I am not ashamed to say that I had been somewhat proud of my name and title, for the words "Police-Court Missionary" meant much to me, and I had loved my work and had suffered for it.
It was doubtless in accordance with the fitness of things that I should retire from the work when I did, for I am getting old, and dead officialism might have crept upon me, and whatever power for good I may have might have been atrophied9. Of such a fate I always felt afraid; mercifully from such a fate I was prevented or delivered.
Still, I sorrowed till time lightened the sense of loss. By-and-by new interests arose, new duties claimed me, and other phases of life interested me. Four years have now lapsed11, a length of time that allows sufficient perspective, and enables me to calmly take stock of the twenty-one years I spent in London police-courts. I do not in this chapter, or in this book, intend to review the whole of those years, but I do hope to make some comparisons of the things of to-day with those of twenty-one years ago.
The comparisons will, I trust, be encouraging, and show that we have progressed in a right direction, and that we are all still progressing. Two days of those years will remain ever with me—the day I entered on my work and the day I gave it up.
Of the latter I will not speak; but as the former opened my eyes to wonders of humanity, and humanity being of all wonders the greatest, I have something to say.
[Pg 3]
The conditions at London police-courts in those days were bad, past conception. No words of mine can adequately describe them, and only for the sake of comparison and encouragement do I attempt briefly12 to portray13 some of the most striking features of those days. Even now I feel faint when I recall the "prisoners' waiting-room," with its dirty floor, its greasy14 walls, and its vile15 atmosphere.
The sanitary16 arrangements were disgusting. There was no female attendant to be found on the premises17.
Strong benches attached to the walls provided the only seats; neither was there separation of the sexes. In this room old and young, pure and impure18, clean and verminous, sane19 and insane, awaited their turn to appear before the magistrate20; for the insane in those days were brought by local authorities that the magistrate might certify21 them, and they sat, too, amongst the waiting prisoners.
The sufferings of a decent woman who found herself in such company in such a room may easily be imagined; but the sufferings of a pure-minded girl, who for some trifling22 offence found herself in like position, cannot be described. The coarse women of Alsatia made jests upon her, and coarse blackguards, though sometimes well dressed, vaunted their obscenity before her. Deformed23 beggars, old hags from the workhouse—or from worse places—thieves, gamblers, drunkards, and harlots, men and women on the verge24 of delirium25 tremens—all these, and others that are unmentionable, combine to make the[Pg 4] prisoners' room a horrid26 memory. Things are far different to-day, for light and cleanliness, fresh air and decency27, prevail at police-courts. At every court there is now a female attendant; the sexes are rigidly28 separated. Children's cases are heard separately; neither are children placed in the cells or prisoners' room.
In those days policemen waited for the men and women who had been in their custody29, and against whom they had given evidence, and, after their fines were paid, went to the nearest public-house and drank at their expense. Hundreds of times I have heard prisoners ask the prosecuting30 policeman to "Make it light for me," and many times I have heard the required promise given and an arrangement made. Sometimes I am glad to think that I have heard policemen give the reply: "I shall speak the truth"; but not often was this straightforward31 answer given.
In this respect a great change has come about, for policemen do not hold a conference with their prisoners in the waiting-room, and it is now a rare occurrence for a policeman to take a drink at his prisoner's expense.
And this improvement is to be welcomed, for it is typical of the improvement that has been going on all round. Gaolers in those days were "civil servants," and were not under police authority; now they are sergeants33 of the police, and under police discipline and authority. The old civil servant gaoler looked down from his greater altitude with something like contempt upon the common policemen, and this often led to much friction34 and unpleasantness. Now things[Pg 5] work smoothly35 and easily, for every police-court official knows his duties and to whom he is responsible.
But a great change has also come over the magistrates37—perhaps the greatest change of all. Doubtless the magistrates of those days were excellent men, but they were not only officials, but official also.
It was their business to mete38 out punishment, and they did it. Some were old—too old for the office. I have seen one sleeping on the bench frequently, and only waking up to give sentence. Once while the justice nodded his false teeth fell on his desk; he awoke with a start, and made a frantic39 effort to recover them. No doubt these men were sound lawyers, but they were representatives of the community as it then existed; there was no sentimentality about them, but they were rarely vindictive40.
The legal profession, too, has changed. Where are the greasy, drunken old solicitors41 that haunted the precincts of police-courts twenty-five years ago? Gone. But they were common enough in those days, and touted43 for five-shilling jobs, money down, or higher prices when payment was deferred44. With droughty throats and trembling limbs, they hastened to the nearest public-house to spend what payment had been given in advance. Here they would remain till their clients were before the magistrate, and would then appear just in time to say: "I appear for the prisoner, your Worship." Horrid old men they were, the fronts of their coats and vests all stained and shiny with the droppings of beer. Frequently the [Pg 6]magistrate, unable to tolerate their drunken or half-drunken maunderings, would order them out of court; but even this drastic treatment had little effect upon them, for the next day, or even on the latter part of the same day, they, apparently45 without shame or humiliation46, would inform his Worship that they were in So-and-so's case, and ask at what time it would be taken—as if, forsooth, their engagements were numerous and important.
The bullying47 solicitor42, too, has disappeared or mended his ways. No longer is he allowed to bully48 and insult witnesses or prosecutors49, and cast scurrilous50 and unclean imputations on the lives and characters of those opposed to him. Generally these fellows were engaged for the "defence."
They one and all acted on the principle that to attack was the best defence. I once heard an athletic52 young doctor ask a solicitor of this kind, who had been unusually insulting, to meet him when the case was over, assuring him also that he would receive his deserts—a good thrashing. The pompous53, ignorant solicitor, with neither wit, words, action, utterance54, nor the power of speech—he, too, has gone. One wondered at the strange fate that made solicitors of such men; wondered, too, how they passed the necessary examinations; but wondered most of all why people paid money for such fellows to defend them. Invariably they made their client's case much worse; they always declined to let "sleeping dogs lie," and were positively55 certain to reveal something or discover something to the disadvantage of the person whose interests they were supposed to be upholding. I remember one magistrate,[Pg 7] sitting impatient and fidgety while the weary drip of words went on, calling out suddenly: "Three months' hard labour, during which you can ruminate56 on the brilliant defence made by your solicitor!"
All these have passed, and police-courts have been civilized57; for law is more dignified58, and its administration more refined. Magistrates are up-to-date, too, and quite in touch with the new order of things and with the aspirations59 of the community.
Bullying, drunken, and stupid solicitors have no chance to-day. In all these directions great changes have come about, and great progress has been made.
But the greatest change of all is that which has taken place in the appearance of the prisoners and of police-court humanity generally.
Where are the "blue-bottle" noses now? Twenty-five years ago they were numerous, but now London police-courts know them not.
Where are the reddened faces that told of protracted60 debauch61? They are seldom to be met with. Hundreds of times in the years gone by, in the prisoners' waiting-room, I have heard the expression, "He's got them on"; and I have seen poor wretches63 trembling violently with terror in their faces, seeking to avoid some imaginary horror. But delirium tremens seems to have vanished from London police-courts.
Do people drink less? is a question often asked. If I may be permitted to reply, I would say they do, and very much less; but whether they are more sober is another question.
[Pg 8]
Of one thing I am perfectly64 certain, and it is this: people are more susceptible65 to the effects of drink than they were twenty-five years ago.
Whether this susceptibility is due to some change in the drink or to physiological66 causes in the drinkers I do not know, but of the result I am, as I have said, quite sure.
I am inclined to believe that we possess less power to withstand the effects of alcohol than formerly67. We seem to arrive at the varying stages of drunkenness with very much less trouble, and at very much less cost. The reverse process, too, is equally rapid. Formerly there was not much doubt about the guilt68 of a man or woman who was charged with being drunk. If the policeman's word was not quite sufficient, the appearance of the prisoner completed the evidence. But now men and women are mad drunk one hour and practically sober the next. Red noses and inflamed69 faces cannot be developed under these conditions. I have seen in later years a long array of prisoners charged with being drunk, and no evidence of tarrying long at wine upon any one of them, and no evidence of drinking either, excepting the bruises70 or injuries received.
This ability to get drunk quickly and to recover quickly leads sometimes to unexpected results; for some men, when released on bail71, rush promptly72 to their own doctor and get a certificate of sobriety, and then bring the doctor as a witness.
His Worship is in a dilemma73 when the case is brought before him, for the police state that the man was mad drunk at 1 a.m., while, on the other[Pg 9] hand, medical testimony74 is forthcoming that at 2 a.m. he was perfectly sober.
Other men, when detained in the cells, get quickly sober. Nor can they believe they have been drunk; indignantly they demand an examination by the police divisional doctor, and willingly pay the necessary bill of seven and sixpence for his attendance. This time it is the doctor who is in a dilemma; he knows in his heart that the man has been drunk; he also naturally wishes to confirm the police evidence; still, he cannot conscientiously75 say that the man is drunk. "He appears to be recovering from the effects of drink," is the testimony that he gives, and his opinion is attached to the charge-sheet for the magistrate's guidance. "No," says the prisoner, "I was not drunk; neither had I been drunk; but I was excited at being detained in the cells on a false charge." And he will call as witnesses friends who were in his company during the evening, and from whom he had parted only a few minutes previous to arrest. They declare that the prisoner was perfectly sober; that he could not possibly have been drunk; that they had only a limited number of drinks; that he was as sober as they were—the latter statement being probably true!
What can the magistrate do under such circumstances but discharge the prisoner?—and "Another unfounded charge by the police" is duly advertised by the Press.
I believe this to be the secret of so much contradictory76 evidence, and this new physiological factor must be taken into account when weighing[Pg 10] evidence, or much discredit77 will fall upon the police, when they have but honestly done their duty. It ought no longer to avail a prisoner who proves sobriety at one o'clock, sobriety at three o'clock, to contend that he could not possibly have been drunk at two o'clock. I have seen so much of drunkenness that I believe two hours a sufficient length of time to allow many men to get drunk and to get sober too.
I must not enter on an inquiry78 as to why this change has come about; I merely content myself with stating a fact, that must be recognized, and which is as worthy79 of consideration by sociologists and politicians as it is by judges and magistrates.
This facility of getting drunk means danger, for passions are readily excited, and delusions80 readily arise, and are most tenaciously81 held in brains so easily disturbed by drink. All sorts of things are possible, from silly antics to frenzy82 and murder; but, as I have said, the varying stages pass so quickly that only onlookers83 can realize the truth: for the victim of this facility is nearly always sure that the evidence given against him is absolutely false.
But prisoners generally have changed: I am not sure that the change is for the better. Time was when prisoners had character, grit84, pluck, and personality, but now these qualities are not often met with. Formerly a good number of the vagabonds were interesting vagabonds, and were possessed85 of some redeeming86 features: they seemed to have a keen sense of humour; but to-day this feature cannot often be seen.
Prisoners have put on a kind of veneer87, for both[Pg 11] youthful offenders88 and offenders of older growth are better dressed.
They are cleaner, too, in person, for which I suppose one ought to be thankful—even though, to a large extent, rags and tatters were picturesque89 compared with the styles of dress now too often seen. Loss of the picturesque has, I am afraid, been accompanied by loss of individuality, and the processions that pass through London police-courts now are not so striking as formerly. They are devoid90 of strong personality, and the mass of people in many respects resembles a flock of sheep. They have no desire to do wrong, but they constantly go wrong; they have no particular wish to do evil, but they have little inclination91 for good. In a word, weakness, not wickedness, is their great characteristic.
But weakness is often more mischievous92 and disastrous93 in its consequences than wickedness.
In the young offenders this lack of grit is combined with an absence of moral principles, and though the majority of them appear to know right from wrong, they certainly act as if they possess little moral consciousness.
Again I content myself with merely stating a fact, for I must not be led into philosophic94 inquiry or speculation95 as to the causes of this loss of grit, though I hope to say something upon the subject later on.
Crime, too, has changed in some respects. There are fewer crimes of violence; there is less brutality96, less debauchery, less drinking; but—and I would like to write it very large—there is more dishonesty, which is a more insidious98 evil.
[Pg 12]
Here again I am tempted99 to philosophic inquiry, or to engage in some attempt to answer the question—Are we as a nation becoming more dishonest? I answer at once, We are.
For twenty-five years I have watched the trend of crime, for the past ten years I have closely studied our criminal statistics, and I can say that personal experience and a close study of our annual criminal statistics confirm me in this matter.
Some explanation of the growth of dishonesty may be found in the social changes that have been going on. As education advanced the number of men and women employed as clerks, salesmen, and business assistants multiplied, and it follows that the temptations to, and opportunities for, dishonesty multiplied also. For years a large transference of boys and young men from the labouring and artisan life to the clerk's desk or to the shop-counter has been going on. The growth in the number of persons employed as distributors of the necessaries of life, who day after day receive, on behalf of their employers, payments for bread, milk, meat, coal, etc., multiplies enormously the facilities for dishonest actions.
Most of those engaged in this class of work come from the homes of the poor, and in too many cases receive insufficient100 payment for arduous101 and responsible services. Still, I am sure that we must not look for the reason of this growing dishonesty in the multiplication102 of the opportunities, or to sudden temptations caused by the stress of poverty.
To what, then, shall it be attributed? I do not hesitate to answer this question, by replying at[Pg 13] once: To that lack of moral backbone103 and grit to which I have alluded104; to the absence of direct principles; to the desire of enjoying pleasures that cannot be afforded, and of spending money not honestly acquired. Some people to whom I have spoken on this subject have said to me: "But these are the faults of the rich; surely they are not the sins of the poor." And I have said: "Well, you know more of the rich than I do, so maybe they are characteristic of both." Though I do not believe them to be national characteristics, sorrowfully I say the trend is in that direction. I know perfectly well that some people will say that this is the croaking105 of one who is growing old, and that old men always did, and always will, believe in the decadence106 of the present age.
But this is not so. I am a born optimist107. I believe in the ultimate triumph of good. I believe that humanity has within itself a sufficiency of good qualities to effect its social salvation108. Nevertheless, I am afraid of this growing dishonesty, for I have seen something of its consequences. Sneaking109 peculations, small acts of dishonesty, miserable embezzlements, falsified accounts, and contemptible110 frauds, have damned the lives of thousands, and the strands111 of life are covered by human wrecks112, whose anchorage has been so weak that the veriest puff113 of wind has driven them to destruction.
I know something of the evils of drink; I have seen much of the blighting114 influence of gambling115; but dishonesty is more certain and deadly in its effects among educated and ignorant alike: for it begins in secrecy116, it is continued in duplicity, it[Pg 14] destroys the moral fibre, and it ends with death.
I have said that the police-court processions are not so interesting as in years gone by: probably that is a superficial view, for humanity is, and must be always, equally interesting. It may not be as picturesque, but that is a surface view only, and we really want to know what is beneath. But the underneath117 takes some discovering, and when we get there it is only to find that there is still something lower still.
Much has been said of late years about the increase of insanity118. Whether this increase is more apparent than real is a debatable point. I am glad to know that more people are certified120 than formerly, and that greater care is taken of them. This undoubtedly121 prolongs their existence, and consequently adds to their number. But whatever doubt I may have about the actually insane, I have no doubt whatever about the increase in the number of those who live on the borderland between sanity119 and insanity, and whose case is far more pitiful than that of the altogether mad.
Poor wretches! who are banged from pillar to post, helpless and hopeless, they are the sport of circumstances; they are an eyesore to humanity, a danger to the community, and a puzzle to themselves. For such neither the State nor local authorities have anything to offer. If committed to prison, they are certified as "unfit for prison discipline." If they enter the workhouse, they are encouraged to take their discharge at the earliest moment. They cannot work, but they can steal,[Pg 15] and they can beg. They have animal passions, but they have less than animal control. They can perpetuate123 their species, and pile up burdens for other generations to bear. Nothing in all my experiences astonishes me so much as the continued neglect of these unfortunate people. Prisons have been revolutionized; dealing124 with young offenders has developed into a cult125; prisoners' aid societies abound126; the care, the feeding, the education, the health, and the play of children have become national or municipal business: but the nation still shirks its responsibility to those who have the greatest claim upon its care; for these people are still in as parlous127 condition as the lepers of old. My memory recalls many of them, and profoundly do I hope that in the great changes that are impending128, and in the great improvements that are taking place, consideration of the poor, smitten129, unfortunate half-mad will not be wanting.
Surely I am not wrong in affirming that, when the State finds in its prisons a number of people who are constantly committing offences, who are helpless and penniless, and whose mental condition is so low that they are not fit to be detained even in prison, provision should be made for their being permanently130 detained and controlled in institutions or colonies, with no opportunity for perpetuating131 their kind. In our dealings with the "unfit" we have, then, made no progress, and we are still waiting and hoping for a solution of this distressing132 evil. To show how this evil grows by neglect, I offer the following instance:
I happen to be a churchwarden, and when leaving church one Sunday morning I was asked[Pg 16] by the verger to speak to a man and woman who sat by the door. They had come in during the service, and asked for the Vicar, in the hope of obtaining relief.
The man was wretched in appearance—much below the usual size—and was more than half blind; the woman was equally wretched in appearance, and not far removed from imbecility. I knew the man at once, and had known him for twenty years. I had met him scores of times at London police-courts, where he had been invariably committed to prison, although certified as "unfit." He had been in the workhouse many times. In the workhouse he had met with the poor wretch62 that sat by his side. They were legally and lawfully133 married, and were possessed of three children—or, rather, they were the parents of three children, for other folk possessed them; but doubtless they would make their losses good in due time, the couple being by no means old.
The number of women charged with drunkenness has increased largely during late years, and the list of those constantly charged has grown considerably134.
From this it would appear safe to conclude that female intemperance135 generally has largely increased.
Many people have come to this conclusion, and are very apt with figures which seem to prove their case.
But even figures can lie, for a woman who has been convicted ten or twelve times in the year has furnished ten or twelve examples of female[Pg 17] inebriety136; but, after all, she is but one individual. And to get at approximate truth, we must ascertain137 the number of separate individuals who have been charged. Nor will this give us the whole truth, for it must also be ascertained138 who are the women that are constantly charged. To what class do they belong? What is the matter with them? Why are they different from women generally? Such inquiries139 as these have been conveniently avoided.
I will endeavour to supply the missing answers.
Eighty per cent. of the women charged repeatedly with drunkenness belong to one class, and may be described as "unfortunates." The number of these women has increased tremendously during the last twenty years. The growth of London accounts partly for this increase in the number of "unfortunates," and the growth of provincial140 towns supplements the growth of London. In all our large centres we have, then, a large army of women whose lives are beyond description, whose vocation141 renders drinking compulsory142, and whose habits bring them into conflict with the police. Their convictions, which number many thousands, should be charged to another evil.
Of the remaining twenty per cent. I must also give some description. Ten per cent. of them are demented old women, who spend their lives in workhouses or prisons, upon whom a small amount of drink takes great effect.
The remaining ten per cent. may be considered more or less respectable, but my experience has led me to believe that less rather than more would be a fitting description. I want it to be clearly[Pg 18] understood that I am now speaking of women "repeaters," not of women who are occasionally charged with drunkenness.
In considering female intemperance, the above must be eliminated, and when this is done I think it will be found that the alleged143 increase of drunkenness among women is not proved. At any rate, it is not proved by criminal statistics. But a great change has come over women: they are no longer ashamed of being seen in public-houses, for respectable women are by no means careful about the company they meet and associate with in the public-houses. In police-courts I have noticed this growing change. Time was when few or no women were found among the audiences that assembled day by day in the courts. It is not the case now. Formerly, if women had any connection with cases that were coming on, they discreetly144 waited in the precincts of the court till they were called by the police or the usher145.
It is very different now, for there is no scarcity146 of women, ready to listen to all repulsive147 details of police-court charges. Sometimes, when the order is given for women to leave the court, some women are ready to argue the matter with the usher; and when ultimately compelled to leave, it is evident they do so under protest, and with a sense of personal grievance148.
Perhaps it may be natural for police-courts to supply to the poor and the tradesman class that excitement and relish149 the higher courts and divorce courts furnish to those better off.
In one direction I am able to bear direct testimony to the virtue150 of women, for they are more[Pg 19] honest than men, and their honesty increases rather than diminishes. This is the more remarkable151 as opportunities for dishonesty have become much more numerous among women. Still, in spite of multiplied opportunities, dishonesty among women seems to be a diminishing quantity. I am glad to find that our annual statistics for some years past confirm me in this experience.
But my experiences do not furnish me with any reason for believing that we have made any progress with the housing of the very poor. The State, municipal authorities, and philanthropists still act upon the principle, "To him that hath it shall be given." Consequently, they continue to provide dwellings152 for those who can pay good rents. In another chapter some of my experiences with regard to the housing of the very poor will be found, so I content myself here with a few reflections and statements. During the years covered by my experience the rents of the very poor have increased out of all proportion to their earnings153. I have taken some trouble to inquire into this question, and when speaking to elderly men and women living in congested streets, I have obtained much information. "How long have you lived in this house?" I asked an elderly widow. "Thirty years. I was here long before my husband died." "What rent do you pay?" "Thirteen shillings per week." "But you can't pay thirteen shillings." "No, I let off every room and live in this kitchen." We were then in the kitchen, which was about nine feet square. The house consisted of four rooms and a back-yard about the same size as the kitchen; there was no forecourt. "What[Pg 20] rent did you pay when you first came here?" "Six shillings and sixpence." The rent had doubled in thirty years.
"Who is your landlord?" "I don't know who it is now, but a collector calls every week."
"Why don't you go somewhere else?" "I can't get anything cheaper, and I like the old place, and I don't have to climb a lot of stairs."
This little conversation exactly outlines the lot of the poor, so far as their housing is concerned: they must either take a "little house and let off," or make their homes in one or more of the very little rooms. Let me be explicit154. By the very poor I mean families whose income is under twenty-five shillings weekly—women whose husbands have but fitful work; women who have to maintain themselves, their children and sick husbands, when those husbands are not in the infirmary; widows who have to maintain themselves and their children, with or without parish assistance; and elderly widows or spinsters who, by great efforts, maintain themselves.
For these and similar classes no housing accommodation has yet been attempted. Yet for them the need is greatest, and from neglecting them the most disastrous consequences ensue.
The State will lend money to the man who has a fair and regular income; municipal authorities and philanthropic trusts will build for those who can regularly pay high rents; but the very poor are still hidden in prison-houses, and for them no gaol32 deliverance is proclaimed, so they huddle155 together, and the more numerous the building improvements, the closer they huddle. The new[Pg 21] tenements156 are not for them, neither is any provision made for them before they are displaced, so a great deal of police-court business arises in consequence, to say nothing of greater and more far-reaching evils. But I deal more fully10 with housing in my next chapter.
In dealing with child offenders, vast improvements have been made. To-day rarely, indeed, are children sent to prison, and we appear to be on the verge of the time when it will be impossible for anyone under the age of fourteen to receive a sentence of imprisonment157. The birch, too, is more sparingly used, and only when there appears to be no other fitting punishment. One magistrate quite recently, in ordering its infliction158, declared it was the first time he had done so for twelve years. The courts do not run with the blood of naughty lads, as some suppose; but the birch has not disappeared, and the lusty cries of youthful delinquents159 are sometimes to be heard.
While I hate cruelty and do not love the birch, I would like to place on record the fact that I have never known it administered too severely161, or any serious injury inflicted162.
The statement that the most powerful policeman is selected for the duty is fiction pure and simple. In London, at any rate, the sergeant-gaoler or his deputy administers the birch. Whatever else may be charged against the police, cruelty to children cannot be brought against them, for the kindness of the Force to children is proverbial. And this kindness is reflected in police-courts. Nowhere are children more considerately[Pg 22] treated. I agree with the movement in favour of separate courts for children, because I would not have children's actions considered as criminal; but, in the light of my experience, I am bound to disagree with many of the statements made by some advocates of the movement. Children are tenderly treated and considered in the London police-courts of to-day.
But I am more concerned for the Toms, Dicks, and Harrys between fourteen and twenty years of age, who, having little or no home accommodation, crowd our streets, especially on Sunday evenings, and make themselves a nuisance to the staid and respectable.
For these the bad old rule and simple plan of fines to be promptly paid, or imprisonment in default of payment, still prevails; but of this I have more to say in a chapter on Hooliganism.
Years ago the brute163, coarse and cruel though he was, was different from the brute of to-day; for, at any rate, he was an undisguised brute. Youthful offenders, too, had more pluck and self-reliance; in fact, while offences remain much the same, and the ways in which offences are committed have not altered greatly, the bearing and appearance of the offenders have completely changed. Rags are not so plentiful165 as they were, and child offenders are very much better dressed; for civilization cannot endure rags, and shoeless feet are an abomination. Veneer, then, is very palpable to-day in police-courts. This may be indicative of good or evil. It may have its origin in self-respect, in changing fashions, or in deceit; it may be one of the effects of insufficient education, or it may be a [Pg 23]by-product of the general desire to appear respectable. It may also be claimed as an outward and visible sign of the improved social condition and the enlarged financial resources of the poor. The change in speech, too, is strongly noticeable; the old blood-curdling oaths and curses spiced with blasphemy166 are quite out of fashion.
Emphasis can only be given to speech to-day by interlarding it with filthy167 words and obscene allusions168. This method of expression is not confined to the poorest, for even well-dressed men adopt it, and the style and words have now passed on to thoughtless young people of both sexes.
There are no "women" to-day. Times have improved so greatly that every woman has become "a lady." The term "woman" is one of reproach, and must only be used as indicative of scorn or to impute169 immorality170. Magistrates have tried hard to preserve the good old word and give it a proper place, but in vain. "Another woman" always means something very bad indeed; she is one that must be spoken of with bated breath. Even the word "female" carries with it an implication of non-respectability.
Indeed, so far have we progressed in this direction, and so far does the politeness of the Force extend, that when giving evidence against a woman of the worst possible character an officer will refer to her as "the lady," not as the prisoner. Sometimes, as I have already hinted, the magistrate intervenes at this point, and tries to preserve some of the last shreds171 of respectability that still attach to the once-honoured word.
[Pg 24]
Here again one might speculate as to what has produced this change, and ask whether the development of obscene language has anything to do with the abandonment of the words "woman" and "female." Personally, I am inclined to believe that it has. "What did he say?" peremptorily172 asked an irate173 magistrate of a young and modest constable174. "Your Worship, the words were so bad that I don't like to repeat them." "Write them down, then." The officer did so. "Well, they are pretty bad, but you will soon get used to them. They don't shock me, for I hear them all the day, and every day." The magistrate was correct, and, more the pity, his words are true. The old oaths were far less disgusting and far less demoralizing. The invocation of the Deity175, either for confirmation176 of speech or for a curse upon others, argued some belief in God, which belief has probably suffered decay even among the coarse and ignorant. Still, if police-court habitués and their friends continue to embellish177 their speech with obscenity, then their last state will be worse than their first. Likely enough, this fashion in speech has much to do with the substitution of the word "lady" and the abandonment of the word "woman." It may be, after all, only a clumsy attempt to speak courteously178, without casting any imputation51 on the moral character of the person referred to. That, however, is the only redeeming feature I can find in the matter, which is altogether too bad for words. I only refer to the subject because I wish to be a faithful witness, and these changes cannot be ignored, for they are full of grave portent179.
[Pg 25]
Profoundly I hope this fashion will change, and if appeal were of any use, I would honestly and earnestly appeal to all my poor and working-class friends to set themselves against this vile method of expression, and to encourage a higher standard of thought and speech.
But I must now give a little consideration to some legal changes that have taken place, from which much was expected, and from which much has followed. Whether the results have been exactly what were expected, and whether the good has been as large as we looked for, are moot36 points. It is, of course, true of social problems, and peculiarly true of humanity itself, that evil defeated in one direction is certain to manifest itself in another, so that standing180 still in social life, or in individual life, must and does mean retrogression, when the old evils assert themselves differently, but more speciously181 guised164. Briefly, the new Acts that have had most effect in London police-courts are the First Offenders Act, the Married Women's Protection Act (1905), and some clauses in the Licensing182 Act of 1902.
The former Act has undoubtedly kept thousands of young people from prison, for which everyone ought to be supremely183 thankful. It was, perhaps, impossible for us to have a reform of this magnitude without some evil attaching to it, for we have not as yet discovered an unmixed good. This beneficent Act has been much talked of and widely advertised. The public generally have been enraptured184 with it, and magistrates have not been[Pg 26] slow to avail themselves of its merciful provisions, though generally exercising a wise discretion185 as to their application.
But human nature is a strange mixture, for while excessive punishment hardens and demoralizes a wrong-doer, leniency186 often confirms him. It is, and must always be, a serious matter to interpose between a wilful187 wrong-doer and the punishment of his deeds; but the punishment must be just and sensible, or worse evils will follow. The utmost that can be urged against this well-known Act is that it has not impressed on the delinquent160 youth the heinousness188 of his wrong-doing, and this is the case. True, he has been in the hands of the police, and he has been admonished189 by the magistrate; he has also been in the gaoler's office, and bound in recognizance to be of good behaviour. But this is all, for nothing else has happened to him. He has not been made to pay back the money stolen, neither has he been compelled to make any reparation to those he has injured. The law, then, has considered his offence but slight, and his dishonesty but a trivial matter. In his heart he knows that, though he has purged190 his offence as far as the law is concerned, he has not absolved191 his own conscience by any attempt to put the matter right with the person he has wronged; consequently, he is quite right in arguing that the law has condoned192 his offence. Frequently, then, he goes from the court a rogue193 at heart. Hundreds of times I have tried to persuade young persons, who have been charged with dishonesty and dealt with as first offenders, of the duty and necessity of paying[Pg 27] back the money dishonestly obtained, but I never succeeded. The law had done with them; nothing else mattered. The wrong to the individual and to their own conscience was of no consequence.
Human nature being, then, so constructed, it cannot be a matter for surprise that the First Offenders Act failed in conveying to young persons who had fastened around themselves the deadly grip of dishonesty that the law considered dishonesty a most serious matter. Many of the young offenders could not realize this, for, to use their own expression, "They got jolly well out of it." But such results might have been foreseen, and ought to have been foreseen.
This matter is, however, now attended to, for Mr. Gladstone's Probation194 Act (1908) empowers magistrates to compel all dishonest persons that are dealt with under the Act to make restitution195 of stolen property or money up to the value of ￡10. I have long advocated this course, which is both just and merciful—just to the person who has been robbed and just to the robber; merciful because it compels the wrong-doer in some degree to undo122 the wrong, and enables him to break the chains of his deadly habit. It will also prove to him that the law is not so tolerant of dishonesty as he believed. Common-sense, too, says that the pardoned rogue ought not to profit from his roguery, while the person he has robbed has to suffer, not only the loss of goods or money, but also the trouble and expense of prosecution196.
Most respectfully, then, would I like to point out to all magistrates that they may now order dishonest persons dealt with under this Act to make[Pg 28] restitution up to ￡10. It is to be hoped that our magistrates will freely avail themselves of this permissive power, and make young rogues197 "pay, pay, pay." It matters not how small the instalments nor how long a time the payments may be continued, for I feel assured that nothing will stem the onward198 sweep of dishonesty, and that nothing will bring home to young offenders the serious character of dishonesty so much as the knowledge that great inconvenience, but no pecuniary199 benefit, can come to those who indulge in it.
The Married Women's Protection Act came at last. It was inevitable200. There was a horrible satire201 contained in the suggestion that in England, with its humanity and civilization, after a thousand years of Christianity an Act to protect women against their legal husbands should be necessary; but it was.
This Act came in the very fulness of time. Everybody was tired and altogether dissatisfied with the old and ineffectual plan of sending brutal97 husbands to prison. This feeling arose not from sympathy with brutal husbands, but from pity to ill-treated wives, for it was recognized that sending brutal husbands to prison only made matters worse. Briefly, the Act empowered married women who had persistently202 cruel husbands to leave them, and having left them, to apply to the magistrates for a separation and maintenance order, which magistrates were empowered to grant when persistent203 cruelty was proved.
Police-courts then became practically divorce-courts for the poor, for thousands of women have claimed and obtained these separation orders.[Pg 29] It seems just, and I have no hesitation204 in saying it is right, whatever may be the consequences, that decent suffering women whose agony has been long drawn205 out should be protected from and delivered out of the power of human brutes206. But in a community like ours we are bound to have an eye to the consequences.
Women very soon found that it was much easier to get separation than it was to get maintenance. However modest the weekly amount ordered—and to my mind magistrates were very lenient207 in this respect—comparatively few of the discarded husbands paid the amounts ordered: some few paid irregularly, the majority paid nothing. The "other woman" became an important factor, and the money that should have gone to the support of the legal wife and legitimate208 children went to her and to illegitimate children. Such fellows were, then, in straits. If they left the "other woman," affiliation209 orders loomed210 over them; if they did not pay their legalized wives, they might be sent to prison. Some men I know found this the easiest way of paying their wives "maintenance," for they would go cheerfully to prison, and when released would promptly start on the task of again accumulating arrears211.
Undoubtedly very many women were much better off apart from their husbands—at any rate, they had some peace—but mostly they lived lives of unremitting toil212 and partial, if not actual, starvation. On the whole, this Act, which was quite necessary and inspired by good intentions, has not proved satisfactory. But married men began to ask, "Why cannot we have[Pg 30] separation orders against habitually214 drunken wives?"
Why, indeed! The principle had been admitted, and "sauce for the goose must be sauce for the gander." Joan had been protected; Darby must have equal rights. And Darby got them, with something added. The Licensing Bill of 1902 put him right, or rather wrong. Under some provisions of this Act habitual213 drunkenness in case of either husband or wife became a sufficient reason for separation, and police-courts became more than ever divorce-courts for the poor. But Darby came best, or rather worst, out of this unseemly matter, for there was no need for him to leave his wife and his home before applying for a separation. He might live with his wife in their home, and while living with her apply for a summons against her, and this granted, he might continue to live with her right up to the time the summons was heard—might even accompany her to the court, and drink with her on the way thither215. Then, proving her drunkenness to the magistrate's satisfaction, he could get his order, give her a few shillings, go home and close the door against her, leaving her homeless and helpless in the streets. She may have borne him many children, she might be about to become a mother once more; in fact, the frequent repetition of motherhood might be the root-cause of her drunkenness. No matter, the law empowers him to put her out and keep her out. Such is the law, and to such a point has the chivalry216 of many husbands come. But Darby may go still further, for he may call in "another woman" to keep house and look after the children. In a sense he[Pg 31] may live in a sort of legalized immorality, and do his wife no legal wrong; while, if she, poor wretched woman, with all her temptations and weaknesses, yields but once to a similar sin, all claim to support is forfeited217, and she goes down with dreadful celerity to the lowest depths. Plenty of good husbands, and brave men they are, refuse to take advantage of this Act, and bear all the unspeakable ills and sorrows connected with a drunken wife, bearing all things, enduring all things, and hoping all things, rather than turn the mothers of their children into the streets. But it is far different with some husbands, whose lives and habits have conduced to, if they have not actually caused, their wives' inebriety; to them the Act is a boon218, and they are not backward in applying for relief. I have elsewhere given my views as to the working of these special clauses, but I again take an opportunity of saying that the whole proceedings219 are founded in stupidity. In action they are cruel, and in results they are demoralizing to the individuals concerned, and to the State generally. All this is the more astounding220 when one realizes that the Act might easily have been made a real blessing221; and it is more astounding still when the temper and tone of society is considered.
We demand, and rightfully demand, that first offenders shall have another chance. Has it come to this—that a wretched wife, who, through suffering, worry, neglect, or ill-health or mental disturbance222, has given way to drink, shall have less consideration than the young thief? So it appears. We scour223 London's streets, we seek[Pg 32] out the grossest women even civilization can furnish—women whose only hope lies with the Eternal Father—and we put them in inebriates224' reformatories, and keep them there, at a great expense, for two or three years. Money without stint225 is spent that they may have the shadow of a chance for reclamation226. Organized societies are formed for their after-care when released from the reformatories. And yet we calmly contemplate227 married women, otherwise decent but for drink, real victims of inebriety, being thrust homeless into the streets, with the dead certainty that they will descend228 to the Inferno229 out of which we are seeking to deliver the unfortunates.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
miserable
|
|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
severed
|
|
| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
miseries
|
|
| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
attuned
|
|
| v.使协调( attune的过去式和过去分词 )；调音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
marvel
|
|
| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
missionary
|
|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
traitor
|
|
| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
deserted
|
|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
atrophied
|
|
| adj.萎缩的，衰退的v.（使）萎缩，（使）虚脱，（使）衰退( atrophy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
lapsed
|
|
| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
briefly
|
|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
portray
|
|
| v.描写，描述；画(人物、景象等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
greasy
|
|
| adj. 多脂的，油脂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
vile
|
|
| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
sanitary
|
|
| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
premises
|
|
| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
impure
|
|
| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
sane
|
|
| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
magistrate
|
|
| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
certify
|
|
| vt.证明，证实；发证书(或执照)给 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
trifling
|
|
| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
deformed
|
|
| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
verge
|
|
| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
delirium
|
|
| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
horrid
|
|
| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
decency
|
|
| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
rigidly
|
|
| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
custody
|
|
| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
prosecuting
|
|
| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
straightforward
|
|
| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
gaol
|
|
| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
sergeants
|
|
| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
friction
|
|
| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
smoothly
|
|
| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
moot
|
|
| v.提出；adj.未决议的；n.大会；辩论会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
magistrates
|
|
| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
mete
|
|
| v.分配；给予 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
frantic
|
|
| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
vindictive
|
|
| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
solicitors
|
|
| 初级律师( solicitor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
solicitor
|
|
| n.初级律师，事务律师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
touted
|
|
| v.兜售( tout的过去式和过去分词 )；招揽；侦查；探听赛马情报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
deferred
|
|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
humiliation
|
|
| n.羞辱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
bullying
|
|
| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
bully
|
|
| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
prosecutors
|
|
| 检举人( prosecutor的名词复数 )； 告发人； 起诉人； 公诉人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
scurrilous
|
|
| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
imputation
|
|
| n.归罪，责难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
athletic
|
|
| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
pompous
|
|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
utterance
|
|
| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
positively
|
|
| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
ruminate
|
|
| v.反刍；沉思 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
civilized
|
|
| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
dignified
|
|
| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
aspirations
|
|
| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
protracted
|
|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
debauch
|
|
| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
wretch
|
|
| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
wretches
|
|
| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
susceptible
|
|
| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
physiological
|
|
| adj.生理学的，生理学上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
formerly
|
|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
guilt
|
|
| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
inflamed
|
|
| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
bruises
|
|
| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
bail
|
|
| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
promptly
|
|
| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
dilemma
|
|
| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
conscientiously
|
|
| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
contradictory
|
|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
discredit
|
|
| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
inquiry
|
|
| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
worthy
|
|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
delusions
|
|
| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
tenaciously
|
|
| 坚持地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
frenzy
|
|
| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
onlookers
|
|
| n.旁观者，观看者( onlooker的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
grit
|
|
| n.沙粒，决心，勇气；v.下定决心，咬紧牙关 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
redeeming
|
|
| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
veneer
|
|
| n.(墙上的)饰面，虚饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
offenders
|
|
| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
picturesque
|
|
| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
devoid
|
|
| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
inclination
|
|
| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
mischievous
|
|
| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
disastrous
|
|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
philosophic
|
|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
speculation
|
|
| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
brutality
|
|
| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
brutal
|
|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
insidious
|
|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
tempted
|
|
| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
insufficient
|
|
| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
arduous
|
|
| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
multiplication
|
|
| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
backbone
|
|
| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
alluded
|
|
| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
croaking
|
|
| v.呱呱地叫( croak的现在分词 )；用粗的声音说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
decadence
|
|
| n.衰落，颓废 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
optimist
|
|
| n.乐观的人，乐观主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
salvation
|
|
| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
sneaking
|
|
| a.秘密的，不公开的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
contemptible
|
|
| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
strands
|
|
| n.（线、绳、金属线、毛发等的）股( strand的名词复数 )；缕；海洋、湖或河的)岸；（观点、计划、故事等的）部份v.使滞留，使搁浅( strand的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
wrecks
|
|
| n.沉船( wreck的名词复数 )；（事故中）遭严重毁坏的汽车（或飞机等）；（身体或精神上）受到严重损伤的人；状况非常糟糕的车辆（或建筑物等）v.毁坏[毁灭]某物( wreck的第三人称单数 )；使（船舶）失事，使遇难，使下沉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
puff
|
|
| n.一口(气)；一阵(风)；v.喷气，喘气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
blighting
|
|
| 使凋萎( blight的现在分词 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
gambling
|
|
| n.赌博；投机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
secrecy
|
|
| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
underneath
|
|
| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
insanity
|
|
| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
sanity
|
|
| n.心智健全，神智正常，判断正确 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
certified
|
|
| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
undo
|
|
| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
perpetuate
|
|
| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
dealing
|
|
| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
cult
|
|
| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
abound
|
|
| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
parlous
|
|
| adj.危险的，不确定的，难对付的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
impending
|
|
| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
smitten
|
|
| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
permanently
|
|
| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
perpetuating
|
|
| perpetuate的现在进行式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
distressing
|
|
| a.使人痛苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
lawfully
|
|
| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
considerably
|
|
| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
intemperance
|
|
| n.放纵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
inebriety
|
|
| n.醉，陶醉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
ascertain
|
|
| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
ascertained
|
|
| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
inquiries
|
|
| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
provincial
|
|
| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
vocation
|
|
| n.职业，行业 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
compulsory
|
|
| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
alleged
|
|
| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
discreetly
|
|
| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
usher
|
|
| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
scarcity
|
|
| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
repulsive
|
|
| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
grievance
|
|
| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
relish
|
|
| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
virtue
|
|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
remarkable
|
|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
dwellings
|
|
| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
earnings
|
|
| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
explicit
|
|
| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
huddle
|
|
| vi.挤作一团；蜷缩；vt.聚集；n.挤在一起的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
tenements
|
|
| n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
imprisonment
|
|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
infliction
|
|
| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
delinquents
|
|
| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
delinquent
|
|
| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
inflicted
|
|
| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
brute
|
|
| n.野兽，兽性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
guised
|
|
| v.外观，伪装( guise的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
165
plentiful
|
|
| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
blasphemy
|
|
| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
filthy
|
|
| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
allusions
|
|
| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
impute
|
|
| v.归咎于 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
immorality
|
|
| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
shreds
|
|
| v.撕碎，切碎( shred的第三人称单数 )；用撕毁机撕毁（文件） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
peremptorily
|
|
| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
irate
|
|
| adj.发怒的，生气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
constable
|
|
| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
deity
|
|
| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
confirmation
|
|
| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
embellish
|
|
| v.装饰，布置；给…添加细节，润饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
courteously
|
|
| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
portent
|
|
| n.预兆；恶兆；怪事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
speciously
|
|
| adv.似是而非地；外观好看地，像是真实地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
182
licensing
|
|
| v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
183
supremely
|
|
| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
184
enraptured
|
|
| v.使狂喜( enrapture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
185
discretion
|
|
| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
186
leniency
|
|
| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
187
wilful
|
|
| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
188
heinousness
|
|
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
189
admonished
|
|
| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
190
purged
|
|
| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
191
absolved
|
|
| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
192
condoned
|
|
| v.容忍，宽恕，原谅( condone的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
193
rogue
|
|
| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
194
probation
|
|
| n.缓刑(期)，(以观后效的)察看；试用(期) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
195
restitution
|
|
| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
196
prosecution
|
|
| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
197
rogues
|
|
| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
198
onward
|
|
| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
199
pecuniary
|
|
| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
200
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
201
satire
|
|
| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
202
persistently
|
|
| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
203
persistent
|
|
| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
204
hesitation
|
|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
205
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
206
brutes
|
|
| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
207
lenient
|
|
| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
208
legitimate
|
|
| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
209
affiliation
|
|
| n.联系，联合 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
210
loomed
|
|
| v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
211
arrears
|
|
| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
212
toil
|
|
| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
213
habitual
|
|
| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
214
habitually
|
|
| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
215
thither
|
|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
216
chivalry
|
|
| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
217
forfeited
|
|
| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
218
boon
|
|
| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
219
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
220
astounding
|
|
| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
221
blessing
|
|
| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
222
disturbance
|
|
| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
223
scour
|
|
| v.搜索；擦，洗，腹泻，冲刷 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
224
inebriates
|
|
| vt.使酒醉，灌醉（inebriate的第三人称单数形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
225
stint
|
|
| v.节省，限制，停止；n.舍不得化，节约，限制；连续不断的一段时间从事某件事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
226
reclamation
|
|
| n.开垦；改造；（废料等的）回收 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
227
contemplate
|
|
| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
228
descend
|
|
| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
229
inferno
|
|
| n.火海；地狱般的场所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |