Having overthrown5 the rule of Spain the former River Plate colonies became involved in a long internecine7 struggle for supremacy8 of power. For fifty years the United States of the River Plate were most disunited by local jealousies9 and the rural districts were only usually unanimous in their refusal to submit to the Government at Buenos Aires, composed of men who, as the rural populations said with a great amount of truth, were endeavouring to rule even more despotically than did the Viceroys and by purely10 Viceregal methods. Were that submitted to, the revolution would have been in vain as far as concerned the substitution of democratic principles for those of tyranny. This was no doubt true, for the politicians of Buenos Aires neither knew, nor had had any opportunity of knowing, methods of Government other than those under which they themselves had been brought up. Had they known it, though it is only[30] just to them to say that they did not in the least realize the fact, rule under them in the way they proposed to rule, would have been merely an exchange of King Stork13 for King Log. The country was, however, quick to grasp the menace, and it is only very regrettable that rivalry14 between its several contemporary would-be saviours16 produced so long a continuance of political chaos17, during which newly acquired Liberty and Independence had no chance to develop the vast natural resources which had lain idle in consequence of the Spanish policy of squeezing the life out of the goose which would otherwise have laid so many golden eggs for Spain. In consequence of civil war it was, as has been indicated, not much before 1860 that it began to lay any appreciable18 number of such eggs for itself or anyone else. It only began to do so under two tyrants19: Rozas in the South and Artígas in the North. Both were strong men and patriots20; and both held power, in spite of opposition21 both open and treacherous22, for, as later history has shown, the good of the respective territories they had brought under their sway. Harsh as were their methods, these were suited to lawless times. Of each of them it has been said that he permitted no thief but himself to live.
As a fact neither were thieves nor sought nor attained23 overmuch wealth for themselves. Both, however, forestalled25 otherwise inevitable26 assassination27 by giving their enemies no shrift at all; once these had been ascertained28. And both succeeded in establishing police systems throughout their territories which would rival the European secret services of to-day.
Nothing went on unknown to them; from short-lived conspiracies29 to petty thefts. And the punishment for each offence inflicted30 by them was swift and closely fitted to the crime.
No one has yet attempted a complete whitewashing31 of Rozas; though, in every political crisis in which the Government has shown any apparent weakness, old men have[31] sighed for his reincarnation. Artígas, on the other hand, whose memory not so long ago rivalled those of the most traditionally cruel old-world potentates32, is now become the Saviour15 and National hero of Uruguay. The apostle of the democratic principle.
Truth about his personality probably lies somewhere between these two views, but there is no doubt but that he and Rozas were men needed for and suited to their times. Fearless and far-sighted, they made order out of chaos, and individually cruel as may have been many of their acts, it was their iron rule which laid the foundations of the admirable constitutions of what are now the separate Republics of Argentina and Uruguay. Rozas really founded the Argentine Republic as much as Artígas did the “Banda Oriental,” part of which is now Uruguay. But the period of strife33 which succeeded the Declaration of the Independence of the whole of the River Plate Territories had lasted just over half a century when General Mitre was chosen as the first President of a United Federal Argentina.
He was succeeded by Sarmiento, who did much to develop agriculture and was the great pioneer of education. Sarmiento had been a political exile in Europe, where he learned much; and, being a man of exceptional intellect, stored up his acquired knowledge and enlightenment for his country’s subsequent great good.
Since the first Presidency34 of General Mitre there has only been one political revolution which affected35 the whole of Argentina, the one which in 1890 ousted37 President Juarez Celman and was immediately succeeded by the financial crisis with which the name of Baring is chiefly associated in the European mind.
Both that revolution and the crisis were the natural outcome of a disease which would have completely ruined any country less rich in natural resources than Argentina. That disease was complete political and financial corruption39; which then came to a head and necessitated40 drastic operation.[32] Since then the Argentine nation has advanced in political and financial health with extraordinary and unparalleled rapidity.
The history of Uruguay has run on different lines since she emerged from the older Banda Oriental. She has been the almost constant victim, until very recent years, of the fervent41 patriotism42 of her rural population; in rebellion, often with much apparent justice, against what it has from time to time considered to be the prejudicial doctrinarianism of the town-bred men who have directed her Government in Montevideo. In any case the rural population has always been in a more or less declared state of rebellion against the Government. For many years the “White” party was in power and the “Red” in revolution. Now for a long period the “Reds” have kept place and nominal43 power, from which until comparatively very recently the “Whites” have never ceased to endeavour to oust36 them.
Let it not, however, be thought that either the retention44 of power by one party or its attempted overthrow6 by the other has in Uruguay been due to personal ambition or corrupt38 greed on either side; as has been, unfortunately but very frequently, the case in other South American Republics. To think this would be to do a cruel injustice45 to the national character, the leading characteristics of which are uprightness and honesty in thought or deed. No Uruguayan would ever have rebelled had he not thought that the policy of the existing Government was gravely prejudicial to the vital interests of his country, nor would an Uruguayan statesman have ever clung to power unless he had been conscientiously46 convinced that the policy of his party was the only true way to that country’s best development and prosperity.
This may seem to many readers as yet but little acquainted with Uruguayan political and commercial History as the mere12 expression of an enthusiasm for the Uruguayan character on the part of the present writer. But a closer examination of that History than is within the scope of the present[33] work will show the views just above expressed to be nothing more than a statement of cold fact. In part proof of which stands the total absence from Uruguayan Financial History of any repudiation47 or avoidance of the National indebtedness. Long periods of Agricultural paralysis48, often almost total (in a land which depends exclusively on agricultural products), due to civil strife and all the heavy outlay49 consequent on such wars, have never led Uruguay to depart from the strictly50 gold basis of her monetary51 system. Her paper dollar has always retained its full face value as a token and remains52 the best dollar on the exchange markets of the world. And the world-wide credit of private Uruguayan firms stands high above that of similar firms in other, even the most prosperous South American Republics. This is due, and due only, to the very high standard of political and commercial morality obtaining, and which has always obtained, in Uruguay.
Now, there is good ground for the hope that the country is persuaded that the best way to attain24 the greatest possible general prosperity is to beat the sword, once and for ever, into a ploughshare. At the same time it cannot be hidden that “State Socialism gone mad” (to quote an Uruguayan description of the policy introduced and pursued by Se?or Batlle y Ordo?ez[10]) strained the patience of the rural population and that of a goodly proportion of Montevideans as well, to a degree which was perilously53 near to breaking point. He wished, not only to improve all conditions of his country, but to make Uruguay an object-lesson in State Socialism to the world. His political enemies, or rather opponents, say that, while he has read the works of Henry George, in some confused translation or other, neither his education nor his acquaintance with such subjects fits him to judge of even the works of a now somewhat discredited54 political economist56; also that he, the ex-President, is a potentially dangerous lunatic. But note that no one, even those who feared most[34] from his persistent57 political and financial adventures, have ever even so much as hinted that his policy was dictated58 by other than quite honestly intentioned conviction. Uruguayans are seldom corrupt and seldom suspect venality59 in their fellow-countrymen.
Modern Argentina history commences with the renaissance60 of the country immediately after the upheaval61 of 1891, and that of Uruguay a much less number of years ago. Till these periods, political unrest was a constant factor in both countries. Now, a National revolution has become a thing unthinkable in Argentina; while it grows every day less likely for responsible or influential62 men in Uruguay to instigate63 or encourage aught that might impede64 her triumphal march to rivalry with the prosperity of the great sister Republic on the Southern bank of the River Plate.
The recent death of Dr. Saenz Pe?a, an Argentine President whose high personal character and statesmanlike rule fully65 entitled him to the respect he received from all parties and classes throughout the Republic, is a serious loss to his country. Fortunately, however, the Presidential office is now held by Dr. Victorino de la Plaza66, formerly67 Vice-President, a man of acknowledged soundness of judgment68 and tact69 and of very many years’ experience in Ministerial, Diplomatic and Parliamentary life.
As for Uruguay, her chief reliance must be on the deep patriotism of her leading men and on their good sense to keep a peace which is the only true road to the general prosperity of a country the rich natural endowments of which cannot develop if men and horses are taken from the plough, as they constantly were in the past by one party or the other, to partake in the mutual70 destruction of civil war.
As is insisted on very often in these pages, the chief need of these new countries is population; an end most surely defeated by conditions which not only repelled71 all immigration but killed off a large proportion of the men[35] already there. There is good reason to believe that all this and more is now fully appreciated by every responsible man in Uruguay; and, once convinced of the right course to be followed for the country’s good, there is not a Uruguayan who will not follow it with all the patriotic72 doggedness which formerly caused the lamentable73 continuance of civil war.
Both Argentine and Uruguayan financial policies and methods are now sound. Argentina is prosperous with great future increase of prosperity before her, and Uruguay is now well on the high road to similar prosperity and as brilliant a future. Both are at peace with one another and their neighbouring Republics; all of whom are much too busy with their own interests and too democratic in spirit to dream of aggressive war. Added to which only Uruguay and Paraguay are small enough to need ever to covet74 further territory.
Brazil does not: Argentina has more than once already in the past refused to take Uruguay into her Federation75: Paraguay, except as a constant nuisance to herself and everyone near her, is, and will be for many years to come, a negligible quantity in South American politics. The Andine frontier now fixed76 between Chile and Argentine is never again likely to be disturbed by either. Uruguay may possibly cast longing77 eyes one day at the rich grazing lands of Southern Brazil; but she is more than unlikely ever to attempt to acquire these by force. Their annexation78 by her could only occur on the initiative of the inhabitants of those regions; who, unless Brazil is able in the future to keep her financial and fiscal79 house in better order than at present, might very conceivably prefer to be under the Government of Montevideo rather than that of Rio de Janeiro. Even then, the question of different languages would present a difficulty to the assimilation of the State of Rio Grande del Sul by its Southern neighbour.
One great step in the democratic progress of the Argentine[36] Republic was made three years ago on the initiative of Dr. Roque Saenz Pe?a. This was the passing of a law which introduced the ballot80 and made the exercise of the franchise81 obligatory82 on a universal male suffrage83 of native-born Argentines and foreigners of two years’ residence.
It was a great reform made necessary by many considerations. The chief of which were the public indifference84 to all matters political which did not immediately concern Industry or Commerce and the profound discredit55 into which elections, parliamentary and municipal, had fallen as a consequence of that indifference; the whole effect of which was to leave the internal government of the country entirely85 in the hands of a mostly mercenary caste of professional politicians. This caste was habitually86 guilty of electoral corruption and malpractices which, in the absence of any interested public opinion, continued to work in a vicious circle by causing complete abstention from any exercise of the vote on the part of all citizens of the Republic except those forming the small gangs which were under the orders of the “Caudillo” or political manager of each district. These gangs went to the poll, at so much per head in cash and many illicit87 privileges, in order that there should be any voting at all to declare the due re-election of the men who wielded88 the political power in the National or Provincial89 Legislatures or in the Councils of the various Municipalities.
The substitution, under the new Law, of genuine for fictitious90 elections has also operated as another, and, probably, final blow struck at the Provincial Oligarchies91, reference to which has been made in another chapter.
No one outside South America would really credit the depths of corrupt absurdity92 in which elections in Argentina were permitted to remain so late in these days of her general enlightenment and prosperity. That reform in this highly important respect was so long a-coming was due to individual preoccupation with their own affairs of the people of a[37] country the material development of which was being accomplished93 with bewildering rapidity.
Men had no time to occupy themselves with such a tough, and rather dangerous, job as the dethronement of the professional politician; who, in the higher spheres of Provincial Government, usually belonged to one of the widely influential groups of the historically dominant94 native families. Public morality had sunk to a strangely low level in comparison with the ever-increasing commercial rectitude of the country, when the most startling tale of electoral fraud or administrative95 corruption would be received with only a shrug96 of the shoulders and an indulgent smile, as of wonder why the narrator was making so much ado about such a very ordinary occurrence.
The management of elections in the Federal Capital and in the Provinces differed only in method; the results were uniform triumphs for the party in power. In the Capital the authorities went to the trouble of collecting the certificates of citizenship97 (the deposit of which at the polling booths was the form of voting under the old system) of dead and absent men and sometimes of hiring others, and with filling in blank forms of these with fictitious names, in sufficient quantities to swamp any attempted voting by an opposition. In the Provinces, the elections were always stage-managed by the district commissary of Police. He led up the necessary gang of peon voters, to whom he served out a dinner of carne con11 cuero, wine and a $5 bill each, to celebrate the occasion and to indemnify them for any trouble they might have been put to by their attendance. Furthermore, the faithful electors knew that in the case of their getting into any scrape in the future which might otherwise cause trouble between themselves and the police, they would stand every possible chance of dismissal with a friendly caution; while were the case one of assaulting an enemy that enemy would stand a better chance of imprisonment98 than they. These are not traveller’s tales, but facts[38] well known to every resident in Argentina and, I suspect, similar facts are within the experience of everyone living in one or other of most of the Latin American Republics. So that the quantity of ink spilt in the European papers over the accusations99 brought against ex-President Huerta, to the effect that he had improperly100 influenced the late Mexican Presidential Election, reads comically to most South Americans.
Now, in Argentina, all qualified101 persons must vote, or be mulcted in a penalty for not so doing. And it must be your own fault if anyone else knows which way you have voted. Even the innate102 native conviction that elections are rites103 instituted for the exclusive benefit of the already elect must have suffered severe shock from Dr. Saenz Pe?a’s Law. It will now be difficult to obtain a price for a mere promise the fulfilment or otherwise of which cannot be ascertained by the purchaser.
The passing of the new Law really seems a miracle when its interference with long-established custom is considered. It has perhaps crowned the patrician104 caste with the glory of heroically complete self-sacrifice. Certainly it heralds105 the twilight106 of the gods who have guided the country’s destinies since their ancestors led its rough armies to victory under the autumnal sun of May, 1810 (the sun which is blazoned107 in gold on the blue and white of the National banner), who fought for or opposed Rozas and Artígas and upheld the National prestige in the wearisome conflict with Paraguay.
In the old days of musket108 or rifle and bandolier, the Argentine patricians109 freely gave their lives and fortunes for the PATRIA. Now in frock-coats and silk hats, they have given up for her the right to all power not derived110 from individual merit or capacity. In doing so they have made an offering to democratic Liberty greater by far than any attained during the sixty years of Rebellion and Civil War which began with the dawn of the nineteenth century.
The immediate2 results of this unchaining of the power of[39] a proletariat which has not yet attained a very high educational or intellectual level will nevertheless be watched with interest not unmingled with anxiety by all concerned with political economy in the abstract and the progress and peaceful welfare of Argentina in particular.
In this connection it is perhaps remarkable111 that whereas the choice of each New President has for many years been a foregone conclusion during at least the last year or so of his predecessor’s term of office, no such lengthy112 period of predestination was anywhere observable in the case of the successor to Dr. Victorino de la Plaza, who vacates the Presidential chair this year.
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1
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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informative
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| adj.提供资料的，增进知识的 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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stork
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| n.鹳 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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saviours
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| n.救助者( saviour的名词复数 )；救星；救世主；耶稣基督 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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appreciable
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| adj.明显的，可见的，可估量的，可觉察的 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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forestalled
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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whitewashing
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| 粉饰，美化，掩饰( whitewash的现在分词 )； 喷浆 | |
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potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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oust
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| vt.剥夺，取代，驱逐 | |
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ousted
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| 驱逐( oust的过去式和过去分词 )； 革职； 罢黜； 剥夺 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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retention
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| n.保留，保持，保持力，记忆力 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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monetary
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| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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perilously
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| adv.充满危险地，危机四伏地 | |
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54
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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venality
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| n.贪赃枉法，腐败 | |
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renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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instigate
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| v.教唆，怂恿，煽动 | |
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impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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oligarchies
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| n.寡头统治的政府( oligarchy的名词复数 )；寡头政治的执政集团；寡头统治的国家 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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shrug
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| v.耸肩(表示怀疑、冷漠、不知等) | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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improperly
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| 不正确地，不适当地 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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blazoned
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| v.广布( blazon的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布；夸示；装饰 | |
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musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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109
patricians
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| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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111
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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112
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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