, he was bound to do it. Is there any such William amongst the Williams of the day? I looked them all up in the latest Who's Who—but not one of them came up to the requisite80 conditions.' (A voice: 'William Whiteley!') 'I hear, sir, the name of William Whiteley; and I reply that he is now too "Ltd." to undertake such a grand enterprise.
"'And more than anything else militating in my favour is the fact that the Germans do not so much as dream of doing this country the slightest harm. Look at the relationship between the Kaiser and the King; nephew and uncle. Who has ever heard that a nephew made war on an uncle? Take into consideration how the Kaiser behaved when lately visiting England. Did he not leave huge tips at Windsor? Did he not stroke children's cheeks? Did he not admire our houses? Who else has ever done that? He talked English all day long, and during part of the night. He read the Daily Telegraph and took[Pg 144] his tub every morning. Can there be stronger symptoms of his Anglophile soul?
"'A few weeks after he left England he went so far in his predilection81 of everything English that he even curtailed82 his moustaches.
"'His moustaches, sir, these the beacons83 of the German Empire, the hirsute84 hymn of Teutonia, her anchor, her lightning rod, her salvation85!
"'To talk of such a man's hostile intentions against England is to accuse Dover Cliff, High Cliffe, or Northcliffe, or any other Cliff of base treachery. No, sir, there is no need of new expenses for defence on land; and as to the sea, we have only to follow the Chief Admiral's advice and go to sleep. Our principal force consists of our power to sleep on land as well as on sea. Once asleep, we can spend nothing. In that way there remains86 plenty of money for the Old Age Pensions, that glorious corrective of misery87, that ventilator of property, and distillator of other men's pockets. I have not a word to add; the subject itself talks to every person of sense in a thousand tongues.'
"When the man had ended," C?sar continued, "I asked one of the officials whether the orator was the clown of the house. The official looked daggers88 at me. He explained in a solemn voice that the orator was a staunch Liberal and Cobraite. The latter name was, I learnt, a little mistake in pronunciation; it ought to have been Cobdenite. Cobden, I was told, was a very great man. He succeeded in passing a measure which under the circumstances of his time was not altogether bad, although it drove the people away from the plough to the factories.
"However, he, like our Gracchi, imagined that[Pg 145] what was good for his time must necessarily be good for all times. On the basis of a complete ignorance of the Continent, that is, of the Power that has always been and always will be the real regulator of the fundamental policy of England, Cobden thought he had got hold of an absolute truth, instead of a merely passing and temporary measure. Like all nations that have never gone through social and political cataclysms90 and are necessarily highly conservative, the English are totally lacking in historic perspective. Men of the class of Cobden, or such as the orator I had heard, are like their most renowned91 thinker, Herbert Spencer, absolutely devoid93 of historic thinking. They think in categories of quantity and matter; never in quality made by history.
"Columbus, who was with me, said:
"'You need not be unusually excited over what you see. Each nation cuts a different caper94 to the riddles95 and problems of life. The French, who used to be des hommes, while at present alas96! they are only des omelettes, were in their prime of an aggressive attitude to all that touched them; the Germans were of an idealising temper, while their present mood is rather a tampering97 ideal; the Americans are full of the exploiting fever; and the English invariably take up a posture98 of expectativeness.
"'They pretend to believe what the Spartan99 King Archidamus always said: "One cannot by reasoning disentangle the future." This attitude pays the English best. First they let it be proved by the Spanish, Portuguese100, Dutch, and more particularly by the French that India can be conquered, and then—they take it. Even so with Egypt, Canada,[Pg 146] the West Indies, and South Africa. Expectativeness is their motto.
"'When I came to England trying to persuade them to help me in the discovery of America, they acted the wise Archidamus, and would not give me linen101 for one sail. When I had discovered it, then they took as much of it, and more than they could swallow. This method of expectativeness has had much historic quality, to use your words, O C?sar, for a time. But I am afraid it is beginning to be worn out.
"'I for one know (and have you, and Pericles, and Joan of Arc, and Napoleon, and so many others not told me the same thing when we used to meet, at the wish of Joan, at Rheims Cathedral?), I for one know what these little ones do not even dream of, so infatuated are they with the power of Reason and Science and similar machinery, namely, that our force to forefeel things of the future is far greater, at least in some of us, than our capacity to analyse or comprehend things of the present or the past. Our whole being is not so much an upshot of the past as a projection102 of the future. Hence the astounding103 assurance with which all of us now assembled in Olympus felt in advance what later on we actually did carry out. I should have discovered America had it never existed; as I actually discovered it thinking that I discovered the eastern side of Asia.'
"I very well see," said C?sar, "what you mean. The English have no forefeeling of things to come. They do not note that their whole situation in historic space has in the last generation completely changed, and that therefore their old method of expectativeness, which lived mainly on the blunders[Pg 147] of other nations, has become quite obsolete104. They are where we were after Zama, after the end of the Second Punic War, or the end of the third century B.C., as they say. So they are at the end of their second Hundred Years' War with France. But while we distinctly felt that after the Carthaginians, whom we had defeated, we were inevitably compelled to reduce the Macedonians, and not shrinking from our heavy task we did defeat them, though with tremendous effort; the English do shrink from doing what the uncommon105 sense of the future as well as the common sense of the present but too clearly tell them to do.
"The blunder of France and Spain which was the chief ally of England in former times, I mean, the blunder of these great nations in making war on England only at times when they had four to ten other wars on hand; that capital blunder the dominating Power of this moment will never commit.
"Germany will not embroil106 herself in any Continental war while fighting England. This is indisputable.
"For the first time in modern times England will be at grips with a first-class Continental Power which is in a position to concentrate all her strength on England. This completely novel situation requires completely novel methods of meeting it. Yet, the average Englishman is quite unaware107 of all that. What ruined mighty67 Macedon? Not the lack of a powerful army, since our oldest generals, such as ?milius Paulus, trembled at the thunderlike onslaught of the famous Macedonian phalanx, or infantry108. But instead of joining the Carthaginians full-heartedly while we smarted under the scourge109 of[Pg 148] Hannibal, they misread the whole situation and waited, and waited, until—we were able to concentrate upon them, even to incorporate the best Greek forces in our armies, and the end was disaster for Macedon.
"Just listen to the speech now going on. The Leader of the Opposition110 is speaking.
"'Mr Speaker, I am broadly astonished at the statements of the hon. member for Alarmville, who has just painted the international horizon in tints111 of Indian ink. I cannot imagine where he takes his tints from. Does he want to pose as a political Tintoretto?'
"(Much applause—most members send for the Encyclop?dia Imperialis to find out what Tintoretto means.)
"'The horizon, as everybody knows, is only an imaginary line, and each man has his own horizon. If therefore the horizon of the hon. member be as black as jet, I have not much to say against it, and will send him my condolences. But why should he obtrude112 his horizon on that of all the rest of peace-loving humanity? I also have my horizon.'
"(The hon. member: 'Horizons, if you please.')
"'Horizons? More than one horizon? Perhaps; it probably needs more than one to descend113 to that of the hon. member.'
"(Opposition members: 'Deucedly clever, by Jove!')
"'On my horizon I see no cloud, no vapours, no[Pg 149] foundations of any belief in storms or tempests of any kind. What conceivable reason should the Germans have for attacking us? I fail, I utterly114 fail to see it. I know that my adversaries115 say that whatever reasons Germany may or may not have to attack us, we, these people say, we have a plethora116 of motives117 to attack them. This point, this argument is so devoid of point or argument, that I cannot waste the time of the House in refuting it. It refutes itself. Why should we attack the Germans? Because we have no reasons to do so. That is all that one can advance. Do we want their colonies? Why, we are eternally obliged to them for having taken them and so rid us of a sterile118 investment. Do we want part of Germany? Neither parts nor the whole of it. Have we not ceded119 to them Heligoland? Sir, it is, as I said, impossible to detect a single argument in favour of our attacking Germany. The minds that counsel such a violent measure are influenced by apprehensions120 arising out of future developments. They are anticipative souls to whom the secrets of the future have been revealed by the timorousness121 of the present. I respect souls; I respect timorousness; but I refuse to attribute to it any oracular wisdom. The future is dark, three shades darker than the present, which is impenetrable enough as it is.
"'There remains, then, only the other alternative: Germany seriously means to attack us. Well, sir, let us analyse this statement. What earthly good would such an attack do to the Germans? I hear they covet122 Denmark and Holland, as the natural outlets123 of their Empire which at present is like a muffled124 head; and since England cannot permit their[Pg 150] taking possession of Denmark and Holland, the Germans must fight England. This argument, sir, lacks all the elements of truth. It lacks geographical126 force, historical momentum127, political sense. Denmark, we all know, is quite in the east of Germany between the Elbe river and the Lake of Baikal.'
"(Uproarious hilarity129 in parts of the House. A voice: 'Lake Baikal is in Siberia!')
"'I hear, sir, Lake Baikal is in Siberia. As if I had not known it, sir! I say Baikal as the scientific term of Baltic, which is in reality Bi-Kalic, or rapidly speaking: Baikal.'
"(Opposition members: 'Deucedly clever—he got out of that scrape!')
"'Denmark which, as I said, is in the east of Germany does not muffle125 her at all. It is a highly artistic130 country and in the Bay of Catgut are fished the best strings for violins.'
"(A voice: 'Sound of Kattegat!')
"'I hear, sir, that it is the Sound of Kattegat, but I think every patriotic131 Englishman says Catgut. But to return to my argument: the Germans being very musical, love violins, and consequently love the Kattegat, as the hon. voice says, and love the Danes. As long as the Danes give their fine catguts, the Germans will certainly not think of doing them any harm.'
"(An angry voice: 'But Denmark is in the north of Germany!')
"'I hear, sir, that Denmark has moved from her ancient moorings. If that be so, then I can only conclude that Germany has still less reason to covet the possession of Denmark. For, is it not clear, or[Pg 151] luce clarius, that Denmark is a sort of nightcap to Germany? The Germans themselves typify their nation as a Deutscher Michel (Teuton Michael) with a nightcap on his head. Why, this nightcap is Denmark. The Teuton likes a nightcap.'
"(General laughter.)
"'All Teutons do.'
"(Renewed laughter.)
"'Need I say more?
"'And as to Holland, I am bound to say that it passes my comprehension how anyone can seriously maintain that Germany covets132 Holland. I hear that she covets Holland because it is exasperating133 to a great Power like Germany that the entire delta134 of her greatest river, the Rhine, belongs to a small and hostile Power. It is asked of me, how I, or for the matter of that any Englishman, would like to see the mouth of the Thames in the power of the Belgians? Sir, I should not like to see that, to be sure. But the case is quite different. We English have no river like the Rhine, which in its upper course gives the most generous wine, and in its lower course is nothing but a vile34 combination of hydrogen and oxygen, commonly called water. If, for better illustration, the Thames in her upper course gave the finest whisky——'
"(Great uproar128 among two-thirds of the members, all teetotallers.)
"'Or, I beg your pardon, ginger135 beer or cyder, we should not greatly mind to whom the lower course belonged. But, sir, it is a well-known and a most patriotic fact that the Thames river contains nothing else than water. Water, sir, is the panacea136 of this nation!'
[Pg 152]
"(Violent applause from two-thirds of the House.)
"'Yes, the panacea, the salvation, the resurrection, and the rehabilitation137 of this country.'
"(Cries: 'Righteousness!—Righteousness!')
"'We cannot get enough of it. Water in our throats—in our papers, books, and speeches. Water in our dramas, novels, drugs; water, water—three kingdoms for water!'
"(Wild and frantic138 applause of the whole House.)
"'Now, sir, I maintain all this does not hold good with our friends the Germans. They do drink wine and beer and schnapps. They cannot be without them. Their Rhine gives them wine in plenty in that part of its course which belongs to them. What does it, what can it matter to them to whom the lower part of the Rhine, full of mere89 water, does or does not belong?'
"('Hear! Hear!')
"'The Germans are a practical nation. Does any person; I say more than that, can any person say that the Germans will wage a great war in order to possess themselves of water, when all that time they already have excellent wine? I could understand, sir, that if the Germans occupied the watery139 mouth of the Rhine only, and not its middle and upper course full of noble wine——'
"(Several voices: 'Order! Order! Retract140 noble.')
"'Well, well, the House will allow me to say "noble" wine, inasmuch as wine has not only four or fourteen quarters, but innumerable ones.'
"(Opposition cries: 'Excellent! deucedly clever!')
"'To return to my argument: I could understand that the Germans, if they had only the lower course of the Rhine, would forthwith wage war to acquire[Pg 153] the middle and upper course of the river. We learn from Tacitus that they are a very thirsty nation, and this authentic141 news is, as readers of more modern authors tell me, not given the lie by the contemporary Germans either. But under the existing circumstances the Rhine—or Hock—argument, meant to prove German hostility142, falls into the water near the Dutch border, wherever that may be.
"'There is finally, sir, another so-called argument re Holland and Germany. It is stated that the Germans covet Holland on account of the Dutch colonies in Asia and South America. These colonies, as everybody knows, are exiguous143.'
"(An angry voice: 'About 800,000 English square miles.')
"'I hear, sir, the Dutch colonies are about 800,000 English square miles. Of course, my information is taken from Tacitus; and no doubt since his time some additions have been made to the colonial microcosm of the Dutch. But even if that were so, and if the Dutch actually possessed144 800,000 square miles of colonies, it is quite patent that these colonies, if not exiguous in extent, are exiguous in value: otherwise they would long ago have been governed from Downing Street.'
"(Approving laughter—half of the members smile knowingly, while the other half pat themselves on the backs of their neighbours.)
"'Do you mean to tell me that the Germans will wage an immense war for the sake of what we have not deigned145 to pick up? They are, I know, past masters in the use of offals for purposes of food and drink. But surely in matters of politics they want more than offals.
[Pg 154]
"'At the risk of wearying hon. members I should like to add just a remark or two on another argument of the alarmists. We have seen the Danish argument; the Hock argument; and the Dutch colonies argument. There remains one more: the aerial argument. I hear from my valet that one Chaplin or Zebraline has made a flight or two through the air.'
"(Voices: 'Zeppelin!')
"'I hear, sir, his name is Zeppelin; probably an abbreviation of Mazeppaline, whom Lord Byron has sung so well.'
"(Opposition members: 'Deucedly clever!')
"'The flight of Mazeppa has naturally much agitated146 the Germans, all of whom can read English. If they could not, what else would they read? I have never heard of a German literature.
"'But to resume: the Germans, excited by Mazeppa behold147 in Herr Zeppelin an aerial Mazeppa. That is all, as the French say. But, sir, is it likely that Herr Zeppelin will so perfect his balloon or airship as to make it available for the transportation of an army corps148 or two to England? Suppose he could do so; what would be simpler than to render his aerial landing in this country impossible? We have simply to refuse him a patent for the British Empire, and lo! he can never set foot on the clouds of England.
"'But the alarmists say that even if Zeppelin's airship could not carry over whole army corps, they might very well serve for German scouts149 and spies, who might explore the secret preparations and defensive measures made by this country on land.
"'Well, sir, this apparently strong argument has not an atom of vitality150 in it; and for the simplest[Pg 155] of reasons too. The Germans might send their trustiest Zeppelin No. 10 or No. 50, with their best trained scouts in it. These scouts might pry151 into anything in the shape of military preparations in England; but they will never discover anything.
"'Why, sir, this is why we make no preparations. We do that simply to nullify any possible Zeppelin.'
"('Hear! Hear! Deucedly clever.')
"'Some critics say that we have lost the old bold imperialist spirit. But, sir, is it not evident that we are to-day of a greater military spirit than we ever were formerly? Feeble nations, in order to secure peace, constantly prepare for war; or as the Latin adage152 holds it: "Si vis pacem para bellum." We, on the other hand, make no preparations for war, because we are so strong as to consider war or peace with equal equanimity153. To sum up: the aerial argument has no more force in it than the other arguments of the alarmists. If a modern William the Conqueror should be able to conquer the air, and by a modern battle of Hazetings (deucedly clever!) enter the mid-air of this country, he will find Heroes and not Harolds to contest every square inch of Margate winds, of Lincolnshire rain, or of London smoke. This country, sir, can be subjugated154 neither by land, nor by sea, nor by air. Over these three elements hovers155 and reigns58 supreme156 the indomitable spirit of the race.'
"(Tremendous applause.)
[Pg 156]
"When the speech of the Leader of the Opposition was ended, Columbus turned to me," continued C?sar, "and said: 'I have no doubt, O C?sar, that you are fairly sickened by that speech. But, pray, consider that every word of it was framed and uttered, not to discuss seriously the German danger, but to get back into power. The speaker is neither so ignorant nor so foolish as he appears. He made a special effort to appear absolutely ignorant of geography, because the party in power has won great renown92 by an imposing157 ignorance in that subject. You must not smile. I say deliberately158, imposing. The English hate geography, maps, atlases159, globes. Even in the examinations for the diplomatic service they do not admit geography as a subject.
"'Being convinced of the exclusive importance of their own country, they are simply bored with geographical considerations of any other country. Some time ago it occurred that not one member of the House knew whether British Guiana was an island or a peninsula. Of course, it is neither. It belongs to the bon ton to be ignorant of all geography; that is, to treat Germany or Denmark or Russia as if one spoke of some internal province of the Chinese Empire. For similar reasons, the speaker affected160 not to see the slightest danger from Germany. The party in power was elected by the people mainly on the ground that with the Goody-Goody ones "in," and the Imperialists "out," the people were safe not to be embroiled161 in a European war. In order to take the wind out of the tattered162 sail of Pacifism the speaker acted as if the Germans did not so much as dream of doing England any harm.'
[Pg 157]
"All this is most disheartening," said C?sar. "To treat foreign policy merely as a card in the little game of electioneering is most injurious to the interests of a great country. England, like every other country in Europe, has been made in her Downing Street rather than at the polls or in Committee-rooms. European currents determine the minor163 currents of the home policies of the several countries. You say, and with the utmost right, O Columbus, that you have given the English their most powerful leverage. But would you have thought of doing what you did do, had not a vast event in South-eastern Europe, the coming of the Turk, driven your countrymen to the discovery of a western route, the eastern being closed by the Turk?
"I wish the Parthians in mid-Asia, in my time, had been as strong as the Turks were in your time. We should have had you while I lived, and by the discovery of America over fifteen hundred years before you did discover it, the whole trend of the world's history would have been different. For you would have given this immense new leverage to the Roman Empire instead of to little England. It is rather amusing to hear the English talk of the 'Unspeakable Turk,' a nation to whom they are, if indirectly164, more obliged than to any other nation of the past or present, excepting the French.
"The truth is, that no nation makes itself. It is made by itself only in so far as it reacts against the powerful influence of the others, its neighbours and their neighbours. If these neighbours are feeble, and second-rate nations, the reacting nation itself will remain feeble and second-rate. The greatness[Pg 158] of the present Germans is a veritable godsend to the English, since the decadence165 of the French. By reacting against it properly, England will be newly invigorated.
"The scribblers of the little ones ascribe the downfall of the Empire which I founded to the rottenness of my Romans. How untrue! My Empire decayed because, comprising as it did all the then known civilised nations, it lacked a great adversary166 by reacting against whom it might have reinvigorated itself from time to time. They say the Barbarians167, chiefly the Teutons, overpowered us. Alas! I wish they had been much stronger than they were. They never overpowered us. Had the Greeks and Macedonians been able to concert great military measures against us, we should have been forced to give up the fatal idea of an all-compassing Empire, and should have finally arrived at a fine and vitalising balance of power in the Mediterranean168.
"The English ought to welcome, although to combat the rise of Germany. They imagine that their principal force comes from their colonies. It will come, not from their colonies, which is geographically169 impossible, but from their perennial170 rivalry171 with great Continental Powers. These rivalries172 made England, made her colonies. To give up these rivalries, to cease combating great Continental Powers, will be the end both of England and her Empire. In my time I, together with all my friends, gloried in my long-drawn conquest of Gaul, and my final victory over the leader of the Gauls, Vercingetorix. I now wish I had been defeated at Alesia, and a strong and united Gaul had been established under my unlucky adversary. What[Pg 159] inestimable centre of healthy rivalry would Gaul not have been for us! To try to conquer it was right; to have definitely deprived it of independence was a disaster. Strifeless bliss173 prospers174 only in Olympus."
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
forum
|
|
| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
dormant
|
|
| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
adorn
|
|
| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
virgins
|
|
| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
thronging
|
|
| v.成群，挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
animation
|
|
| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
chide
|
|
| v.叱责；谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
irony
|
|
| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
choir
|
|
| n.唱诗班，唱诗班的席位，合唱团，舞蹈团；v.合唱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
hymn
|
|
| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
imploring
|
|
| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
majestic
|
|
| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
prospectus
|
|
| n.计划书；说明书；慕股书 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
abatement
|
|
| n.减(免)税，打折扣，冲销 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
infringe
|
|
| v.违反，触犯，侵害 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
wireless
|
|
| adj.无线的；n.无线电 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
assassinates
|
|
| v.暗杀( assassinate的第三人称单数 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
platitudinous
|
|
| adj.平凡的，陈腐的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
fatigue
|
|
| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
contradictory
|
|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
circuitous
|
|
| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
fatigues
|
|
| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
Vogue
|
|
| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
benefactor
|
|
| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
leverage
|
|
| n.力量，影响；杠杆作用，杠杆的力量 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
orator
|
|
| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
oratory
|
|
| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
amenable
|
|
| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
vile
|
|
| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
curiously
|
|
| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
acoustics
|
|
| n.声学，(复)音响效果，音响装置 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
superfluous
|
|
| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
lodge
|
|
| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
attire
|
|
| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
disapproval
|
|
| n.反对，不赞成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
monologues
|
|
| n.（戏剧）长篇独白( monologue的名词复数 )；滔滔不绝的讲话；独角戏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
thereby
|
|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
recipient
|
|
| a.接受的,感受性强的 n.接受者,感受者,容器 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
inevitably
|
|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
donor
|
|
| n.捐献者；赠送人；(组织、器官等的)供体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
melancholy
|
|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
exalted
|
|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
patricians
|
|
| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
dread
|
|
| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
instilling
|
|
| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instil的现在分词 )；逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
hesitation
|
|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
infinity
|
|
| n.无限，无穷，大量 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
colonists
|
|
| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
immoral
|
|
| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
equitable
|
|
| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
laboriously
|
|
| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
reigns
|
|
| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
constituent
|
|
| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
strings
|
|
| n.弦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
machinery
|
|
| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
feat
|
|
| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
honourable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
perseverance
|
|
| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
countenance
|
|
| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
almighty
|
|
| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
mighty
|
|
| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
formulate
|
|
| v.用公式表示；规划；设计；系统地阐述 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
doctrine
|
|
| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
stranded
|
|
| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
wilderness
|
|
| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
penury
|
|
| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
unbearable
|
|
| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
locker
|
|
| n.更衣箱，储物柜，冷藏室，上锁的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
modesty
|
|
| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
defensive
|
|
| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
continental
|
|
| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
conqueror
|
|
| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
requisite
|
|
| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
predilection
|
|
| n.偏好 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
curtailed
|
|
| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
beacons
|
|
| 灯塔( beacon的名词复数 )； 烽火； 指路明灯； 无线电台或发射台 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
hirsute
|
|
| adj.多毛的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
salvation
|
|
| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
misery
|
|
| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
daggers
|
|
| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
cataclysms
|
|
| n.（突然降临的）大灾难( cataclysm的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
91
renowned
|
|
| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
renown
|
|
| n.声誉，名望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
devoid
|
|
| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
caper
|
|
| v.雀跃，欢蹦；n.雀跃，跳跃；续随子，刺山柑花蕾；嬉戏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
riddles
|
|
| n.谜（语）( riddle的名词复数 )；猜不透的难题，难解之谜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
alas
|
|
| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
tampering
|
|
| v.窜改( tamper的现在分词 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
posture
|
|
| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
spartan
|
|
| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
Portuguese
|
|
| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
linen
|
|
| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
projection
|
|
| n.发射，计划，突出部分 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
astounding
|
|
| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
obsolete
|
|
| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
uncommon
|
|
| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
embroil
|
|
| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
unaware
|
|
| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
infantry
|
|
| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
scourge
|
|
| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
tints
|
|
| 色彩( tint的名词复数 )； 带白的颜色； （淡色）染发剂； 痕迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
obtrude
|
|
| v.闯入；侵入；打扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
descend
|
|
| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
adversaries
|
|
| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
plethora
|
|
| n.过量，过剩 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
motives
|
|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
sterile
|
|
| adj.不毛的，不孕的，无菌的，枯燥的，贫瘠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
ceded
|
|
| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
apprehensions
|
|
| 疑惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
timorousness
|
|
| n.羞怯，胆怯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
122
covet
|
|
| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
outlets
|
|
| n.出口( outlet的名词复数 )；经销店；插座；廉价经销店 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
muffled
|
|
| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
muffle
|
|
| v.围裹；抑制；发低沉的声音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
geographical
|
|
| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
momentum
|
|
| n.动力，冲力，势头；动量 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
uproar
|
|
| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
hilarity
|
|
| n.欢乐；热闹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
artistic
|
|
| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
patriotic
|
|
| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
covets
|
|
| v.贪求，觊觎( covet的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
exasperating
|
|
| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
delta
|
|
| n.（流的）角洲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
ginger
|
|
| n.姜，精力，淡赤黄色；adj.淡赤黄色的；vt.使活泼，使有生气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
panacea
|
|
| n.万灵药；治百病的灵药 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
rehabilitation
|
|
| n.康复，悔过自新，修复，复兴，复职，复位 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
frantic
|
|
| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
watery
|
|
| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
retract
|
|
| vt.缩回，撤回收回，取消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
authentic
|
|
| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
hostility
|
|
| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
exiguous
|
|
| adj.不足的，太少的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
deigned
|
|
| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
agitated
|
|
| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
behold
|
|
| v.看，注视，看到 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
corps
|
|
| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
scouts
|
|
| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
vitality
|
|
| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
pry
|
|
| vi.窥(刺)探，打听；vt.撬动(开，起) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
adage
|
|
| n.格言，古训 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
equanimity
|
|
| n.沉着，镇定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
subjugated
|
|
| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
hovers
|
|
| 鸟( hover的第三人称单数 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
imposing
|
|
| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
atlases
|
|
| 地图集( atlas的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
affected
|
|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
embroiled
|
|
| adj.卷入的；纠缠不清的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
tattered
|
|
| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
minor
|
|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
indirectly
|
|
| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
decadence
|
|
| n.衰落，颓废 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
adversary
|
|
| adj.敌手，对手 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
barbarians
|
|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
Mediterranean
|
|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
geographically
|
|
| adv.地理学上，在地理上，地理方面 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
perennial
|
|
| adj.终年的；长久的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
rivalry
|
|
| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
rivalries
|
|
| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
bliss
|
|
| n.狂喜，福佑，天赐的福 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
prospers
|
|
| v.成功，兴旺( prosper的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |