The Doctor suggested that we should first visit the “Administration Building.” I was expecting to find Congress or some such body in session, but to my surprise I was told by the Doctor that Congress had been abolished, and that the country was run on what I had formerly understood as the corporation plan; except that the salaries were 100 not so large. The business of the Government was entrusted5 to bureaus or departments, and the officers in them were chosen for their fitness by an improved system of civil service.
“Who is president now,” I inquired.
“President!” replied the Doctor, in surprise, “why we have none. I never saw a president. We need none. We have an Executive Department which fills his place.”
“What as to proposing new measures?” I asked. “Who writes the annual messages suggesting them?”
“All this is left to a bureau chosen for that purpose, whose duties are to keep the nation informed as to its needs, and to formulate6 new plans, which are carried out along the idea of the initiative and referendum system with which you are doubtless somewhat acquainted, as I notice that it was discussed as early as 1890.”
I replied that I had a recollection of seeing the terms but I could not give an intelligent definition of them. Whereupon the Doctor explained the system.
“You see,” he said, “that the time wasted in Congressional debate is saved and the chance to block needed legislation is reduced to a minimum. 101 There are no political offices to parcel out to henchmen, and the ambitions of demagogues are not fostered at the expense of the people. England, you will recollect7, has had a king only in name for four hundred years. The American people have found out there is no necessity for either king, president, parliament or congress, and in that respect we may be able sooner or later to teach the mother country a lesson.”
“To say I am surprised at all this, Dr. Newell, is to express my feelings but mildly,” said I, “but I can now see how the changes in reference to the Negro have been brought about. Under our political system, such as I knew it to be, these results could not have been reached in a thousand years!”
“Yes, Mr. Twitchell,” replied the Doctor, “our new system, as it may be called, has been a great help in settling, not only the Negro problem, but many others; for instance the labor8 question, about which we have already conversed,—and the end is not yet, the hey-day of our glory is not reached and will not be until the principles of the Golden Rule have become an actuality in this land.”
I here remarked that I always felt a misgiving9 as to our old system, which left the Government 102 and management of the people’s affairs in the hands of politicians who had more personal interest than statesmanship; but I could not conceive of any method of ridding the country of this influence and power, and had about resolved to accept the situation as a part of my common lot with humanity.
Doctor Newell stated that there was much opposition10 to the parcelling out of land to Negro farmers. It was jeered11 at as “paternalism,” and “socialistic,” and “creating a bad precedent12.”
“But,” said he, “our Bureau of Public Utility carried out the idea with the final endorsement13 of the people, who now appreciate the wisdom of the experiment. The government could as well afford to spend public money for the purpose of mitigating14 the results of race feeling as it could to improve rivers and harbors. In both instances the public good was served. If bad harbors were a curse so was public prejudice on the race question. It was cheaper in the long run to remove the cause than to patch up with palliatives. If the Negro was becoming vicious to a large extent, and the cause of it was the intensity15 of race prejudice in the land, which confined him to menial callings, and only a limited number of those; and 103 race prejudice could not be well prevented owing to the misconception of things by those who fostered it; and if an attempt at suppression would mean more bitterness toward the Negro and danger to the country, then surely, looking at the question from the distance at which we are to-day, the best solution was the one adopted by our bureaus at the time. At least, we know the plan was successful, and ‘nothing succeeds like success!’
“I am inclined to the opinion that the politicians, judging by the magazine article I gave you,” said he, “were quite anxious to keep the Negro question alive for the party advantage it brought. In the North it served the purpose of solidifying16 the Negro vote for the Republicans, and in the South the Democrats17 used it to their advantage; neither party, therefore, was willing to remove the Negro issue by any real substantial legislation. Enough legislation was generally proposed pro1 and con4 to excite the voters desired to be reached, and there the efforts ended.”
I could not but reflect that the triumph of reason over partisanship18 and demagoguery had at last been reached, and that the American people had resolved no longer to temporize19 with measures 104 or men, but were determined20 to have the government run according to the original design of its founders21, upon the principle of the greatest good to the greatest number.
No President since Grant was ever more abused by a certain class of newspapers and politicians than President Roosevelt, who adopted the policy of appointing worthy22 men to office, regardless of color. He said that fitness should be his rule and not color. In his efforts to carry out this policy he met with the most stubborn resistance from those politicians who hoped to make political capital out of the Negro question. To his credit let it be said that he refused to bow the knee to Baal but stood by his convictions to the end.
I found from the published reports of the Bureau of Statistics that the Negro’s progress in one hundred years had been all that his friends could have hoped for. I give below a comparative table showing the difference:
A. D. 1900 A. D. 2004
Aggregate23 Negro Wealth $890,000,000 $2,670,000,000
Aggregate Negro population 8,840,789 21,907,079
Per cent. of illiteracy24 45 per cent. 2 per cent.
Per cent. of crime 20 per cent. 1 per cent.
Ratio of home owners 1 in 100 1 in 30.
Ratio of insane 1 in 1000 1 in 500.
Death rate 20 per M. 5 per M.105
Number of lawyers 250 5,282
Number of doctors 800 11,823
Number of pharmacists 150 2,111
Number of teachers 30,000 200,603
Number of preachers 75,000 250,804
Number of mechanics 80,000 240,922
I noticed that Negroes had gained standing25 in the country as citizens and were no longer objects for such protection as the whites thought a Negro deserved. They stood on the same footing legally as other people. It was a pet phrase in my time for certain communities to say to the Negro that they “would protect him in his rights,” but what the Negro wanted was that he should not have to be protected at all! He wanted public sentiment to protect him just as it did a white man. This proffered26 help was all very good, since it was the best the times afforded, but it made the Negro’s rights depend upon what his white neighbors said of him,—if these neighbors did not like him his rights were nil27. His was an ephemeral existence dependent on the whims28 and caprices of friends or foes29. True citizenship30 must be deeper than that and be measured by the law of the land—not by the opinion of one’s neighbors.
But the voice of the politician who wished to 106 contort civil into social equality was now hushed. He no more disgraced the land, and a Negro could have a business talk with a white man on the street of a Southern city without either party becoming subjects of criticism for practicing “social equality.”
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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formulate
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| v.用公式表示；规划；设计；系统地阐述 | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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jeered
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| v.嘲笑( jeer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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mitigating
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的现在分词 ) | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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solidifying
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| （使）成为固体，（使）变硬，（使）变得坚固( solidify的现在分词 )； 使团结一致； 充实，巩固； 具体化 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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temporize
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| v.顺应时势；拖延 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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illiteracy
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| n.文盲 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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nil
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| n.无，全无，零 | |
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WHIMS
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| 虚妄，禅病 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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