Instead of mending matters, Suffolk's death was only the signal for worse troubles. Two months after his death came the great rebellion of the Kentishmen under Cade, accompanied by various other outbreaks in the southern counties. The insurgents15 were inspired by the same impulse which had slain16 Suffolk; they were set on making an end of all who had been responsible for the late disaster abroad and misgovernment at home. In London, Lord Say the Treasurer17 was caught and slain; in Wiltshire, Bishop Ayscough was beheaded by a mob of his own tenantry. But the rising, being but a sudden ebullition of rage with no plan or programme of reform, and being headed not by any respectable leader but merely by the disreputable adventurer Cade, died down of its own accord, without leaving any permanent effect on the governance of the realm. To make its power felt, the national discontent had to look for a responsible leader and a definite programme.
Both the Court party and the people knew where that leader might be found. Richard Duke of York, the heir-apparent to the childless King, lay across the sea in Ireland. He was an able soldier, much tried in the French wars, a firm and successful administrator—he had even succeeded in winning popularity in Ireland—and a man of blameless character, who had completely won the nation's confidence. Moreover, he was a man with a grievance18; though the first prince of the blood, he was deliberately19 excluded from all place in the King's councils or share in the administration of the realm.[Pg 40] While in the midst of a successful campaign in France he had been superseded20 by the unlucky Somerset, and sent off to Ireland, apparently21 in the idea that like most other rulers of that distressful22 country he would wreck23 his reputation there. But he had been fortunate, and only increased his fame by the administration of the island. Already the Court party were murmuring against him once more, and the people believed that some other exile would ere long be found for him. As the ballad-monger sang—
The falcon24 flies and has no rest
Till he wot where he may build his nest.
Cade's rebels had used the Duke's name largely in their proclamations, but there seems no real ground for supposing that they had held any communication with him. The only evidence against him was that all discontented parties and persons spoke25 of him as the man that should right them some day. Nevertheless threats were made that he should be indicted26 for high treason, and action against him was apparently imminent27. Then at last York took the initiative. He threw up the government of Ireland, crossed over to Wales, and came up to London with a considerable body of his tenants28 from the Marches at his back. There he claimed and obtained an interview with the King, in which he declared his loyalty29, and received Henry's assurance that no harm was intended against him. This done, he retired30 to his estates on the Welsh border. But he had now definitely put himself at the head of the opposition31 to the Court party, whom he had bitterly rated in his remonstrance32 to the King.
[Pg 41]
The discontent of England had found its mouthpiece and its leader in this resolute33 prince, "a man of low stature34, with a short square face, and somewhat stout35 of body," like his uncle Edmund of York, who had fallen at Agincourt rather stifled36 in his armour37 than slain by his wounds.
Our whole view of the conduct of Warwick in the ten years between 1450 and 1460 must be determined38 by our decision as to the designs and conduct of his uncle of York during that period. If we conclude that the Duke was aiming at the crown from the first, then we cannot but believe that his brother-in-law Salisbury and his nephew Warwick must have known or guessed his wishes, and on them must rest almost as great a share of blame for the outbreak of the Civil War as lies on the head of York himself. For the gain of their family we must believe that they sacrificed the peace of their country. This view has been commonly adopted by historians; it was set forth39 in every Lancastrian manifesto40 of the time; it was repeated by the historians who wrote under the Tudors, and it still prevails.
Another view, however, was taken by the majority of the English people in York's own day. Wherever in England public spirit ran strong, wherever wealth had accumulated and civilisation41 had advanced, a sympathy for the Yorkist party manifested itself. Kent, London, and East Anglia were always strongly on the Duke's side. But if York had been an ambitious schemer, deliberately upsetting the peace of the realm for his own ends, we should not expect to find his supporters among those parts of the nation to whom peace and good governance were above all things profitable.
[Pg 42]
A glance through the pages of the chroniclers who were contemporary with the war, Harding, Gregory, William of Worcester, Whethamsted, the anonymous42 English chronicler in the Camden Series, shows that to the majority of the English people York passed not as a disturber of the peace, but as a wronged and injured man, goaded43 into resistance by the machinations of the Court party. In one aspect he was regarded as a great lord of the royal blood excluded from his rightful place at the Council board, and even kept out of the country by his enemies who had the King's ear. In another he was regarded as the leader and mouthpiece of the Opposition of the day, of the old and popular war-party which inherited the traditions of Henry the Fifth and Humphrey of Gloucester—a party, indeed, whose views (as we have said elsewhere) were unwise and even immoral44, but one which might reasonably ask to be taken into consideration by those who managed the affairs of the realm. In these days of ours when Ministries45 prove incapable46 and grow discredited47 the Opposition has its turn at the helm in the natural course of things. In the fifteenth century the old methods which had served Simon de Montfort, and the Lords Ordainers of 1322, were still the only ones which could be used against ministers who were out of sympathy with the nation. York was doing at St. Albans much what Earl Simon had done at Lewes.
This too must be said, that if disaster without and disorder49 within are to be held sufficient to discredit48 any rule, there had never been a time since the evil days of Bannockburn when England had more right to be discontented with her rulers. Moreover, there was no[Pg 43] chance that things would grow better; as long as the Queen and her friends ruled the King, so long would things continue as they were. Men thought at one moment that with the removal of Suffolk the evil times would come to an end. But when an outburst of popular fury swept Suffolk to his end—and be it remembered that there is no evidence to connect York with Suffolk's tragic death—the ascendency of Somerset proved as disastrous50 and as hopeless as that of his predecessor51. And when Somerset fell at St. Albans men hoped once more that matters would right themselves; but the less-known ministers who soon succeeded to the helm—Beaumont and the Earl of Wiltshire—proved quite as unprofitable servants to the nation. As long as the Queen was at the King's side to choose his councillors for him, so long would the discontent of England continue to increase. Margaret's misfortunes make us loath52 to speak evil of her, but in fairness to the Yorkists it must be remembered that she was the most detestable politician that England had known. It is usual to call the dislike of the nation for her a stupid prejudice against a foreigner; but there was surely some reason for hating the woman who sold Berwick to the Scots and Calais to the French, who reintroduced the hateful practice of sweeping53 attainders in the Parliament of 1459, who succeeded in turning loyalty into a party-cry by making the King a party-leader. Well might she confess to a foreign friend on one occasion "that if the great lords of her own party knew what she was doing, they would themselves be the first to rise and put her to death," for she it was who committed that foulest54 treason of all—which consists in sending secretly to tell a foreign enemy[Pg 44] where to strike, in order that by his blow a party-end may be served. In 1457, when the realm was for a moment at peace, she deliberately incited55 the French admirals to make their great descent on the Kentish coast which ended in the fearful sack of Sandwich, merely because she knew that such a disaster would be counted against her political enemies the Yorkists. There is nothing to be compared to it in English history except the conduct of the arch-traitor Marlborough in 1694 over the affair of Brest.
The English hatred56 of Queen Margaret was no prejudice, but a wholesome57 instinct which led the English nation to recognise its enemy. She made herself a party-leader, and as a party-leader she had to be treated. York's ten years' strife58 with her must be regarded not so much as the rebellion of a subject against his sovereign, but as the struggle of one party-leader against another with the primitive59 weapons which alone were possible in the constitutional crises of that day. But even if we grant that York had his excuses, and that his general attitude does not stand self-condemned at the first glance, it remains60 to be seen how far his programme was justifiable61, and how far he honestly endeavoured to carry it out to the best of his abilities. That he was an able, self-confident, ambitious man, with the fixed62 idea that he was the victim of the intrigues63 of the Court party, and that but for those intrigues he would be able to assume the position in the King's Council to which his birth entitled him, we know well. That when the King remained childless for nine years after his marriage, York could not help dwelling64 on the near prospect65 of his accession to the throne, was matter of[Pg 45] notoriety. When that prospect was suddenly taken from him by the unexpected birth of an heir to the crown, York's spirits were deeply dashed, and his friends murmured in secret about changelings and bastards66. But his own attitude and language were still everything that could be required by the most exacting67 critic; he shared in the rejoicings at the birth of Prince Edward, and joined the Commission which was appointed to confer on the infant the title of Prince of Wales. All his speeches and manifestoes for the next six years were full even to satiety68 of professions of loyalty to the King, and no claims on his own part were ever made for anything more than that right of access to the King's ear to which he was obviously entitled. The Yorkist declarations are always statements of grievance and demands for reform, set forth on public grounds; they show no traces of dynastic claims. The actions of the party, too, are quite in keeping with their declarations. That they would take the King into their own hands, and not leave him in those of the Somersets or Wiltshire or Beaumont, they had always stated, and they attempted no more when they had the chance. The best criterion of York's honesty is his conduct after the first battle of St. Albans, when the fortune of war had placed the King's person in his power. He then proceeded to give Henry new ministers, but did absolutely nothing more. No word about the succession was breathed, nor was it even attempted to punish those who had previously69 ruled the kingdom so ill. With a wise moderation all the blame was heaped on Somerset—and Somerset was dead, and could suffer no harm whatever might be laid to his charge.
It may then fairly be argued that Warwick and all those who followed Richard of York in peace and war down to the year 1460 had an honest programme, and could in all sincerity70 trust their leader, when he assured them that his ends were national and not personal,—the reform of the governance of England, not the establishment of the house of York on the throne. We shall see that when, after enduring and inflicting71 many evils, York did at last lay claim to the throne, his own party, headed by Warwick, firmly withstood him and compelled him, in adherence72 to his and their original pledges, to leave King Henry his throne and content himself with the prospect of an ultimate succession.
This being so, it is only just to Warwick and the other Yorkist leaders to give them the benefit of the doubt wherever their conduct admits of an honourable73 explanation, and not to judge their earlier assertions or claims or complaints in the light of later events. On these lines we shall proceed to describe the young Earl's actions down to the final outbreak of war in 1459.
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1
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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sporadic
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| adj.偶尔发生的 [反]regular；分散的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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8
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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9
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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waylaid
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| v.拦截，拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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14
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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16
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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17
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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19
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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20
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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21
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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22
distressful
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| adj.苦难重重的，不幸的，使苦恼的 | |
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23
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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24
falcon
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| n.隼，猎鹰 | |
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25
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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26
indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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28
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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29
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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30
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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31
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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32
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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33
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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34
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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36
stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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37
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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40
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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41
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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42
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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43
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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ministries
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| （政府的）部( ministry的名词复数 )； 神职； 牧师职位； 神职任期 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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48
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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49
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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50
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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51
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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52
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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53
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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54
foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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55
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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57
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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59
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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60
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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63
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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64
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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66
bastards
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| 私生子( bastard的名词复数 )； 坏蛋； 讨厌的事物； 麻烦事 （认为别人走运或不幸时说）家伙 | |
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67
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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68
satiety
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| n.饱和；(市场的)充分供应 | |
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69
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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70
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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71
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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72
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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