Unlike most of his house, Warwick had not been blessed with a large family. Anne Beauchamp had borne him two daughters only, both of them delicate girls who did not live to see their thirtieth year. No male offspring was ever granted him, and it seemed evident[Pg 61] that the lands of Warwick and Despenser were destined3 to pass once more into the female line. But the day was far distant when this was to be, and Richard Neville's sturdy frame and constitution,—his altitudo animi cum paribus corporis viribus, to quote Polidore Vergil,—promised many a long year of vigorous manhood.
Warwick had already become a prominent figure in English politics, not so much from the breadth of his lands or from the promise of military prowess that he had shown at St. Albans, as from the almost universal popularity which he enjoyed. He was far from being the haughty4 noble, the Last of the Barons5, whom later writers have drawn6 for us. His contemporaries speak of him rather as the idol7 of the Commons and the people's friend: "his words were gentle, and he was affable and familiar with all men, and never spoke8 of his own advancement9, but always of the augmentation and good governance of the realm." There never was any peer who was a better lord to his own retainers, nor was there any who bore himself more kindly10 towards the Commons; hence he won a personal popularity to which his father Salisbury never attained11, and which even his uncle of York could not rival.
As a school for a man of action there could have been no better post than the governorship of Calais. The place had been beset12 by the French ever since the loss of Normandy in 1450, and was never out of danger of a sudden attack. Three times in the last six years considerable armies had marched against it, and had only been turned away by unexpected events in other quarters. Bickering13 with the French garrisons14 of[Pg 62] Boulogne and other neighbouring places never ended, even in times of nominal16 truce17. To cope with the enemy the Captain of Calais had a garrison15 always insufficient18 in numbers, and generally in a state of suppressed mutiny; for one of the chief symptoms of the evil rule of Suffolk and Somerset had been the impotence of the central government to find money for the regular war-expenses of the realm. The garrison of Calais was perpetually in arrears19 of pay, and successive governors are found complaining again and again that they were obliged to empty their own pockets to keep the soldiers to their post. Even the town-walls had been allowed to fall into disrepair for want of money to mend them.
Besides his military duties the Captain of Calais had other difficult functions. He lay on the frontier of Flanders, and a great part of the trade between England and the dominions20 of the house of Burgundy passed through his town, for Calais was the "staple21" for that branch of commerce. Hence he had to keep on good terms with the neighbouring Burgundian governors, and also—what was far more difficult—to endeavour to sweep the Straits of Dover clear of pirates and of French privateers, whenever there was not an English fleet at sea. This was no sinecure22, for of late English fleets had been rarely seen, and when they did appear had gone home without effecting anything useful. The man who could with a light heart undertake to assume the post of Captain of Calais must have been both able and self-confident.
Warwick held the place from August 1455 to August 1460, and combined with it the post of "Captain to guard[Pg 63] the Sea" from October 1457 to September 1459. His tenure23 of office was in every way successful. The garrison was brought up to its full strength, and put in good discipline—largely, we may suspect, at the expense of the Earl's own pocket, for after October 1456, when the Duke of York ceased to be Protector, Warwick got little money or encouragement from England. He raised the strength of his troops to about two thousand men, and was then able to assume the offensive against the neighbouring French garrisons. His greatest success was when, in the spring of the third year of his office, he led a body of eight hundred combatants on a daring raid as far as étaples, forty miles down the coast of Picardy, and took the town together with a fleet of wine-ships from the south of France, which he put up to ransom24, and so raised a sum large enough to pay his men for some months. Falling into a disagreement also with the Burgundian governors in Flanders, he made such havoc25 in the direction of Gravelines and St. Omer that Duke Philip was obliged to strengthen his garrisons there, and finally was glad to consent to a pacification26. The negotiations27 were held in Calais and came to a successful conclusion, for a commercial treaty was concluded with Flanders as well as a mere1 suspension of arms.
While Warwick lay at Calais he could not pay very frequent visits to England, for French alarms were always abounding28. In June 1456, for example, "men said that the siege should come to Calais, for much people had crossed the water of Somme, and great navies were on the sea." Again, in May 1457, another threatened attack caused the Earl to lay in great stores,[Pg 64] for which he had to draw on Kent: "so he had the folks of Canterbury and Sandwich before him, and thanked them for their good hearts in victualling of Calais, and prayed them for continuance therein." That those rumours29 of coming trouble were not all vain was shown a few months later, for a Norman fleet under Peter de Brézé threw four thousand men ashore31 near Sandwich in August, and the French stormed the town from the land side, held it for a day, and sacked it from garret to cellar. It was this disaster which England owed to Margaret of Anjou, for she had deliberately32 suggested the time and place of attack to de Brézé, in order to bring discredit33 on the government of the Duke of York.
It is curious to note how the work of the day of St. Albans was undone34, without any violent shock, during the earlier years of Warwick's rule at Calais. The Queen played her game more cautiously than usual. First, York's protectorate was ended, on the excuse that the King, whose mind had failed him again after St. Albans, was now himself once more. Then, eight months later, a great Council was summoned, not at London, where York was too popular, but at Coventry. The meeting was packed with the men-at-arms of the Queen's adherents36, and at it King Henry dismissed the two Bourchier brothers, York's firm supporters, from their offices of Chancellor37 and Treasurer38, and replaced them by the Earl of Shrewsbury, a strong adherent35 of the Court party, and by Wainfleet Bishop39 of Winchester. It was widely believed that York, who had come to the Council with no knowledge of the Queen's intended coup40 d'état, would have met with an ill end if his kinsman41 the Duke of Buckingham had not succeeded in aiding him[Pg 65] to escape. Of all the offices bestowed42 as the result of St. Albans fight, Warwick's post at Calais was the only one which was not now forfeited43. Probably the Queen and her friends preferred to keep him over-sea as much as possible.
It is a good testimony44 to the loyalty45 of the Duke and his friends that they made no stir on their eviction46 from office. York retired47 to Wigmore, and for the next year abode48 quietly upon his estates. Salisbury went to Middleham and remained in the North. Meanwhile the country showed its discontent with the renewed rule of the Queen. Tumultuous gatherings50 took place in Oxfordshire and Berkshire, and again on the Welsh Border, although no leading Yorkist was implicated52 in them. The temper of London was so discontented that the Queen would not allow the King to approach it for a whole year.
The ascendency of the Earls of Wiltshire, Beaumont, Shrewsbury, Exeter, and the other lords who ruled in the King's name and by the Queen's guidance, proved as unfortunate and as unpopular as any of the other periods during which Margaret's friends were at the helm. Men felt that civil war was destined to break out once more, as soon as York should be pressed too hard and find his patience at an end. Hence general joy was felt when in January 1458 the King, taking the initiative for once, announced that he was about to reconcile all the private grievances53 of his lords, and invited York, Salisbury, and Warwick, with the rest of their party, to attend a great Council at Westminster. They came, but fearing some snare54 of the Queen's, came with a numerous following—York with a hundred and forty horse, Salisbury with[Pg 66] four hundred, Warwick with six hundred men of the Calais garrison all apparelled in red jackets emblazoned with the Beauchamp badge of the ragged56 staff. There was no snare in the King's invitation, and all precautions were taken to prevent affrays. The Yorkist lords and their retainers were lodged57 within the city, while the Queen's friends, who appeared in great force—the Earl of Northumberland alone brought three thousand men—were provided for in the suburbs. The Mayor of London—Godfrey Bulleyn, Anne Bulleyn's ancestor—with five thousand citizens arrayed in arms kept the streets, to guard against brawling58 between the retainers of the two parties.
The King at once set forth59 his purpose of a general pacification, and found York and his friends very ready to fall in with his views. More trouble was required to induce the sons of those who had fallen at St. Albans—the young Somerset, Clifford, and Northumberland—to pardon those on whose swords was their fathers' blood. But the King's untiring efforts produced the desired result. York, Salisbury, and Warwick promised to endow the Abbey of St. Albans with a sum of ￡45 a year, to be spent in masses for the souls of the slain60, and to make large money payments to their heirs—York gave the young Duke of Somerset and his mother five thousand marks, and Warwick made over one thousand to the young Clifford. After this curious bargain had been made, and a proclamation issued to the effect that both the victors and the vanquished61 of St. Albans had acted as true liegemen of the King, a solemn ceremony of reconciliation62 was held. The King walked in state to St. Paul's, behind him came the Queen, led by the[Pg 67] Duke of York; then followed Salisbury hand in hand with Somerset, Warwick hand in hand with the Duke of Exeter, and after them their respective adherents two and two. The sight must have gladdened the King's kindly heart, but no one save his own guileless self could have supposed that such a reconciliation was final; almost the whole of his train were destined to die by each other's hands. The Queen and Somerset were one day to behead York and Salisbury; Warwick was destined to slay63 Exeter's son; and so all down the long procession.
As one of the tokens of reconciliation, Warwick was created "Chief Captain to guard the Sea," a post wherein centred the ambition of his unwilling64 partner in the great procession, the Duke of Exeter. The office was not one with many attractions. The royal navy comprised no more than the Grace Dieu and two or three more large carracks. When a fleet was required, it was made up by requisitioning hastily-armed merchant-vessels65 from the maritime67 towns. Of late years, whenever such an array was mustered68, the sailors had gone unpaid70, and the command had been entrusted71 to some unskilled leader from the ranks of the Court party. England had entirely72 ceased to count as a naval73 power; her coasts were frequently ravaged74 by French expeditions, such as that which had burnt Sandwich in 1457, and pirates and privateers of all nations swarmed75 in the Channel.
In his capacity as Captain of Calais, Warwick had been compelled to learn something of the Channel, but we should never have guessed that he had accumulated enough of the seaman76's craft to make him a competent admiral. Nevertheless, his doings during the twenty[Pg 68] months of his command at sea entitle him to a respectable place by the side of Blake and Monk77 and our other inland-bred naval heroes. He not merely acquired enough skill to take the charge of a fleet in one of the rough and ready sea-fights of the day, but actually became a competent seaman. At a pinch, as he showed a few years later, he could himself take the tiller and pilot his ship for a considerable voyage.
The tale of Warwick's first naval venture has been most fortunately preserved to us by the letter of an actor in it.
On Trinity Sunday (May 28th) in the morning [writes John Jernyngan] came tidings unto my Lord of Warwick that there were twenty-eight sail of Spaniards on the sea, whereof sixteen were great ships of forecastle; and then my Lord went and manned five ships of forecastle and three carvells and four pinnaces, and on the Monday we met together before Calais at four of the clock in the morning, and fought together till ten. And there we took six of their ships, and they slew78 of our men about fourscore and hurt two hundred of us right sore. And we slew of them about twelvescore, and hurt a five hundred of them. It happed79 that at the first boarding of them we took a ship of three hundred tons, and I was left therein and twenty-three men with me. And they fought so sore that our men were fain to leave them. Then came they and boarded the ship that I was in, and there was I taken, and was prisoner with them six hours, and was delivered again in return for their men that were taken at the first. As men say, there has not been so great a battle upon the sea these forty winters. And, to say sooth, we were well and truly beaten: so my Lord has sent for more ships, and is like to fight them again in haste.
Such a hard-fought struggle against superior numbers was almost as honorable to Warwick's courage and[Pg 69] enterprise as a victory, and the indomitable pluck which he displayed seems to have won the hearts of the sailors, who were ever after, down to the day of his death, faithful to his cause. But his later undertakings80 were fortunate as well as bold.
The best known of them took place in the spring of 1458. Sweeping81 the Channel with fourteen small vessels, Warwick came on five great ships—"three great Genoese carracks, and two Spaniards far larger and higher than the others." For two days Warwick fought a running fight with the enemy, "hard and long, for he had no vessel66 that could compare in size with theirs." Finally he took three of the carracks and put the other two to flight. Nearly a thousand Spaniards were slain, and the prisoners were so many that the prisons of Calais could hardly contain them. The prizes were richly laden82, and their contents were valued at no less than ￡10,000. The markets of Calais and Kent were for the moment so charged with Southern goods that a shilling bought that year more than two would have bought the year before.
This fight naturally made Warwick popular with merchants and sailors, but it was less liked at Westminster; for although at odds83 with the King of Castile, England was not at this moment engaged in hostilities84 with the Genoese, though there was a dispute in progress about the ill-treatment of some British merchants by them. Another feat85 of Warwick's, however, was to get him into worse trouble. Early in the autumn of the same year he had an engagement in the Straits of Dover with a great fleet of Hanseatic vessels from Lubeck, who were sailing southward to France. From them he took[Pg 70] five ships which he brought into Calais. Now England had signed a commercial treaty with the Hansa only two years before, and this engagement was a flagrant violation86 of it. It led Warwick's enemies on the Continent to call him no better than a pirate. What was his plea of justification87 we do not know. It may be, as some have alleged88, that he mistook the Germans at first for Spaniards or Frenchmen. It may be that he fell out with them on some question as to the rights of the English admiral in the narrow seas, such as gave constant trouble in later centuries, and were the forerunners89 of the famous quarrels over the "right of search" and "the right of salute90."
But about Warwick's capture of the Hanseatic vessels there was no doubt. A month later a board was appointed, consisting of Lord Rivers, Sir Thomas Kyrriel, and seven other members, to investigate the matter.
On November 8th Warwick came over from Calais to lay his defence before the King and Council. Henry received him courteously91 enough, and there was much sage92 talk about the marches of Picardy, "but the Earl could judge well enough by the countenances93 of many who sat in the Council Chamber94 that they bore him hatred95, so that he bethought him of the warnings that his father had lately written him about the Queen's friends."
Next day when Warwick again came into the royal presence, the Council had hardly begun when a great tumult49 arose in the court, "the noise was heard over the whole palace, and every one was calling for Warwick." What had happened was, that the retainers of Somerset and Wiltshire had fallen on the Earl's attendants and[Pg 71] were making an end of them. Warwick ran down to see what was the matter, but the moment that he appeared in the court he was set on by a score of armed men, and it was only by the merest chance that he was able to cut his way down to the water-stairs, and leap with two of his men into a boat. He escaped with his life to the Surrey side, but his followers96 were not so lucky; three were slain and many wounded.
Warwick declared that the whole business had been a deliberate plot to murder him, and he was probably right; but the lords of the Queen's party maintained that the affray had been a chance medley97 between the two bands of retainers, and that the first blow had been struck by one of Warwick's men. But whatever was the truth about the matter, Warwick could not be blamed if he swore never to come to Court again without armed men at his heels. The sequel of the quarrel shows what had really been intended. Next day the Queen and her friends represented to the King that the quarrel had been due to brawling on Warwick's part, and procured98 an order for committing him to the Tower. Warned of this by a secret friend in the Council, the Earl rode off in haste to Warwick Castle, and sent to his father and the Duke of York. The three held a conference, in which they resolved that at the next hostile move of their enemies they would repeat the line of conduct which had been so successful four years before—they would muster69 their retainers and deliver the King by force out of the hands of the Court party.
Meanwhile Warwick retired to Calais, where he called together the officers of the garrison, and the Mayor and[Pg 72] aldermen, set forth to them the attempt upon his life, and begged them to be true to him and guard him against the machination of his enemies.
The next attack of the Queen on the followers of York was long in coming; nine months elapsed between the affray at Westminster and the final outbreak of Civil War.
Meanwhile [says the chronicler] the realm of England was out of all good governance, as it had been many days before; for the King was simple, and led by covetous99 counsel, and owed more than he was worth. His debts encreased daily, but payment was there none; for all the manors100 and lordships that pertained101 to the Crown the King had given away, so that he had almost nought102 to live on. And such impositions as were put on the people, as taxes, tallages, and 'fifteenths,' all were spent in vain, for the King held no household and maintained no wars. So for these misgovernances the hearts of the people were turned from them that had the land in governance, and their blessing103 was turned to cursing. The Queen and her affinity104 ruled the realm as they liked, gathering51 riches innumerable. The officers of the realm, and specially105 the Earl of Wiltshire, the Treasurer, for to enrich themselves pilled the poor people, and disherited rightful heirs, and did many wrongs. The Queen was sore defamed, and many said that he that was called the Prince was not the King's son, but gotten in adultery.
The name of Wiltshire, "the best-favoured knight106 in the land, and the most feared of losing his beauty," was united with that of Margaret by many tongues, and the Queen's behaviour was certainly curious; for instead of staying with her husband, she was continually absent from his side, busied in all manner of political intrigues107, and only visiting King Henry when some grant or signature had to be wrung108 out of him.[Pg 73] All the summer of 1459 she was in Lancashire and Cheshire "allying to her the knights109 and squires110 in those parts for to have their benevolence111, and held open household among them, and made her son give a livery blazoned55 with a swan to all the gentlemen of the country, trusting through their strength to make her son King; for she was making privy112 means to some lords of England for to stir the King to resign the crown to his son; but she could not bring her purpose about."
The exact details of the outbreak of the war are hard to arrange chronologically113. Writs114 were being sent about by the Queen in the King's name ordering every one to be ready to assemble "with as many men as they might, defensibly arrayed," as early as May. But no such muster seems to have taken place, and it was not till September that a blow was struck. In the middle of that month an army was raised in the Midlands with which the King took the field. A summons was then sent to Salisbury, who lay at Sherif Hoton in his northern lands, bidding him come to London. Remembering what had happened to his son on his last visit to the King, Salisbury went not, but took the summons, combined with the mustering115 of the King's forces, as an alarm of war. Collecting some three thousand of his Yorkshire tenants116, he marched off to seek his brother-in-law York, who was lying at Ludlow. At the same time he sent messengers to his son at Calais, bidding him cross over at once to join him.
Warwick, seeing that the crisis was come, took two hundred men-at-arms and four hundred archers117 of the garrison of Calais, under Sir Andrew Trollope a veteran of the French War, and crossed to Sandwich. He left[Pg 74] Calais, where lay his wife and his two daughters, in charge of his uncle, William Neville Lord Fauconbridge, "a little man in stature118 but a knight of great reverence119." Warwick marched quietly through London, and crossed the Midlands as far as Coleshill in Warwickshire without meeting an enemy. There he just avoided a battle, for Somerset, with a great force from his Wessex lands, was marching through the town from south-west to north-east the same day that Warwick traversed it from south-east to north-west; but as it happened they neither of them caught any sight or heard any rumour30 of the other.
While Warwick was taking his way through the Midlands, decisive events had been occurring. When the Queen, who lay at Eccleshall in Staffordshire, heard that Salisbury was on his way to York's castle of Ludlow, she called out all her new-made friends of the north-west Midlands, and bade them intercept120 the Earl. Lord Audley their leader was given a commission to arrest Salisbury and send him to the Tower of London. All the knighthood of Cheshire and Shropshire came together and joined Audley, who was soon at the head of nearly ten thousand men. With this force he threw himself across Salisbury's path at Blore Heath near Market Drayton on September 23rd. The old Earl refused to listen to Audley's summons to surrender, entrenched121 himself on the edge of a wood and waited to be attacked. Audley first led two cavalry122 charges against the Yorkist line, and when these were beaten back by the arrows of the northern archers, launched a great column of billmen and dismounted knights against the enemy. After hard fighting it was repulsed123, Audley himself was slain, and[Pg 75] the Lancastrians drew back, "leaving dead on the field most of those notable knights and squires of Chesshire that had taken the badge of the Swan."
In the night Salisbury drew off his men and marched round the defeated enemy, who still lay in front of his position. A curious story is told of his retreat by the chronicler Gregory. "Next day," he says, "the Earl of Salisbury, if he had stayed, would have been taken, so great were the forces that would have been brought up by the Queen, who lay at Eccleshall only six miles from the field." But the enemy knew nothing of Salisbury's departure, "because an Austin friar shot guns all night in the park at the rear of the field, so that they knew not the Earl was departed. Next morrow they found neither man nor child in that park save the friar, and he said that it was for fear that he abode in that park, firing the guns to keep up his heart."
Salisbury was now able to join York at Ludlow without further molestation124, and Warwick came in a few days later without having seen an enemy. The Duke and the younger Earl called out their vassals125 of the Welsh March, and their united forces soon amounted to twenty thousand men. They made no hostile movement however, though the Lancastrian force defeated at Blore Heath was now being joined by new reinforcements and lay opposite them in great strength. But the Duke and the two Earls went forward to Worcester, and there in the cathedral took a solemn oath that they meant nothing against the King's estate or the common weal of the realm. They charged the Prior of Worcester and Dr. William Lynwood to lay before the King a declaration "that they would forbear and[Pg 76] avoid all things that might serve to the effusion of Christian126 blood," and would not strike a blow except in self-defence, being only in arms to save their own lives.
The refusal of the Yorkist lords to assume the offensive, if creditable to their honesty, was fatal to their cause. For the next three weeks the levies127 of Northern and Central England came pouring into the Queen's camp, and the King himself, waking up for once, assumed the command in person. A curious record in the preamble128 of an Act of Parliament of this year tells us how he buckled129 on his armour130, "and spared not for any impediment or difficulty of way, nor intemperance131 of weather, but jeopardied his royal person, and continued his labour for thirty days, and sometimes lodged in the bare field for two nights together, with all his host, in the cold season of the year, not resting in the same place more than one night save only on the Sundays." About October 12th, the King, whose army now amounted to as many as fifty thousand men, pushed slowly forward on to Ludlow, putting out as he went strongly-worded proclamations which stigmatised the Duke and the Earls as traitors132, and summoned their followers to disperse133, promising134 free pardon to all save Salisbury and the others who had fought at Blore Heath.
York and Warwick had, of course, no intention of abandoning their kinsman; they paid no heed135 to the royal proclamation, but they soon found that their followers were far from holding it so lightly. The Yorkists were so manifestly inferior in numbers to the enemy, less than half their force indeed, that the men's[Pg 77] hearts were failing them. Their position on the Welsh Border, with the King's army cutting them off from England, and with the Welsh in arms behind them, was unsatisfactory, and none of the Yorkist barons had succeeded in joining them except Lord Clinton and Lord Grey of Powis. The inaction of their leaders had allowed them time to think over their position, and it would appear that the news of the King's proclamation had reached them, and the announcement of pardon worked its effect. York seems to have recognised that the use of the royal name against him was the fatal thing, and proceeded to spread a rumour through his camp that King Henry was really dead. He even ordered his chaplains to celebrate the mass for the dead in the midst of the camp. But the stratagem136 recoiled137 on his head next day, when the truth became known, and the King was seen, with his banner displayed at his side, leading forward in person the van of the Lancastrian army. At nightfall on October 13th the armies were only separated by the Teme, then in flood and covering the fields for some way on each side of its course. The Duke set some cannon138 to play upon the King's line, but the darkness or the distance kept them from doing any hurt. This was all the fighting that was destined to take place.
That night demoralisation set in among the Yorkist ranks. It commenced with the veteran Trollope, who secretly led off his six hundred Calais troops from their place in the Yorkist line and joined the enemy. Lord Powis followed his example, and at dawn the whole army was melting away. York bade the bridges be broken down, and began to draw off, but nothing[Pg 78] could keep his men together; they were dispersing139 with such rapidity that he could no longer hope to fight. Accordingly he bade those who still followed him to save themselves, and made off with his two sons Edward and Edmund, Warwick and Salisbury, and a few devoted140 retainers, to seek some place of refuge.
Thus by the Rout141 of Ludford all the work of Blore Heath and St. Albans was entirely undone.
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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drawn
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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advancement
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kindly
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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beset
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bickering
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| v.争吵( bicker的现在分词 )；口角；（水等）作潺潺声；闪烁 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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garrison
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nominal
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truce
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insufficient
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arrears
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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21
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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22
sinecure
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| n.闲差事，挂名职务 | |
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23
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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24
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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25
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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26
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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27
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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28
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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29
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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30
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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31
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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32
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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33
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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34
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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35
adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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36
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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37
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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38
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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39
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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40
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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41
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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42
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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45
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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46
eviction
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| n.租地等的收回 | |
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47
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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48
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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49
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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50
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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51
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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52
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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53
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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54
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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55
blazoned
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| v.广布( blazon的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布；夸示；装饰 | |
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56
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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57
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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58
brawling
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| n.争吵，喧嚷 | |
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59
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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60
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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61
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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62
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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63
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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64
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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65
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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66
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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67
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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68
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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69
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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70
unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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71
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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73
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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74
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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75
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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76
seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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77
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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78
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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79
happed
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| v.偶然发生( hap的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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81
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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82
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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83
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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84
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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85
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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86
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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87
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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88
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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89
forerunners
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| n.先驱( forerunner的名词复数 )；开路人；先兆；前兆 | |
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90
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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91
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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92
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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93
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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94
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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95
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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96
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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97
medley
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| n.混合 | |
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98
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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99
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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100
manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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101
pertained
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| 关于( pertain的过去式和过去分词 )； 有关； 存在； 适用 | |
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102
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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103
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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104
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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105
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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106
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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107
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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108
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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109
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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110
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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111
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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112
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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113
chronologically
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| ad. 按年代的 | |
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114
writs
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| n.书面命令，令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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115
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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116
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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117
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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118
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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119
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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120
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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121
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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122
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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123
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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124
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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125
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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126
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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127
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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128
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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129
buckled
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| a. 有带扣的 | |
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130
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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131
intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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132
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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133
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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134
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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135
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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136
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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137
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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138
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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139
dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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140
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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141
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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