When the arrival of the three Earls in London was known, all the Yorkist peers who were within touch of London came flocking in with their retainers. Thither1 came Warwick's uncle Edward Neville Lord Abergavenny, and his brother George Neville Bishop2 of Exeter, and his cousin Lord Scrope, and Clinton one of the victors of St. Albans, and Bourchier and Cobham and Say, and the Bishops3 of Ely, Salisbury, and Rochester. It is strange to read that Audley, who had been Warwick's prisoner in Calais ever since last November, also joined the Yorkists in arms. He had come to terms with his captor, and had agreed to forget the death of his father at Blore Heath and to serve the cause of York. In a few days an army of more than thirty thousand men had been gathered together.
The first task of the Yorkists was to provide for the blockade of the Tower of London, where Hungerford and Scales abode4 in great wrath5, "shooting wild-fire into the town every hour, and laying great ordnance6 against it." Salisbury agreed to remain in charge of the city and to undertake the siege. With him were left Lord Cobham,[Pg 94] Sir John Wenlock, and the greater part of the levy7 of London, commanded by the Lord Mayor and by one Harrow, a mercer. They brought batteries to bear on the Tower from the side of St. Katherine's wharf8, "so they skirmished together daily, and much harm was done."
Meanwhile Warwick and the young Earl of March set out on Saturday July 5th, having with them the other Yorkist lords, "and much people out of Kent, Sussex, and Essex with much great ordnance." Marching by the great north road, past St. Albans and Towcester, they made for Northampton, where they heard that the King was collecting his host.
The invasion of England had been so sudden and its success so rapid that the Lancastrians had not had time to call in all their strength, more especially as it lay to a great extent in the extreme North and West. But the Midlands were well roused, and, if a Yorkist chronicler is to be believed, the Queen "had it proclaimed in Cheshire and Lancashire that if so the King had the victory of the Earls, then every man should take what he might, and make havoc9 in Kent, Essex, Middlesex, Surrey, and Sussex." The Duke of Buckingham had the chief command, though he was not of the Court party nor a great lover of the Queen's, but out of sheer loyalty10 he now—as formerly11 at St. Albans—came out with all his retainers when he received the King's missive. With him were Egremont and Beaumont, both deadly enemies of the Nevilles and favourites of the Queen, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Grey de Ruthyn, and many more. Their forces, though very considerable, were still somewhat inferior to those of the Yorkists.
The King's camp was pitched just outside Northampton town, in the meadows south of the Nen, near the Nunnery between Sandiford and Hardingstone. The position had been strongly entrenched12, and the earthworks were lined with a numerous artillery13; the river covered both flanks, the lines being drawn14 from point to point in a broad bend of its course.
Warwick, in accordance with his declaration at St. Paul's on the previous Thursday, made three separate attempts to secure permission to approach the King's person; but Buckingham sternly refused to listen to his envoys15, the Bishops of Rochester and Salisbury. "You came here not as bishops to treat of peace, but as men-at-arms," he said, pointing to the squadrons arrayed under the bishops' banners in the Yorkist host. Negotiations17 were fruitless, and at two in the afternoon Warwick drew out his army on the rising ground by the old Danish camp, the Hunsborough, which overlooks the water-meadows, and descended18 to the attack. Fauconbridge led the vanguard on the left, the Earl himself the centre, Edward of March, now seeing his first stricken field, conducted the right wing. Before the attack it was proclaimed that every man should spare the Commons, and slay19 none but the knights21 and lords, with whom alone lay the blame for the shedding of all the blood that might fall that day.
The first assault on the Lancastrian lines failed completely. The obstacles were far greater than Warwick had imagined; it was six feet from the bottom of the ditch to the top of the rampart, and the trenches22 were full of water, for it had rained heavily in the morning. How the day would have gone if treachery had not come[Pg 96] to the succour of the Yorkists it is impossible to say; but only a few minutes after the first gun had been fired, Lord Grey de Ruthyn on the Lancastrian left mounted the badge of the Ragged23 Staff, and his men were seen beckoning24 to the Yorkists to approach, and leaning over the rampart to reach their hands to pull them up. Assisted in this way, the Earl of March's column got within the entrenchments, and sweeping25 along their front cleared a space for Warwick to burst in. All was over in half an hour and with very little bloodshed. Only three hundred men fell, but among them were nearly all the Lancastrian leaders. On foot and in their heavy armour26 the lords and knights could not get away. The aged27 Buckingham fell at the door of his own tent, and Beaumont, Egremont, and Shrewsbury close to the King's quarters, as they strove to protect his retreat. But the King, helpless as ever, was too late to fly, and fell into the hands of an archer28 named Henry Montford. His capture, however, was not so important so long as his wife and child remained at large; and Margaret—as adroit29 as her husband was shiftless—was already speeding away with the young Prince, bound for North Wales.
Warwick and March conducted King Henry back with all respect to London, where he was lodged30 in the palace at Westminster. They had done their work so rapidly that they had not needed the assistance of the Duke of York, whose arrival from Ireland—he was two months later than his promise—was just announced from the West. Even before he appeared the victors of Northampton had begun to reconstitute the King's ministry31. Henry was made to sign patents appointing Salisbury Lieutenant32 in the six northern counties; his[Pg 97] son, George Bishop of Exeter, received the Chancellorship33; John Neville another son was made the King's Chamberlain, and Lord Bourchier got the Treasury35. Warwick himself was re-established de jure in the position he had been so long holding de facto, the captainship of Calais.
The garrison36 of the Tower of London surrendered nine days after the battle of Northampton. Most of the defenders37 went away in safety, but Lord Scales, who was much hated by the populace of London, was not so fortunate. He took boat for the sanctuary38 of Westminster, but was recognised as he rowed along by some water-men, who gave chase to him and slew39 him on the river "just under the river wall of Winchester House." His body was stripped and thrown ashore40 into the cemetery41 of St. Mary Overy, whence it was removed and honourably42 buried by the Earls of March and Warwick that night. "Great pity was it that so noble a knight20, so well approved in the wars of France and Normandy, should die so mischievously," adds the chronicler.
A Parliament was summoned by the Yorkists to meet on October 9th. Meanwhile Warwick was well employed. When August came round he ran across to Calais to see to his old antagonist43 at Guisnes. Somerset was now in low spirits, and willingly met the Earl at Newnham Bridge, there to be reconciled to him and make peace. But after he had embraced Warwick and assented44 to all his conditions, he secretly departed with his follower45 Trollope, fled through Picardy to Dieppe, and took refuge in his own south-western county. Meanwhile the Earl conducted his mother and wife in great state back to London, and re-established them in their old dwelling46 of[Pg 98] "the Harbour." He spent September in going on a pilgrimage with the Countess to the shrine47 of the Virgin48 at Walsingham in Norfolk. On this journey he ran great peril49, for Lord Willoughby, an unreconciled Lancastrian, lay in wait for him near Lichfield on his return, and was within an ace16 of making him prisoner.
So Warwick came at last to his own Midland estates. And there all the knights and ladies of his lands came to him "complaining of the evils that they had suffered in the past year from the Duke of Somerset, who had pilled and robbed them, and sacked their towns and manors50, and usurped51 the Earl's castles; but notwithstanding all their troubles they praised Heaven for the joyous53 return of their lord."
York had reached Chester early in September, and had marched slowly through his estates in the Welsh March towards London. When he came to Abingdon "he sent for trompeteres and claryners from London, and gave them banners with the royal arms of England without distinction or diversity, and commanded his sword to be borne upright before him, and so he rode till he came to the gates of the palace of Westminster." This assumption of royal state was the beginning of evils.
Meanwhile the Parliament was already sitting before the Duke's arrival. King Henry opened it with due solemnity, and heard it commence its work by repealing54 all the Acts of the Lancastrian Parliament of Leicester, and by removing the attainders of the Yorkist lords. On the third day of the session, Richard of York came up in the evening, and entered the palace, where he rudely took possession of the royal apartments. "He had the doors broken open, and King Henry hear[Pg 99]ing the great noise gave place, and took him another chamber34 that night."
This unceremonious eviction55 of his sovereign was only the beginning of the Duke's violent conduct. Next morning he went to the House of Lords, and approaching the throne laid his hand on the cushion as if about to take formal possession of the seat. Archbishop Bourchier asked him what he would do, and the Duke then made a lengthy56 reply "challenging and claiming the realm and crown of England as male heir of King Richard the Second, and proposing without any delay to be crowned on All Hallows' Day then following." The lords listened with obvious disapproval57 and dismay, and York did not even venture to seat himself on the throne. The meeting broke up without further transaction of business.
"Now when the Earl of Warwick, who had not been present that day, heard this, he was very wroth, and sent for the Archbishop and prayed him to go to the Duke and tell him that he was acting58 evilly, and to remind him of the many promises he had made to King Henry." Warwick in short remembered his oath of July 4th, and was determined59 that Henry should not be despoiled60 of his throne, but only placed in the hands of Yorkist ministers. The Archbishop refused to face the Duke.
Then the Earl sent for his brother Thomas Neville, and entered into his barge61, and rowed to the palace. It was all full of the Duke's men-of-arms, but the Earl stayed not, and went straight to the Duke's chamber, and found him standing52 there, leaning against a side-board. And there were hard words between them, for the Earl told him that neither the lords nor the people would suffer him to strip the King of his crown. And as they wrangled62, the Earl of Rutland came in and said to his cousin, "Fair sir be not angry, for[Pg 100] you know that we have the true right to the crown, and that my Lord and Father here must have it." But the Earl of March his brother stayed him and said, "Brother, vex63 no man, for all shall be well." But the Earl of Warwick would stay no longer when he understood his uncle's intent, and went off hastily to his barge, greeting no one as he went save his cousin of March.
Next day, when his wrath had cooled down, the Earl sent to his uncle the Bishops of Ely and Rochester, Lord Audley, and a London citizen named Grey, to beg and beseech64 him to give up his enterprise. The Duke sent them away, with the answer that he would be crowned the very next Monday, the day of the translation of St. Edward the Confessor (October 13th). The preparations for the coronation were actually made, and the crowd was mustering65 in the Abbey, when on a last appeal made by Sir Thomas Neville in the name of his brother and of all the lords and commonalty of England, the Duke wavered. Fearing to offend his greatest supporters beyond redemption he temporised, put off his coronation, and began to negotiate.
Richard Neville, in fact, had matched his will against that of his imperious uncle and had won. The Duke was never crowned. The arrangement at which the parties arrived was that Henry should be King for life, that York should be made Protector, named Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, and should be acknowledged as heir to the crown. The Duke, on the other hand, swore to be faithful to the King so long as he should live. On All Saints' Day the agreement was solemnly ratified66 at St. Paul's, whither the lords went in procession, Warwick bearing the sword before the King, and Edward of March bearing the King's mantle67. "And[Pg 101] the crowd shouted 'Long live King Henry and the Earl of Warwick,' for the said Earl had the good voice of the people, because he knew how to give them fair words, showing himself easy and familiar with them, for he was very subtle at gaining his ends, and always spoke68 not of himself but of the augmentation and good governance of the kingdom, for which he would have spent his life: and thus he had the goodwill69 of England, so that in all the land he was the lord who was held in most esteem70 and faith and credence71."
The Act of Parliament which recorded the agreement of York and King Henry made no mention of Queen Margaret or of the Prince her son. But it was of little use passing Acts of Parliament while she was at large and the Lancastrian lords of the North and West unsubdued. Margaret's first move had been to stir up the Scots, and at her bidding James the Second crossed the Border and laid siege to Roxburgh, which was then an English town. Fauconbridge, Warwick's uncle, was sent north to defend the place, but later events deprived him of aid from England, and he was forced to surrender, though not till after the King of Scots had fallen, slain72 by the bursting of one of his own siege guns.
But the Scotch73 invasion was only one of Margaret's schemes. Her main hope lay in a rising of the Lancastrians who had not suffered at Northampton; and from her retreat at Harlech in North Wales she sent to summon them together. Their mustering-place was in the North, where the Earl of Northumberland and Lord Neville, brother of Ralph Earl of Westmoreland, and Clifford son of the Clifford who fell at St. Albans,[Pg 102] united their retainers as the nucleus74 of an army. To them fled Somerset, regardless of his oath at Calais, and Exeter the late Admiral, and Courtney Earl of Devon, and Willoughby and Roos and Hungerford, and many more.
The danger was so imminent75 that the Duke of York, after wearing the honours of the protectorate for no more than three weeks, resolved to march north and disperse76 the gathering77 of the Queen's friends. He took with him his second son Edmund of Rutland, a boy of seventeen; Salisbury accompanied him, and he also left his first-born at home and went out with his fourth son Thomas Neville. The Duke and the Earl raised about six thousand men, and proceeded on their way, unopposed save by a small Lancastrian force which they beat at Worksop, till they reached Sandal Castle, one of York's family strongholds, close beside the town of Wakefield. When they arrived there, about Christmas Eve, they learnt that the Queen's army was much stronger than they had reckoned, and sent south for reinforcements. But on December 30th they were themselves assailed78 by forces tripling their own small host, under Somerset and Clifford. The Duke rashly fought in the open, though many of his men were scattered79 over the country-side foraging80. It is said that he relied on help treacherously81 promised him by some of the Lancastrian leaders; but he was disappointed. No one played for his benefit the part that Grey de Ruthyn had carried out at Northampton.
The defeat of the Yorkists was decisive. Two thousand two hundred men out of their five thousand were slain. The fate of war fell heavily on the leaders, hardly one of whom escaped. The Duke fell on the[Pg 103] field, with Thomas Neville and William Lord Harington. The Earl of Rutland, "the best-disposed young gentleman in England," was slain in the pursuit as he fled across Wakefield Bridge. Salisbury's fate was more unhappy still; he was taken prisoner, and beheaded next day at Pontefract by the Bastard82 of Exeter, "though he offered great sums of money that he should have grant of his life." The heads of Salisbury and his son, of Harington, and of five knights, were set on spikes83 over the gate of York, with that of Duke Richard in the midst, crowned with a paper crown in mockery of the prospective84 kingship that he had never enjoyed.
All the Lancastrians of the North and the Midlands rose at once to join the Queen. She was soon at the head of forty thousand men, largely composed of the lawless moss-troopers of the Scotch Border, who looked upon war as a mere85 excuse for raids, and boasted that everything beyond the Trent was in an enemy's country. Before moving south they harried86 most thoroughly87 the estates of the northern Yorkists. Salisbury's patrimony88 about Middleham and Sherif Hoton bore the brunt of the plunder89, at the hands of the retainers of the elder branch of Neville, whose head, Earl Ralph of Westmoreland, put his men under the charge of his brother Thomas, one of the most rabid Lancastrians in the North Country.
About the middle of January the Queen's army began to roll southward, pillaging90 recklessly on all sides, and sacking from roof to cellar the towns of Grantham, Stamford, Peterborough, Huntingdon, Royston, Melbourn, and Dunstable, as they passed down the Ermine Street.
The news of the battle of Wakefield reached London about January 5th, and set the whole South Country in dismay. Warwick, who had been keeping his Christmas on his own estates, was forced to ride up to the capital at full speed, and assume the direction of affairs, for there was now no one to share the responsibility with him. His uncle, in whose cause he had fought so long, and his father, whose prudent91 counsels had guided the party, were both gone; his cousin of March, the head of the family, was no more than nineteen years of age, and was moreover at this moment far away by the Severn, looking after the Welsh March. It devolved on Warwick to assume the responsibility for the government of the kingdom and the safety of the Yorkist party.
Though there were traitors92 enough ready to change to the winning side, as was always the case in this unhappy war, the south-eastern counties were firm to York even in the darkest hour. Warwick found ready assistants in the Duke of Norfolk, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Arundel, the Lords Bonville, Cobham, Fitzwalter, and the Commons of Kent and London. "In this country," wrote a partisan93 of York, "every man is well willing to go with my Lords here, and I hope God shall help them, for the people of the North rob and steal, and are appointed to pillage94 all this country, and give away men's goods and livelihood95 in all the South Country, and that shall be a mischief96."
To resist the advance of the Queen on London, Warwick marched out to St. Albans and arrayed some thirty thousand men to cover the London road. His army was drawn up not in the great masses which were usual at this time, but in detachments scattered along a[Pg 105] front of three miles; the right on a heath called No Man's Land, the left in St. Albans town. The country-side was full of woods and hedges, which were manned by archers97, supported by a body of Burgundian handgun-men whom Warwick had hired in Flanders. King Henry was taken along with the army, and stationed in the rear, in charge of Lord Bonville. The position was strong, but the communication between its various parts was bad, and the whole force of Warwick's men seems to have been ill placed for concentration. Owing to some mismanagement of the officer commanding the mounted scouts98, the Lancastrians attacked before they were expected. "The Queen's men were at hands with the Earl's in the town of St. Albans while all things were set to seek and out of order, for the prickers came not home to bring tidings that the Queen was at hand, save one, and he came and said that she was yet nine mile off." The first Lancastrian attack on the left, in St. Albans town, was beaten back, but in another part of the field a fatal disaster took place. A Kentish squire99 named Lovelace, who led a company in the right wing, went over to the enemy, and let the Lancastrians through the Yorkist line. King Henry was captured by his wife's followers100 "as he sat under a great oak, smiling to see the discomfiture101 of the army." When the news ran along the front that treachery was at work, and that the King was taken, the bulk of the Yorkists broke up and fled. Not more than three thousand were slain or taken, but the whole force was irretrievably scattered, and the greater part of the leaders fled home to their own lands as if the war was over.
Queen Margaret showed her joy at the recovery of her husband's person by an exhibition of savage102 cruelty. Lord Bonville and Sir Thomas Kyrriel, who had been in charge of Henry and had been captured with him, were brought before her. "So she told them they must die, and sent for her son the Prince of Wales, and said that he should choose what death they should suffer. And when the boy—he was eight years old—was brought into the tent, she said 'Fair son, what manner of death shall these knights, whom you see here, die?' And the young child answered 'Let them have their heads taken off.' Then said Sir Thomas, 'May God destroy those who taught thee this manner of speech,' but immediately they drew them out and cut off both their heads" (February 17th, 1461).
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1
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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wharf
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| n.码头，停泊处 | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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ace
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| n.A牌；发球得分；佼佼者；adj.杰出的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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beckoning
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| adj.引诱人的，令人心动的v.（用头或手的动作）示意，召唤( beckon的现在分词 ) | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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archer
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| n.射手，弓箭手 | |
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adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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chancellorship
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| 长官的职位或任期 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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50
manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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51
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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53
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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54
repealing
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
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eviction
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| n.租地等的收回 | |
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56
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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58
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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barge
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| n.平底载货船，驳船 | |
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62
wrangled
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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66
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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68
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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72
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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73
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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76
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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81
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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83
spikes
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| n.穗( spike的名词复数 )；跑鞋；（防滑）鞋钉；尖状物v.加烈酒于( spike的第三人称单数 )；偷偷地给某人的饮料加入（更多）酒精（ 或药物）；把尖状物钉入；打乱某人的计划 | |
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84
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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85
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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86
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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88
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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89
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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90
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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91
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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92
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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93
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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94
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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95
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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96
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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97
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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98
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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99
squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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100
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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101
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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102
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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