A short circuit sufficed to reveal the problem, and he returned to Kuruman to think out the best plan of campaign. The first step was a characteristic one. It was to isolate24 himself absolutely from all European society and live among the natives, so as to learn their language and study their habits and their laws. For six months he rigorously pursued his plan, and found his reward in the new appreciation25 he gained of the native character and mode of thinking, and the extent to which he conquered their confidences. So far advanced had he become in the knowledge of their language that he was able to enjoy a laugh at himself{25} for “turning poet.” One can believe that to Livingstone this was no easy work; but he succeeded in making Sechuana translations of several hymns26 which were afterwards adopted and printed by the French missionaries. “If they had been bad,” he says in his na?ve way, “I don’t see that they can have had any motive27 for using them.”
He was waiting now for the final decision of the directors authorising the advance into the unoccupied district of the north. The decision was long in coming. We must recognise that such a resolution was not an easy one for those who carried all the responsibilities at home. Even their most trusted advisers28 on the actual field were not agreed. Dr. Philip, the special representative of the Society at the Cape29, and a man of great personal power and sagacity, shook his head over Livingstone’s impetuosity and talked about the dangers. “If we wait till there is no danger,” said Livingstone, “we shall never go at all.” It was quite true; but there were big problems of policy to be decided30. Many held by the watchword{26} “concentration,” which is always plausible31, and often conclusive32. Settlements for educational and industrial developments had proved their value. On the other hand Livingstone had unanswerable logic33 on his side when he argued that the missionaries in the South had too scanty34 a population and that the call to possess the North was urgent, for the traders and the slavers were pushing out there, and the gospel of humanity was imperatively35 needed.
There was long delay, but in the meantime Livingstone was making proof of his ministry36. His medical knowledge helped to spread his fame. He fought the rainmakers at their own arts with the scientific weapon of irrigation and won his battle. He made friends with the Bechuana Chief, Sechele, one of the most intelligent and interesting of the many great natives who surrendered to the charm of Livingstone. Sechele was deeply impressed by the missionary’s message, but profoundly troubled in spirit. He said, “You startle me—these words make all my bones to{27} shake—I have no more strength in me. But my forefathers37 were living at the same time yours were, and how is it that they did not send them word about these terrible things sooner. They all passed away into darkness without knowing whither they were going.” When Livingstone tried to explain to him the gradual spread of the Gospel knowledge, the chief refused to believe that the whole earth could be visited. There was a barrier at his very door—the Kalahari desert. Nobody could cross it. Even those who knew the country would perish, and no missionary would have a chance. As for his own people there was no difficulty in converting them, always assuming that Livingstone would go to work in the right way. “Do you imagine these people will ever believe by your merely talking to them? I can make them do nothing except by thrashing them, and if you like I will call my head-men and with our litupa (whips of rhinoceros39 hide) we will soon make them all believe together.” It must be confessed, however, that Sechele’s state-church principles did not commend{28} themselves to the mind of an ardent40 voluntaryist like Livingstone. “In our relations with the people,” he writes, “we were simply strangers exercising no authority or control whatever. Our influence depended entirely41 on persuasion42; and having taught them by kind conversation as well as by public instruction, I expected them to do what their own sense of right and wrong dictated43.” He then sets on record “five instances in which by our influence on public opinion war was prevented,” and pays a high tribute to the intelligence of the natives who in many respects excel “our own uneducated peasantry.” This attitude of appreciation and respectful sympathy was the secret of Livingstone’s unparalleled influence over the African tribes. It was on a return from a visit to Sechele in June, 1843, that Livingstone heard the good news of the formal sanction of the forward movement. He hailed the decision, as he said, “with inexpressible delight”; and in a fine letter written to Mr. Cecil declared his fixed{29} resolve to give less attention to the art of physical healing and more to spiritual amelioration. He has no ambition to be “a very good doctor but a useless drone of a missionary.” He feels that to carry out this purpose will involve some self-denial, but he will make the sacrifice cheerfully. As for the charge of ambition, “I really am ambitious to preach beyond other men’s lines.... I am only determined44 to go on and do all I can, while able, for the poor degraded people of the north.”
In less than two months he was ready for the new move. The first journey was two hundred miles to the north-east, to Mabotsa, which he had previously45 noted46 as suitable for a station. Here he built a house with his own hands, and settled down for three years’ work among the Bakatlas. During this period two events occurred that were especially notable. The first went far towards ending his career. The facts are well-known from Livingstone’s own graphic47 but simple description. He had gone with the Bakatlas to hunt some lions which had{30} committed serious depredations48 in the village. The lions were encircled by the natives but broke through the line and escaped. As Livingstone was returning, however, he saw one of the beasts on a small hill, and fired into him at about thirty yards’ distance. Loading again, he heard a shout, and “looking half-round saw the lion just in the act of springing upon me.” The lion seized him by the shoulder and “growling horribly close to my ear, he shook me as a terrier dog does a rat.” We now see the advantage of a scientific education. Livingstone was able to analyse his own feelings and emotions during the process of being gnawed49 by a lion. He observed that “the shock produced a stupor50, a sort of dreaminess”; there was “no sense of pain, nor feeling of terror.” He compares it to the influence of chloroform; and argues that “this peculiar51 state is probably produced in all animals killed by the carnivora, and if so is a merciful provision by our benevolent52 Creator for lessening53 the pain of death.” In this judgment15 he anticipated some weighty modern conclusions by noted physiologists54. So interesting does Livingstone find these observations, that it seems as if he must have been almost disappointed when the lion released him and turned his attention to others less well equipped for scientific investigation55. On the whole Livingstone escaped marvellously well, but the bone was crunched56 into splinters, and there were eleven teeth wounds on the upper part of his arm. The arm indeed was never really well again. It will be remembered that it was by the false joint57 in this limb that the remains58 of Livingstone were identified on their arrival in England. It will also be remembered that, as has been so well said, “for thirty years afterwards all his labours and adventures, entailing59 such exertion60 and fatigue61, were undertaken with a limb so maimed that it was painful for him to raise a fowling-piece, or in fact to place the left arm in any position above the level of the shoulder.”
This was a bad business. But Providence62 has a way of making up to good men for{33} afflictions of this kind; and Livingstone’s compensation came to him in the following year, when he had something to face that demanded more daring than a mere38 every-day encounter with lions. He had been a bachelor in Africa for four years, and he had resolved to try his fortune with Mary Moffat, Dr. Moffat’s eldest63 daughter. The proposal was made “beneath one of the fruit trees” at Kuruman in 1844. He got the answer he desired and deserved, and Mary Moffat took him with all his erratic64 ways, and became his devoted65 wife. “She was always the best spoke11 in the wheel at home,” he writes; “and when I took her with me on two occasions to lake Ngami, and far beyond, she endured more than some who have written large books of travels.” In course of time three sons and a daughter came to “cheer their solitude,” and increase their responsibilities. But from the first they set themselves to fulfil what Livingstone called the ideal missionary life, “the husband a jack-of-all-trades, and the wife a maid-of-all-work.” The catalogue of necessary{34} accomplishments66 sounds somewhat embarrassing, and one realises that the ordinary college training is in many respects incomplete. Here it is, as Livingstone expresses it—“Building, gardening, cobbling, doctoring, tinkering, carpentering, gun-mending, farriering, waggon-mending, preaching, schooling67, lecturing on physics, occupying a chair in divinity, and helping68 my wife to make soap, candles, and clothes.” It was certainly a busy and catholic career. He was carrying the whole of his world upon his own broad shoulders, and was guide, philosopher, and friend to a vast district. He had his enemies, too, as those who champion the rights of the poor and helpless are sure to have. To the north were to be found settlements of unscrupulous and marauding Boers, who held by all the unenlightened views of the relation of the white races to the black which were only recently extinct in England where the financial interest in slavery died hard in 1833. These Boer marauders lived largely on slave-labour and on pillage69; and Livingstone was brought into open conflict with{35} them. On one side they may be said to have barred his advance. The tribes he served and loved lived under the shadow of a Boer invasion. The time was to come when the cloud would burst over Sechele and his unoffending people, when his wives would be slain70 and his children carried away into slavery; when many of the bravest of his people would be massacred, and Livingstone’s house sacked and gutted71 in his absence. This complicity of the northern Boers in those outrages72 on native tribes which history most frequently associates with the Portuguese73, earned Livingstone’s stern indignation and detestation; though he never did the Boers of South Africa the injustice74 of confounding the lawless raiders with the main body of settlers, of whom he wrote “the Boers generally ... are a sober, industrious75, and most hospitable76 body of peasantry.”
He had, however, already begun to have glimpses of what his life-witness was to be. He saw that the curse of Africa lay not only in the eternal conflicts of tribe with tribe.{36} That form of misery77 was original to the continent and its savage78 inhabitants. But a new curse had fallen upon the unhappy people by the intrusion of those who united with a higher material civilisation79 a more developed and refined form of cruelty. The diabolical80 cunning and callousness81 that, under the guise82 of trading, would gain the confidence of a peaceful tribe, only at last to rise up some fatal night, murder the old, enslave the young, burn the huts, and march the chained gang hundreds of miles to the sea, have made the records of African Slavery the most awful reading in human history. Imagination carries the story one step further. We hardly need the genius of a Turner to suggest to us the horror of a slave-ship under the torrid tropical skies, with its dead and dying human freight. When the slave-trade is realised in all its accumulated horrors, it is easy to understand how, to a man of Livingstone’s noble Christian sensibility, the manifest duty of the Church of Christ was to engage in a war-to-the-death struggle against this darkest of all inhumanities.{37}
He was planning his campaign during the years when he passed with his wife and children from one settlement to another. Three houses he built with his own hands, and made some progress in the cultivation83 of gardens round them. The first was at Mabotsa. It was the home to which he brought his young bride and to leave it went to his heart. His going was the result of the attitude adopted towards him by a brother missionary. Sooner than cause scandal among the tribe he resolved to give everything up and go elsewhere. “Paradise will make amends84 for all our privations and sorrows here,” he says simply. It is something to know that the missionary who did him this injustice lived “to manifest a very different spirit.” Livingstone next cast in his lot with Sechele and his people, and built his second house at Chonuane, some forty miles from Mabotsa. It was hard work, and it made a big drain on his very small income, but it was not his way to complain. The hardship fell more severely on his wife and infant children, and he felt the deprivations{38} and inconveniences most for them. The house was finished in course of time, and a school was erected85 too, where the children were instructed, and services held. But nature was against a long settlement at Chonuane. A period of prolonged drought set in. Supplies were exhausted86. The people had to go further afield, and the position became untenable. There was nothing for it but for the Livingstones to go too. All the labour of rebuilding had to be undertaken again, this time at Kolobeng, another forty miles on. Providence was indeed to Livingstone “like as an eagle stirring up the nest.” Such of the tribe as were left went with him and a new village was constructed. Livingstone and his family lived for a year in “a mere hut.” In 1848 the new house was actually built, despite some serious personal accidents of which he made light in his usual way. “What a mercy to be in a house again!” he writes home; “a year in a little hut through which the wind blew our candles into glorious icicles (as a poet would say) by{39} night, and in which crowds of flies continually settled on the eyes of our poor little brats87 by day, makes us value our present castle. Oh Janet, know thou, if thou art given to building castles in the air, that that is easy work compared to erecting88 cottages on the ground!” Such was the building of his third house, the one that was afterwards sacked by the Boers. Then he built no more houses. Indeed, he never had a home of his own in Africa afterwards. The dark problem of Central Africa had him in its grip. He sent his wife and children home to England; and he himself became like that Son of Man whose example he followed so nearly, one “who had not where to lay his head.”
Before that time came, however, he had laid the foundations of his fame as an explorer by crossing the Kalahari Desert, and discovering Lake Ngami. The circumstances that gave rise to this journey are easily detailed89. The drought continued at Kolobeng as pitilessly as at Chonuane. Only the power of Livingstone’s personality{40} sufficed to retain the faith and loyalty of the tribes. He writes that they were always treated with “respectful kindness” and never had an enemy among the natives. His enemies were among the “dirty whites,” who knew that he was the most dangerous obstacle to the slave-raids, and who objected to his policy of training Christian native teachers to be evangelists among their own kinsfolk. But though the tribes remained loyal, the fact remained that Livingstone had led a migration90 which had not resulted in a permanent settlement; neither could he command the rain as their own rainmakers professed91 to be able to do. The heathen superstition92 that hostile doctors had put their country under an evil charm so that no rain should fall on it, prevailed even against their faith in the missionary. Sechele’s more enlightened mind found it difficult to understand why Livingstone’s God did not answer the prayer for rain. Yet the work went forward at Kolobeng. The chief Sechele, after long hesitation93 on Livingstone’s part, was baptised and entered{41} into communion with the little church. Trouble followed when he “went home, gave each of his superfluous94 wives new clothing, and all his own goods, which they had been accustomed to keep in their huts for him, and sent them to their parents with an intimation that he had no fault to find with them, but that in parting with them he wished to follow the will of God.” It was his solution of a social problem that can never be satisfactorily solved, and it was both courageous95 and generous, but the result was seen in the fiercer resentment96 of the relatives of the women; and while little or none of this fell upon Livingstone, it served seriously to prejudice the religion which was responsible for Sechele’s action. On every count, it was desirable to find the new and permanent station, where that central training-ground for native missionaries could be established which Livingstone had constantly in view, and where the water supply would be less likely to fail. But where to go? In the south, the field was well supplied with{42} missionaries. To the east were the unfriendly Dutch, bent97 on making mischief98. To the north lay the Kalahari desert, which Sechele had pronounced to be an impassable barrier to the progress of Christianity. “It is utterly99 impossible even to us black men,” he said. But the word “impossible” was not in Livingstone’s dictionary.
If my readers will take the trouble to look at an old map of South Africa they will find the whole vast track of the west which lies to the north of the Orange River, and includes Bechuana Land and Damara Land, described as desert, and the Kalahari Desert in the eastern portion of it. Kolobeng lay at the extreme west of what we know to-day as the Transvaal, some two hundred and fifty miles from Pretoria, and was more than four thousand feet above sea level, near the sources of the Limpopo River, which flows north and east, until it finally joins the ocean at Delagoa Bay. A straight line to Lake Ngami would have taken the travellers in a north-westerly direction a distance of little{43} more than three hundred miles. But it is doubtful whether they could have survived such a journey across an untrodden route, even if they had known accurately100 where the great lake lay. They were certainly well inspired to go due north to the Zouga River, and then follow it westward101 to the lake, though this route must have added two hundred miles to their journey. Three other Europeans, Colonel Steele, Mr. Murray, and Mr. Oswell—the latter one of Livingstone’s life-long friends and a mighty102 African hunter, joined the expedition, which started on June 1st, 1849, and reached the lake on August 1st. Livingstone has given us a most graphic and detailed description of the desert with its sandy soil, its dry beds of ancient rivers, its trackless plains, its prairie grass, its patches of bushes, and the singular products of its soil with roots like large turnips103 that hold fluid beneath the soil, and above all the desert water-melons on which the Bushmen as well as the elephants and antelopes104, and even lions and hy?nas{44} subsist105. The Bushmen he found a thin, wiry, merry race capable of great endurance, as indeed the denizens106 of the desert must be. They existed under conditions that inspired the Bechuana with terror, for to add to the other dangers the desert was at times infested107 with serpents.
It was a hazardous108 enterprise to which Livingstone and his fellow travellers were committed, and, humanly speaking, its success depended wholly on the discovery of water at periodical intervals109. The “caravan” was a considerable one. Eighty cattle and twenty horses were not deemed too many for the waggons110 and for riding; these had to be watered, and the twenty men besides. Progress was necessarily slow. None could face the burning heat of the mid-day hours. They had to move forward in the mornings and the evenings. The waggon-wheels sank deep into the soft, hot sand; and the poor oxen dragging them laboriously111 forward were, at a critical time, nearly four days without water, “and their masters{45} scarcely better off.” Aided, however, by the experience and keen instinct of the natives, they found wells in unsuspected places, and eventually made the banks of the Zouga River. After that, progress was easy. Leaving the waggons and oxen, they took to canoes, or wended their way along the riverbanks, until, on the morning of August 1st, they found themselves gazing on the waters of Lake Ngami, the first white people to see it so far as they knew.
It had been one of the principal arguments with Livingstone for the journey that he would meet the famous chief Sebituane, who had saved the life of Sechele in his infancy112, and who was renowned113 as a warrior114 and as a powerful and intelligent ruler. It meant another two hundred miles of travel to the north, and the jealousies115 of the chiefs, and their real or assumed fears for Livingstone’s safety, prevented the realisation of his hopes on this journey. There was nothing for it but to go back to Kolobeng, where the drought persisted as absolute as ever.{46} Livingstone’s congregation and Mrs. Livingstone’s school had disappeared in search of better watered lands. It was clear that for Livingstone there was here “no abiding116 city.” He resolved to transport his wife and three children to the north. He made more of an eastward117 circuit this time, and Sechele accompanied them to the fords of the Zouga. Mrs. Livingstone was the first white lady to see Lake Ngami; but the purposed visit to Sebituane had again to be deferred118.
Livingstone’s aid was invoked119 for a fever-stricken party of Englishmen who were hunting ivory. One was already dead, but the others recovered under his treatment. His own children, however, sickened; and the party precipitately120 retired121 to “the pure air of the desert,” and so home to Kolobeng where another child was born to them, only to be carried away by an epidemic122. “Hers is the first grave in all that country,” writes the bereaved123 father, “marked as the resting-place of one of whom it is{47} believed and confessed that she shall live again.”
After a visit to Kuruman to rest and recruit, they were ready in April, 1851, for a third attempt to reach Sebituane. Mr. Oswell, the most valuable of comrades, was again with them. The journey was successful, but it came dangerously near to being disastrous124 to the whole family. This crisis occurred on the far side of the Zouga river, as they were travelling northward125 across absolute desert. The Bushman guide lost his way, and the supply of water in the waggons had been wasted by one of the servants. Livingstone tells the incident in a single paragraph, but the agony of it must nearly have killed him and his wife. “The next morning, the less there was of water the more thirsty the little rogues126 became. The idea of their perishing before our eyes was terrible. It would almost have been a relief to me to have been reproached with being the entire cause of the catastrophe127, but not one syllable128 of upbraiding129 was uttered{48} by their mother, though the tearful eye told the agony within. In the afternoon of the fifth day, to our inexpressible relief, some of the men returned with a supply of that fluid of which we had never before felt the true value.” At last the often-postponed pleasure of meeting and greeting Sebituane was fulfilled, and the famous chief more than justified130 all expectations. He met the party on the Chobe river and conducted them with great ceremony and hospitality to his home. The way seemed to be opening for a new and auspicious131 missionary settlement, when in a few days Sebituane sickened and died. It was one of the greatest blows which Livingstone ever experienced. Its tragic132 suddenness almost stunned133 him. Looking back upon it now, it is easy to believe that it was not God’s will that Livingstone should spend his life in the work of a missionary settlement, but should be driven out along the lonely, adventurous134 path where his destiny lay.
But at the moment he only felt severely{49} the crushing of his hopes and frustration135 of his plans. Sebituane’s daughter, who succeeded to the chieftainship, was full of kindly136 promises; but difficulties multiplied in the way of a settlement, which further exploration of the district did not diminish. Penetrating137 a hundred and thirty miles to the north, Oswell and Livingstone came upon the broad channel of a noble river, called by the natives the Seshéke. It was the Zambesi, and some three hundred yards wide even there, more than a thousand miles from the mouth. Clearly the swamps round the great river afforded no healthy land for settling. There must be more exploration done, and meantime his wife and children must be cared for. They were hundreds of miles from any white settlement. Even so, Livingstone might still have debated his destiny. But revelations came to him that the slaver was even now establishing his accursed hold on this district. Sebituane’s people, the Makololo, finest and loyallest of tribesmen, had begun to sell children,{50} plundered138 from their native villages, for guns and calicoes. “It is broken-heartedness,” he wrote much later, “of which the slaves die. Even children, who showed wonderful endurance in keeping up with the chained gangs, would sometimes hear the sound of dancing and the merry tinkle139 of drums in passing near a village; then the memory of home and happy days proved too much for them, they cried and sobbed140, the broken heart came on, and they rapidly sank.” This was the awful revelation that came to Livingstone in the land of the Makololo. Little more than a year before, such an idea as the barter141 of human beings for guns had never been known among this tribe. “Had we been here sooner the slave traffic would never have existed,” argued Livingstone. He began to have a vision of Christian settlements standing142 sentinel over the lives and happiness of the natives of the interior. If the slaver could make his way from the coast to the centre, so could the missionary. It was the one effective counterstroke in the battle for human liberty. But it{51} meant separation from wife and bairns. He must return and do this work alone. He could risk no one’s life but his own. His decision was taken. He devotes only a single paragraph to the long and arduous143 journey to Cape Town. It was a matter of fifteen hundred miles, and part of it was through territory where a so-called Caffre War was being waged, which excited Livingstone’s scorn for the waste of blood and treasure. He was an object of suspicion at the Cape. The State authorities suspected his humanitarian144 sympathies, and the Church officials his theological orthodoxy. He was in debt, and had anticipated his small salary for more than a year in advance. But he had written to the Directors of the London Missionary Society in the most resolute145 terms. “Consider the multitudes that in the Providence of God have been brought to light in the country of Sebituane; the probability that in our efforts to evangelise we shall put a stop to the slave trade in a large region, and by means of the high{52}way into the north which we have discovered bring unknown nations into the sympathies of the Christian World.... Nothing but a strong conviction that the step will lead to the Glory of Christ would make me orphanise my children.... Should you not feel yourselves justified in incurring146 the expense of their support in England, I shall feel called upon to renounce147 the hope of carrying the Gospel into that country.... But stay, I am not sure: so powerfully convinced am I that it is the will of our Lord that I should go, I will go, no matter who opposes; but from you I expect nothing but encouragement.” A happy comment on this letter is found in Livingstone’s “Missionary Travels,” in the paragraph recording148 the farewell to his wife and children. “Having placed my family on board a homeward-bound ship, and promised to rejoin them in two years, we parted for, as it subsequently proved, nearly five years. The Directors of the London Missionary Society signified their cordial approval of my project by{53} leaving the matter entirely to my own discretion149, and I have much pleasure in acknowledging my obligations to the gentlemen composing that body for always acting150 in an enlightened spirit, and with as much liberality as their constitution would allow.”
Livingstone started back for the interior on the 8th of June, 1852. He was now in his fortieth year.
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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wont
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penetrated
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eloquent
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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waggon
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hardy
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kindliness
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spoke
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loyalty
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aspiration
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Christian
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judgment
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judgments
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severely
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truthful
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testimony
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missionaries
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attainments
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zeal
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stimulated
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isolate
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appreciation
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hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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29
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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30
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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31
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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32
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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33
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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34
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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35
imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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36
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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37
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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38
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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39
rhinoceros
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| n.犀牛 | |
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40
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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41
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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42
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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43
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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44
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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45
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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46
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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47
graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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48
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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49
gnawed
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| 咬( gnaw的过去式和过去分词 )； （长时间） 折磨某人； （使）苦恼； （长时间）危害某事物 | |
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50
stupor
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| v.昏迷；不省人事 | |
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51
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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52
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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53
lessening
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| 减轻，减少，变小 | |
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54
physiologists
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| n.生理学者( physiologist的名词复数 )；生理学( physiology的名词复数 )；生理机能 | |
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55
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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56
crunched
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| v.嘎吱嘎吱地咬嚼( crunch的过去式和过去分词 )；嘎吱作响；（快速大量地）处理信息；数字捣弄 | |
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57
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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58
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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59
entailing
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| 使…成为必要( entail的现在分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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60
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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61
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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62
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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63
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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64
erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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65
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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66
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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67
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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68
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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69
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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70
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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71
gutted
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| adj.容易消化的v.毁坏（建筑物等）的内部( gut的过去式和过去分词 )；取出…的内脏 | |
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72
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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73
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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74
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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75
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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76
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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77
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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78
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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79
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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80
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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81
callousness
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82
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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83
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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84
amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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85
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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86
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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87
brats
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| n.调皮捣蛋的孩子( brat的名词复数 ) | |
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88
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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89
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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90
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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91
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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92
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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93
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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94
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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95
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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96
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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97
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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98
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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99
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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100
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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101
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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102
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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103
turnips
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| 芜青( turnip的名词复数 )； 芜菁块根； 芜菁甘蓝块根； 怀表 | |
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104
antelopes
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| 羚羊( antelope的名词复数 )； 羚羊皮革 | |
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105
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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106
denizens
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| n.居民，住户( denizen的名词复数 ) | |
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107
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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108
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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109
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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110
waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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111
laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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112
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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113
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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114
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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115
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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116
abiding
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| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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117
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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118
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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119
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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120
precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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121
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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122
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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123
bereaved
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| adj.刚刚丧失亲人的v.使失去（希望、生命等）( bereave的过去式和过去分词)；（尤指死亡）使丧失（亲人、朋友等）；使孤寂；抢走（财物） | |
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124
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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125
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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126
rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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127
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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128
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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129
upbraiding
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| adj.& n.谴责（的）v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的现在分词 ) | |
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130
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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131
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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132
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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133
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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134
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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135
frustration
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| n.挫折，失败，失效，落空 | |
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136
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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137
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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138
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
tinkle
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| vi.叮当作响；n.叮当声 | |
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140
sobbed
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| 哭泣，啜泣( sob的过去式和过去分词 )； 哭诉，呜咽地说 | |
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141
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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142
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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143
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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144
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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145
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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146
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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147
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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148
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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149
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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150
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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