In the spring of the year 1632 an Indian runner came, in breathless haste, into the village of Plymouth, with the intelligence that the Narragansets, under Canonicus, were marching against Mount Hope, and that Massassoit implored6 the aid of the Pilgrims. The chief of the Wampanoags had fled, with a party of his warriors8, to Sowams, in the present town of Warren, R. I., where the Pilgrims had a trading-post. It used to be said, in the French army, during the wars of Napoleon I., that the presence of the Emperor, on the field of an approaching battle, was equivalent to a re-enforcement of one hundred thousand men. It seems to have been the impression, with both colonists9 and Indians, that Captain Standish, in himself alone, was a resistless force. He was immediately despatched to Sowams, with three men, to302 repel10 an army of nobody knew how many hundreds of savage11 warriors.
Upon his arrival at Sowams, the captain soon learned that the Wampanoags were indeed in serious peril12. The Narragansets were advancing in much strength. Captain Standish sent promptly13 a messenger to Plymouth to forward a re-enforcement to him immediately, with powder and muskets14. As there was but little ammunition16 at that time in Plymouth, application was made to Governor Winthrop, of Massachusetts, for a supply. There were but few horses then in either of the colonies, and the messenger returned on foot through the woods with twenty-seven pounds of powder upon his back, which Governor Winthrop had contributed from his own stores. Fortunately the Pequots, taking advantage of the absence of the Narraganset warriors, made an inroad upon their territory, which caused Canonicus to abandon his march upon Sowams and to make a precipitate17 retreat to defend his own realms.
Mr. Roger Williams, whose name is one of the most illustrious in the early annals of New England, had a little before this time come over to Massachusetts. Being displeased18 with some things there, he left that colony and came to Plymouth.
“Here,” writes Governor Bradford, “he was friendly entertained, according to their poor ability,303 and exercised his gifts among them, and after some time was admitted a member of the church. And his teaching was well approved, for the benefit whereof I still bless God, and am thankful to him, even for his sharpest admonitions and reproofs19. He this year began to fall into some strange opinions, and from opinion to practice; which caused some controversy20 between the church and him, and, in the end, some discontent on his part, by occasion whereof he left them somewhat abruptly21.”
In the year 1634 a serious difficulty occurred upon the Kennebec River. The Plymouth colony claimed this river, and fifteen miles on each side of it, by special patent. They thus were enabled to monopolize22 the very important trade with the Indians. A man by the name of Hocking, from the settlement at Piscataqua, with a boat load of goods, entered the river, and ascending23 above the trading coast of the Plymouth colony, commenced purchasing furs of the Indians. Mr. John Howland was in command of the post at that time. He forbade the trade; but Hocking, with insulting language, bade him defiance24. Howland took a boat and some armed men, and ascended25 the river to the spot where the heavily laden26 boat of Hocking was riding at anchor, and earnestly expostulated with him against his illegal procedings.304 The result we will give in the words of Governor Bradford:
“But all in vain. He could get nothing of him but ill words. So he considered that now was the season for trade to come down, and that if he should suffer him to take it from them, all their former charge would be lost, and they had better throw all up. So consulting with his men, who were willing thereto, he resolved to put him from his anchors, and let him drift down the river with the stream; but commanded the men that none should shoot a shot upon any occasion, except he commanded them.
“He spoke27 to him again, but all in vain. Then he sent a couple in a canoe to cut his cable, the which one of them performs. But Hocking takes up a piece, which he had laid ready, and, as the bark sheared28 by the canoe, he shot him, close under her side, in the head, so that he fell down dead instantly.44 One of his fellows, who loved him well, could not hold, but with a musket15 shot Hocking, who fell down dead, and never spake word. This was the truth of the thing.”
Mr. John Alden, probably the husband of Priscilla, was one of the men in the bark with the Pilgrims. They returned to the trading post, much afflicted29 by the untoward30 adventure. Not long after this Mr. Alden, visiting Boston, was arrested for the deed,305 upon the complaint of a kinsman31 of Hocking, and held to bail32. The Massachusetts government had no right of jurisdiction33 in the affair. But Governor Winthrop was quite embarrassed to know what was best to be done in a case thus far without any precedent34. He wrote very courteously35 to Governor Winslow, then Chief Magistrate36 of Plymouth, informing him of what had been done, and enquiring37 if the Plymouth people would take action in a case which seemed rather to belong to their jurisdiction.
“This we did,” writes Governor Winthrop, “that notice might be taken that we did disavow the said action, which was much condemned38 of all men, and which, it was feared, would give occasion to the king to send a general governor over. And besides, it had brought us all, and the gospel, under a common reproach, of cutting one another’s throats for beaver39.”
Governor Bradford was also greatly troubled, being apprehensive40 respecting the influence it might exert upon the home government. He speaks of the occurrence as “one of the saddest things that befel them since they came.” There was embarrassment41 all around. It was hardly consistent with the dignity of Plymouth to surrender the case to the Massachusetts court. Mr. Alden, who had been arrested, was no actor in the business. He simply happened to be306 in the boat, having gone to the Kennebec with supplies.
Under these difficult circumstances Captain Standish was sent to Massachusetts to consult with the authorities there upon the best course to be pursued; to make explanations, and to endeavor to obtain the release of John Alden. Great wisdom was requisite42 in discharging the duties of this mission, combining conciliation43 with firmness. The Captain was equal to the occasion. He represented that the Plymouth people exceedingly regretted what had happened, but they felt that they were not the aggressors, but had acted in self defense44. It was admitted that one of their servants had shot Hocking, but that he had first shot Talbot, and would have killed others had he not himself been killed. It was urged that the Massachusetts colony had no jurisdiction in the case, and that it had done unjustly in imprisoning45, and arraigning46 before its court, one of the Plymouth men. The spirit of conciliation manifested by both parties was admirable, as is manifest in the following admission made to the Massachusetts court, as recorded by Governor Bradford:
“But yet, being assured of their Christian47 love, and persuaded that what was done was out of godly zeal48, that religion might not suffer, or sin be in any way covered, especially the guilt49 of blood, of which all307 should be very conscientious50, they did endeavor to appease51 and satisfy them the best they could; first by informing them of the truth in all circumstances about the matter; and secondly52, in being willing to refer the case to any indifferent and equal hearing and judgment53 of the thing here, and to answer it elsewhere when they should be duly called thereto. And further, they craved54 Mr. Winthrop’s, and others of the revered55 magistrates56 there, their advice and direction therein. This did mollify their minds, and bring things to a good and comfortable issue in the end.”45
In accordance with Governor Winthrop’s advice, a general conference of prominent men, both ministers and laymen57, was held in Boston. After seeking divine guidance in prayer, the matter was very thoroughly58 discussed. Then the opinion of each one was taken, both magistrates and ministers. With entire unanimity59 they came to the conclusion that, “Though they all could have wished that these things had never been, yet they could not but lay the blame and guilt on Hocking’s own head. And thus,” writes Governor Bradford, “was this matter ended, and love and concord60 renewed.”
In the struggle between the Dutch and the English, for the possession of the Connecticut River and its lucrative61 trade, a party of Dutch ascended the308 river far above their trading-house, at the present site of Hartford. Here there was a powerful tribe of Indians. Being, as usual with the Indians, at war with their neighbors, about one thousand of them had built a fort, which they had strongly palisadoed. Some Dutch traders went up to pass the winter with them, and to purchase their furs. A terrible plague came upon the Indians, and nine hundred and fifty died in the course of a few weeks. The living could not bury the dead. Their bodies were left to decay in the open air. The Dutch, with difficulty, amidst the snows of winter, made their escape from this horrible pestilence62, and succeeded, when almost dead with hunger and cold, in reaching their friends in Hartford.
The account of the ravages63 of the small-pox among the Indians, around the English settlements, is too revolting to be transferred to these pages. The suffering was awful. Though the English ministered to them with the greatest humanity, yet not one of them was attacked by the disease. The judgment of God seemed to have fallen upon the Indians, and they were everywhere perishing.
The Plymouth colony had a very flourishing trading-house on the Penobscot River. In the year 1635, a French frigate64 appeared in the harbor, and took possession of the post, in the name of the king of France. The captain, Monsieur d’ Aulney, made an309 inventory65 of their goods, took a bill of sale at his own price, promised to pay when convenient, put the men on board their shallop, supplied them amply with provisions, and, with many bows and compliments, sent them home to Plymouth. Once before this post had been thus captured. The Plymouth people were greatly disturbed by the loss. The French commander threatened to come again the next year, with eight ships, and to seize all the plantations66 in that section of the country which was claimed by the king of France.
Plymouth applied67 to Massachusetts to co-operate in the endeavor to recapture the post, and to drive out the French. The Governor of Plymouth and Captain Standish were sent to meet the Massachusetts commissioners68. They urged that both colonies were equally interested in the dislodgement of the French, and that the expense should be equally borne. But the Massachusetts commissioners insisted that as the post belonged to Plymouth alone, that colony ought to defray all the expenses of the expedition. Thus the negotiation69 terminated.
Plymouth, thus left to its own resources, hired a vessel70, the Great Hope, of about three hundred tons, well fitted with ordnance71. It was agreed with its commander that he should recapture the post, and surrender it, with all the trading commodities which310 were there, to the agents, who were to accompany him from Plymouth. As his recompense, he was to receive seven hundred pounds of beaver skins, to be delivered as soon as he should have accomplished72 his task. If he failed, he was to receive nothing.
Thomas Prince was then Governor of Plymouth. He sent Captain Miles Standish, in their own bark, with about twenty men, to aid, should it be needful, in the recovery of the post, and to take the command there, should the post be regained73. Captain Standish’s bark led the way, and piloted the Great Hope into the harbor, on the Penobscot. He had in his vessel the seven hundred pounds of beaver, with which to pay for the expedition. But Golding proved a totally incompetent74 man, displaying folly75 almost amounting to insanity76. He would take no advice from Captain Standish. He would not even allow Captain Standish to summon the post to surrender. Had this been done, the French would at once have yielded, for they were entirely77 unprepared to resist the force sent against them. Neither would he bring his ship near enough to the post to do any execution, as without any summons and at a great distance, he opened a random78 and harmless fire.
Captain Standish earnestly remonstrated79, assuring Golding that he could lay his ship within pistol shot of the house. As the stupid creature burned his311 powder and threw away his shot, the French, behind an earth-work out of all harm’s reach, made themselves merry over the futile80 bombardment. At length Golding became convinced of his folly, and placed his vessel upon the spot which Captain Standish had pointed81 out. Then he ascertained82, to the excessive chagrin84 of Captain Standish and his party, that he had expended85 all his ammunition. The wretch86 then designed to seize upon the bark and the beaver skins. But Captain Standish, learning of this, spread his sails and returned in safety to Plymouth.
The Governor and his assistants in Massachusetts Bay, hearing of this utter failure of the expedition, became alarmed in reference to their own safety. They wrote very earnestly to Plymouth, saying:
“We desire that you would, with all convenient speed, send some man of trust, furnished with instructions from yourselves, to make such agreement with us about this business, as may be useful for you and equal for us.”
Captain Standish, with Mr. Prince, was immediately sent to Massachusetts with full powers to act in accordance with instructions given them. The negotiations87, however, failed; as the Massachusetts colonists were still not prepared to pay their share of the expense. The French remained undisturbed on the Penobscot. They carried on a vigorous trade312 with the Indians, supplying them abundantly with muskets and ammunition.
The terrible mortality, which had swept away so many thousand Indians from the Connecticut, turned the attention of the Massachusetts colonists again to that beautiful and fertile region. The Dutch claimed the country. The Plymouth colony claimed it. And now the Massachusetts colonists were putting in their claim. Jonathan Brewster, the oldest son of Elder Brewster, was at the head of the little Plymouth settlement at Windsor. The following extracts from one of his letters addressed to the authorities at Plymouth, give a very clear idea of the state of the question at that time. The letter is dated Matianuck (Windsor), July 6, 1835.
“The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water and some by land, who are not yet determined89 where to settle, though some have a great mind to the place we are upon, and which was last bought. Many of them look for that which this river will not afford, except it be at this place, to be a great town and have commodious90 dwellings91 for many together. I shall do what I can to withstand them. I hope that they will hear reason; as that we were here first, and entered with much difficulty and danger, both in regard of the Dutch and Indians, and bought the land and have since held here a chargeable313 possession, and kept the Dutch from further encroaching, who would else, long ere this, have possessed92 all, and kept out all others.
“It was your will that we should use their persons and messengers kindly93; and so we have done, and do daily to your great charge. For the first company had well nigh starved had it not been for this house; I being forced to supply twelve men for nine days together. And those who came last I helped the best we could, helping94 them both with canoes and guides. They got me to go with them to the Dutch, to see if I could procure95 some of them to have quiet settling near them; but they did peremptorily96 withstand them. Also I gave their goods house-room, according to their earnest request. What trouble and charge I shall be further at I know not; for they are coming daily, and I expect those back again from below, whither they are gone to view the country. All which trouble and charge we undergo for their occasion, may give us just cause, in the judgment of all wise and understanding men, to hold and keep that we are settled upon.”46
The question was finally settled by treaty, and the Massachusetts colonists soon planted settlements at Wethersfield, Hartford, and some other places on the river. There were three dominant98 nations, if we may314 so call them, at this time, in southern New England. The chiefs of these nations exercised a sort of feudal99 domination over many petty tribes. The Wampanoags, under Massasoit, held the present region of Massachusetts generally. The Narragansets, under Canonicus, occupied Rhode Island. The Pequots, under Sassacus, extended their dominion100 over nearly the whole of Connecticut. These tribes, powerful and jealous, were almost invariably engaged in hostilities101. Roger Williams estimated the number of Pequots at thirty thousand souls. They could bring four thousand warriors into the field. The seat of their chief was at Groton, near New London. Twenty-six smaller tribes were held in subjection by him. The Pequots were deemed the most fierce and cruel race of all the tribes who dwelt in New England.
The Narragansets were a nobler race of men. They somewhat surpassed the Pequots in numbers, and manifested traits of character far more generous and magnanimous. They could bring five thousand warriors into the field. The seat of Canonicus, their chief, was not far from the present town of Newport.
The Wampanoags had suffered terribly from the pestilence which ravaged102 New England just before the arrival of the Pilgrims. The number of their warriors had been reduced from over three thousand to about five hundred. Early in the year 1637 the315 Pequots began to manifest decided103 hostility against the English. There was a small settlement at Saybrook, near the mouth of the Connecticut river. As the colonists were at work in the fields, unsuspicious of danger, a band of Indians fell upon them and killed several men and women. The Indians retired104 with loud boastings and threats. Soon after they came in larger numbers and attacked a fort. Though they were repelled105, their attack was so bold and spirited as to astonish the English and cause them great alarm.
The Pequots endeavored to make peace with the Narragansets, that they might enter into an alliance with them against the English. Not a little ability was displayed in the plan of operations which they suggested. “We have no occasion to fear,” they said, “the strength of the English. We need not come to open battle with them. We can set fire to their houses, shoot their cattle, lie in ambush106 for them whenever they go abroad. Thus we can utterly107 destroy them without any danger to ourselves. The English will be either starved to death, or will be compelled to leave the country.”
For a time the Narragansets listened to these representations, being quite inclined to accept them. The anxiety of the English was very great. They desired only peace, with the prosperity it would bring. War and its ruin they greatly deplored108.
316 The Pilgrims did everything which could be done to avoid the Pequot war; but it was forced upon them. Sassacus was a very shrewd man, and laid very broad plans for his military operations. He could summon thousands of warriors who would fall furiously upon all the scattered109 settlements, lay them in ashes, and massacre110 the inhabitants.
In the year 1634, just after a very flourishing trading post had been established on the Connecticut river at Windsor, two English traders, Captains Norton and Stone, ascended the river in a boat, laden with valuables for the Indian trade, which they intended to exchange for furs. These traders had eight white boatmen in their employ. The Indians were peaceful, and they had no apprehensions111 of danger. One night, as the boat was moored113 by the side of the stream, a band of Indians, with hideous114 yells, rushed from an ambush upon them, put every man to death and, having plundered115 the boat of all its contents, sunk it in the stream.
These traders were from Massachusetts. This powerful colony demanded of Sassacus that the murderers should be surrendered to them, and that payment should be made for the plundered goods. The bloody116 deed had been performed at midnight in the glooms of the forest. There was no survivor117 to tell the story. Sassacus fabricated one, very ingeniously,317 to palm off upon the English. No one could deny the villany of Captain Hunt, who, some years before, had kidnapped several Indians and sold them into slavery. Sassacus declared that Captains Norton and Stone, without any provocation118, had seized two Indians, bound them hand and foot in their boat, and were about to carry them off, no one knew where.
The friends of these captives crept cautiously along the shore watching for an opportunity to rescue them. The white men were all thoroughly armed with swords and muskets, rendering119 any attempt to rescue the captives extremely perilous120. The right of self-defense rendered it necessary, in the conflict which would ensue, to kill. In the darkness of the night they rushed upon the boat which was drawn121 up to the shore, killed the white men and released the captives. He also stated that all the Indians engaged in the affray, excepting two, had since died of the small-pox.
This plausible122 story could not be disproved. The magistrates of Massachusetts, high-minded and honorable men, wished to treat the Indians not merely with justice, but with humanity. It could not be denied that, admitting the facts to be as stated by Sassacus, the Indians had performed a heroic act—one for which they deserved praise rather than censure123. The Governor of Massachusetts therefore accepted318 this explanation, and resumed his friendly alliance with the treacherous124 Pequots.
Roger Williams, who had taken up his residence in Rhode Island, had secured the confidence of the Indians to a wonderful degree. He exposed himself, apparently125, to the greatest perils126, without any sense of danger. He had acquired wonderful facility in speaking the language of the Narragansets, in the midst of whom he dwelt. There were still so many indications that the Pequots were plotting hostilities, that the Governor and Council of Massachusetts wrote to Mr. Williams, urging him to go to the seat of Canonicus, and dissuade127 him from entering into any coalition128 with the Pequots, should such be in process of formation. This truly good man immediately left his home and embarked130 alone, in a canoe, to skirt the coast of Narraganset Bay, upon his errand of mercy. It is probable that he made this journey in a birch canoe, paddling his way over the smooth waters of the sheltered bays. He encountered many hardships, and many great perils, as occasional storms arose, dashing the surf upon the shore. After several days of such lonely voyaging, he reached the royal residence of Canonicus. The barbarian131 chieftain was at home, and it so happened that when Mr. Williams arrived at his wigwam, he found several Pequot warriors there, who had come on an embassage319 from Sassacus to engage the Narragansets in the war.
For three days this bold man remained alone among these savages132, endeavoring, in every way, to thwart133 the endeavors of the Pequot warriors. These agents of Sassacus were enraged134 at Mr. Williams’ influence in circumventing135 their plans. They plotted his massacre, and every night Mr. Williams had occasion to fear that he would not behold136 the light of another morning. But Canonicus, unlettered savage as he was, had sufficient intelligence to appreciate the fearlessness and true grandeur137 of character of Mr. Williams. He dismissed the discomfited138 Pequots, refusing to enter into any alliance with them. He renewed his treaty of friendship with the English, and engaged to send a large party of his warriors to co-operate with them in repelling139 the threatened assault of the Pequots.
The benefits thus conferred upon the English by the efforts of Mr. Roger Williams were incalculable. Many distant tribes, who were on the eve of joining Sassacus, alarmed by the defection of the Narragansets, also withdrew; and thus the Pequots were compelled to enter upon the war with forces considerably140 weaker than they had originally intended. Still they were foes142 greatly to be dreaded143. The English settlements were now widely scattered, and each was in320 itself feeble. The Pequots could marshal four thousand of as fierce warriors as earth has ever seen. A small bag of pounded corn would furnish each warrior7 with food for many days. They could traverse the forest trails with almost the velocity144 of the wind. Rushing upon some unprotected hamlet at midnight, with torch and tomahawk, they could, in one awful hour, leave behind them but smouldering ashes and gory145 corpses146. Disappearing, like wolves, in the impenetrable forest, they could again rush upon any lonely farm-house, leagues away, and thus, with but little danger to themselves, spread ruin far and wide. No man in the scattered settlements could fall asleep at night without the fear that the hideous war-whoop of the Indian would rouse him and his family to a cruel death before morning.
The Pequots were continually perpetrating new acts of violence, while the English, with great forbearance, were doing everything in their power to avert the open breaking out of hostilities. To add to the embarrassment of the English they received conclusive147 evidence that Captains Norton and Stone, with their boats’ crew, were wantonly murdered by the Indians, and that the statement of extenuating148 circumstances, made by Sassacus, was an entire fabrication. The forbearance of the English only stimulated149 the insolence150 of the Pequots.
321 In July 1635, John Oldham ventured on a trading expedition to the Pequot country. He went as an agent of the Massachusetts colony, one object being to ascertain83 the disposition151 of the savages. The Indians captured his boat, killed Captain Oldham, horribly mutilating his body, and the rest of the crew, two or three in number, were carried off as captives. The time for attempts at conciliation was at an end. It was resolved to prosecute152 the war with all vigor88, and so to punish the Pequots as to give them a new idea of the power of the English, and to present a warning to all the other savages against the repetition of such outrages153.
Plymouth colony furnished fifty soldiers, commanded by Captain Miles Standish. Massachusetts raised two hundred men. The settlements on the Connecticut furnished ninety men. The Mohegans and Narragansets sent to the English camp of rendezvous154 about two hundred warriors, promising155 many more. It was decided to strike the Pequots a sudden and heavy blow. We cannot here enter into the details of the fierce and decisive war which ensued.
These military bands rendezvoused156 on the shores of Narraganset bay, and commenced a rapid march through the forest. The Narragansets were exceedingly jubilant in the prospect157 of inflicting158 vengeance159 upon a foe141 who had often compelled them to bite the322 dust. As they hurried along through the narrow trails towards the Pequot territory, volunteer Narragansets joined them until five hundred feathered warriors were in their train.
The Indian guides led them to a strong fort, on the banks of the river Mystic. A large number of Pequot warriors were assembled here, quite unapprehensive of the attack which was about to fall terribly upon them. Silently, in the night the English and the Indians surrounded them, that there might be no escape.
“And so,” writes Governor Bradford, “assaulted them with great courage, shooting amongst them, and entering the fort with all speed. Those that first entered found sharp resistance from the enemy, who both shot at and grappled with them. Others ran into their houses, and brought out fire and set them on fire, which soon took in their mats, and, standing97 close together, with the wind, all was quickly in a flame. Thereby160 more were burned to death than were otherwise slain161. It burned their bow-strings, and rendered them unserviceable. Those that escaped the fire were slain with the sword. Some were hewed162 to pieces, others were run through with their rapiers, so that they were quickly dispatched, and very few escaped. It was conceived that they thus destroyed about four hundred at this time.
323 “It was a fearful sight to see them thus frying in the fire, the streams of blood quenching163 the same, and horrible was the scent164 thereof. But the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the praise thereof to God, who had wrought165 so wonderfully for them, thus to give them so speedy a victory over so proud and insulting an enemy.”47
“The Narraganset Indians all this while stood round about, but aloof166 from all danger, and left the whole execution to the English, except it were the stopping of any that broke away; insulting over their enemies in this their ruin and misery167, when they were writhing168 in the flames. After this service was thus happily accomplished, they marched to the water side, where they met with some of their vessels169, by which they had refreshing170 with victuals171 and other necessaries.”
The war was continued with vigor, and the Pequot warriors became nearly exterminated172. Sassacus fled to the Mohawks, in New York. They cut off his head. Thus the war ended. The Pequots were no longer to be feared. Driven from their homes, they took refuge, in their dispersion, in different tribes, and this formidable barbaric nation became extinct.
War is always demoralizing. Many, rioting in its scenes of carnage and of crime, lose all sense of humanity, and become desperadoes. After the close of324 the Pequot war, a young fellow, lusty and desperate, by the name of Arthur Peach, who had done valiant173 service in cutting down the Indians, felt a strong disinclination to return to the monotony of peaceful life. He became thoroughly dissolute, a wild adventurer, ripe for any crime. To escape the consequences of some of his misdeeds, he undertook, with three boon174 companions, as bad as himself, to escape to the Dutch colony at the mouth of the Hudson. As they were travelling through the woods they stopped to rest, and, kindling175 a fire, sat down to smoke their pipes. An Indian came along, who had a quantity of wampum, which had become valuable as currency, recognized by all the tribes. They invited him to sit down and smoke with them. As they were thus smoking together, Peach said to his companions that he meant to kill the Indian, “for the rascal,” said he, “has undoubtedly176 killed many white men.” The Indian, who did not understand English, was unsuspicious of danger. Peach, watching his opportunity, thrust his sword through his body once or twice, and taking from him his wampum and some other valuables, he and his companions hurried on their way, leaving him as they supposed, dead.
Though mortally wounded, the Indian so far revived as to reach some of his friends, when, having communicated to them the facts of the murder, he325 died. The men were all arrested. The proof was so positive that they made no denial of their guilt. They were all condemned, and three were executed, one having made his escape. Francis Baylies, commenting upon this occurrence, writes:
“This execution is an undeniable proof of that stern sense of duty which was cherished by the Pilgrims. To put three Englishmen to death for the murder of one Indian, without compulsion, or without any apprehension112 of consequences, for it does not appear that any application was made on the part of the Indians, for the punishment of the murderers, and they might have been pacified177 by the death of one, and probably even without that, denotes a degree of moral culture unknown in new settlements. It stands in our annals without a parallel instance. The truth of the fact is avouched178 by all our early historians, and it stands an eternal and imperishable monument of stern, unsparing, inflexible179 justice. And, in all probability it was not without its earthly reward, for the Indians, convinced of the justice of the English, abstained180 from all attempts to avenge181 their wrongs, by their own acts, for many years.”48
The Plymouth colonists were still much embarrassed in consequence of their relations with their partners in England, to whom they were still considerably326 indebted. The agent of the company there wrote that he could not make up his accounts, unless some one from the colony should come over to England to aid him; and he urged that Mr. Winslow should be sent. But Mr. Winslow was afraid to go. Neither was he willing that any of his partners should go. The angry tone of letters from England led him to apprehend182 serious danger. “For he was persuaded,” writes Governor Bradford, “that if any of them went they would be arrested, and an action of such a sum laid upon them as they should not procure bail, but must lie in prison; and then they would bring them to what they list.”
Still it was very important that some one should go. Captain Standish was applied to. He seems to have had as little fear of an English prison as of the tomahawks and arrows of the Indians. Without any hesitancy he was ready to embark129 in the perilous enterprise. But upon mature deliberation his more cautious friends decided it not to be prudent183 to expose him to such peril. But the spirit of justice, which inspired them in all their transactions, is again conspicuous184. They offered to submit the matter to any gentlemen and merchants of the Massachusetts colony, whom the company in England themselves might choose. Before these commissioners both sides should have a hearing. “We will be bound,” they327 added, “to stand by their decision, and make good their award, though it should cost us all we have in the world.”
The company in England declined this magnanimous offer. In the year 1645 Elder Brewster died, at the advanced age of eighty-four years. He was in Duxbury the next neighbor and the ever warm friend of Miles Standish. Among the remarkable185 men who composed the Plymouth colony, he was one of the most remarkable. By birth, education and wealth he occupied a high position in English society. In his earlier days he was the companion of ministers of state. He was familiar with the magnificence of courts, having represented his sovereign in foreign embassage. His ample fortune had accustomed him to the refinements186 and elegances187 of life. He might doubtless have spent his days in ease, honor and opulence188. But, true to his religious convictions, all these he cast aside to share the lot of the humble189 and persecuted190 Puritans. He deemed conformity191 to the mode of worship adopted by the Parliament as sinful. And “he chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season.” In the records of the first church in Plymouth we find a very noble tribute to his memory, probably written by Secretary Morton. Speaking of his embassage,328 in his early manhood, to the Low Countries, with Mr. Davison, Mr. Morton writes,
“He received possession of the cautionary towns; and, in token thereof, the keys of Flushing being delivered to him in her majesty’s name, he kept them for some time, and committed them to his servant, who kept them under his pillow on which he slept, the first night, and, on his return the States honored him with a gold chain, which his master committed to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rode through the country until they came to the court.
“Afterwards he went and lived in the country, in good esteem192 among his friends and the good gentlemen of those parts, especially the godly and religious. He did much good in the country where he lived, in promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practice and example, and encouraging others, but by procuring193 good preachers for the places thereabouts, and drawing on others to assist and help forward in such a work, he himself commonly deepest in the charge and often above his abilities. In this state he continued many years, doing the best good he could, and walking according to the light he saw, until the Lord revealed further unto him.
“And, in the end, by the tyranny of the bishops194 against godly preachers and people, in silencing the329 one, and persecuting196 the other, he, with many more of those times, began to look further into particulars, and to see into the unlawfulness of their callings, and the burden of many anti-Christian corruptions197, which both he and they endeavored to cast off, as they also did.
“After they were joined into communion he was a special stay and help to them. They ordinarily met at his house on the Lord’s day, which was within the manor198 of a bishop195. With great love he entertained them when they came, making provision for them to his great charge, and continued so to do while they should remain in England. And when they were to remove out of the country, he was the first in all adventures. He was the chief of those who were taken at Boston, in Lincolnshire, and suffered the greatest loss, and one of the seven that were kept longest in prison, and after bound over to the assizes.
“After he came to Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had spent the most of his means, having a great charge and many children. And in regard to his former breeding and course, not so fit for many employments as others were, especially such as were toilsome and laborious199. Yea, he ever bore his condition with much cheerfulness and content. Towards the latter part of those twelve years, spent in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he330 lived well and plentiful200; for he fell into a way, by reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach many students, who had a desire to learn the English tongue. By his method they quickly attained201 it, with great facility, for he drew rules to learn it by after the Latin manner. And many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they had time, from their other studies, some of them being great men’s sons.
“But now, removing into this country, all these things were laid aside again, and a new course of living must be framed unto; in which he was in no way unwilling202 to take his part, and to bear his burden with the rest, living many times without bread or corn, many months together; having many times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; and drunk nothing but water for many years together, until five or six years of his death. And yet he lived, by the blessing203 of God, in health until very old age.”
Elder Brewster was an accomplished gentleman, a genial204 friend, an eloquent205 preacher, and a fervent206 Christian. History has transmitted to us the record of but few characters so well balanced in all energetic, harmonious207, and lovely traits. He died as he had lived, tranquilly208, peacefully, in the enjoyment209 of all his faculties210. His sickness was short, confining him to his bed but one day. He could converse211 with his331 friends until within a few hours of his last breath. About ten o’clock in the evening of April 18th, 1644, he fell asleep.
“Asleep in Jesus, blessed sleep! From which none ever wake to weep.”
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1
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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7
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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12
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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13
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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14
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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17
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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18
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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19
reproofs
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| n.责备，责难，指责( reproof的名词复数 ) | |
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20
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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21
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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22
monopolize
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| v.垄断，独占，专营 | |
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23
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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25
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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27
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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28
sheared
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| v.剪羊毛( shear的过去式和过去分词 )；切断；剪切 | |
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29
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30
untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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31
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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32
bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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34
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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35
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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36
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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37
enquiring
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| a.爱打听的，显得好奇的 | |
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38
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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39
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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40
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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41
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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42
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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43
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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44
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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45
imprisoning
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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46
arraigning
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| v.告发( arraign的现在分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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47
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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48
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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49
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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50
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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51
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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52
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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53
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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54
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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55
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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57
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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58
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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59
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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60
concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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61
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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62
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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63
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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64
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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65
inventory
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| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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66
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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67
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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68
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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69
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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70
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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71
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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72
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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73
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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74
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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75
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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76
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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77
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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78
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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79
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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80
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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81
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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82
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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84
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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85
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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86
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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87
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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88
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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89
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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90
commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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91
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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92
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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93
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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94
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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95
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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96
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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97
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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98
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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99
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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100
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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101
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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102
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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103
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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105
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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106
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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107
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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110
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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111
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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112
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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113
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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114
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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115
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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117
survivor
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| n.生存者，残存者，幸存者 | |
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118
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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119
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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120
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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121
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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122
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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123
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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124
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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125
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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126
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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127
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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128
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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129
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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130
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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131
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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132
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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133
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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134
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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135
circumventing
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的现在分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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136
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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137
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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138
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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139
repelling
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| v.击退( repel的现在分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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140
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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141
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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142
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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143
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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144
velocity
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| n.速度，速率 | |
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145
gory
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| adj.流血的；残酷的 | |
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146
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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147
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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148
extenuating
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| adj.使减轻的，情有可原的v.（用偏袒的辩解或借口）减轻( extenuate的现在分词 )；低估，藐视 | |
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149
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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150
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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151
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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152
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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153
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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154
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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155
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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156
rendezvoused
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| v.约会，会合( rendezvous的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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158
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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159
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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160
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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161
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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162
hewed
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的过去式和过去分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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163
quenching
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| 淬火，熄 | |
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164
scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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165
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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166
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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167
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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168
writhing
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的现在分词 ) | |
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169
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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170
refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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171
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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172
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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173
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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174
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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175
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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176
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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177
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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178
avouched
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| v.保证，断言，承认( avouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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180
abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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181
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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182
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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183
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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184
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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185
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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186
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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187
elegances
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| n.高雅( elegance的名词复数 )；（举止、服饰、风格等的）优雅；精致物品；（思考等的）简洁 | |
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188
opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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189
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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190
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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191
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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192
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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193
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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194
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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195
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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196
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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197
corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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198
manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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199
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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200
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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201
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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202
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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203
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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204
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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205
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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206
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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207
harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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208
tranquilly
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| adv. 宁静地 | |
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209
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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210
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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211
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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