When the councils of a country are assembled for work, it is but natural to look for a body of grave and reverend—if not most potent—seigniors. And especially, when a new government is forming from selected fragments of the old, might one expect a pure and simple structure, free from those faults and weaknesses which sowed the seeds of disintegration2 in the elder fabric3.
It was too much the fashion to believe that the Confederacy—having sprung full-grown from foam4 of the angry sea of politics—was full-armed as well. A revolution, unprecedented5 in the world's history, had already been achieved. A strongly cemented and firmly seated government had been disrupted; and a new one, built from the dissevered fragments, had been erected6 almost under the shadow of its Capitol. And no drop of blood had been spilled! Six millions of people had uprisen and, by a simple declaration of will, had in a few short weeks undone7 the work of near a century. Without arms in their hands; without a keel in their waters; without a dollar in their treasury8, they arrayed themselves against the mother government with the serious purpose of not only asserting, but maintaining, their independence of it.
So far, all had been accomplished9 without violence. But, whatever the simpler masses might expect, the initiated10 politician could scarce have believed that the older government would meekly11 submit to "Let the erring12 sisters go in peace." Hence, one might justly have looked to see the executive council of the new nation—to whom had been intrusted its safety and its hopes—with every thought bent13, every nerve strained to the one vital point—preparation! One could only have expected measures simple as energetic; laws clear, concise14 and comprehensive; care only for the arming, organizing and maintenance of the people.
Blessed are they who expect nothing! One glance at the "Congress of the Confederate States of America," as it sat in the Capitol at Montgomery, told the whole story of its organization and of its future usefulness.
The states went out of the union, separately and at different periods, by the action of conventions. These were naturally composed of men who had long been prominently before the people, urging the measures of secession. As a matter of course, the old political workers of each section, by fair means and foul15, were enabled to secure election to these conventions; and, once there, they so fevered and worked upon the public mind, amid rapidly succeeding events, that its after-thought could neither be reasonable nor deliberate. The act of secession once consummated16, the state connected itself with the Confederacy and representatives had to be sent to Montgomery. Small wonder that the men most prominent in the secession conventions should secure their own election, as little regard to fitness as ability being had by the excited electors.
The House of Representatives at Montgomery looked like the Washington Congress, viewed through a reversed opera-glass. The same want of dignity and serious work; the same position of ease, with feet on desk and hat on head; the same buzzing talk on indifferent subjects; often the very same men in the lobbies—taking dry smokes from unlit cigars; all these elements were there in duplicate, if somewhat smaller and more concentrated. No point in Montgomery was remote enough—no assemblage dignified17 enough—to escape the swoop18 of the lobby vulture. His beak19 was as sharp and his unclean talons20 as strong as those of the traditional bird, which had blinked and battened so long on the eaves of the Washington edifice21. When "the old concern" had been dismembered, limbs had been dragged whole to aid in the construction of the new giant; and scenting22 these from afar, he hastened hither fierce for his fresh banquet.
Glancing down from the gallery of the House, many were the familiar faces peering over the desks; and, even where one did not know the individual, it was easy to recognize the politician by trade among the rosy24 and uncomfortable novices25. It was constant food for wonderment to thoughtful men, that the South had, in most cases, chosen party hacks26 to legislate27 for and to lead her in this great crisis, rather than transfused28 younger blood and steadier nerves into her councils; rather than grafted29 new minds upon the as yet healthy body. The revolution was popularly accepted as the result of corruptions30 and aggressions which these very men had been utterly31 helpless to correct, or to prevent; even had they not been able actors in them. Yet, worn-out politicians—who had years before been "promoted from servants to sovereigns and had taken back seats"—floated high upon the present surge. Men hot from Washington, reeking32 with the wiles33 of the old House and with their unblushing buncombe fresh upon them, took the lead in every movement; and the rank old Washington leaven34 threatened to permeate35 every pore of the new government.
It is small wonder that the measures of such a congress, when not vacillating, were weak. If the time demanded anything, that demand was the promptest organization of an army, with an immediate36 basis of foreign credit, to arm, equip and clothe it. Next to this was the urgent need for a simple and readily managed machinery37 in the different departments of the government.
Neither of these desiderata could be secured by their few earnest and capable advocates, who thrust them forward over and over again, only to be pushed aside by the sensation element with which the popular will of the new nation—or the want of it—had diluted38 her councils. There were windy dissertations39 on the color of the flag, or on the establishment of a patent office; and members made long speeches, bearing on no special point, but that most special one of their own re-election. There were bitter denunciations of "the old wreck40;" violent diatribes41 on the "gridiron" flag; with many an eloquent42 and manly43 declaration of the feelings and the attitude of the South. But these were not the bitter need. Declarations sufficient had already been made; and the masses—having made them, and being ready and willing to maintain them—stood with their hands in their pockets, open-mouthed, eager, but inactive. They were waiting for some organization, for some systematized preparation for the struggle even they felt to be surely coming. Not one in three of the congressmen dared look the real issue directly in the face; and these were powerless to accomplish anything practical. But their constant pressure finally forced from the reluctant legislature a few first steps toward reduction of the chaos44.
The Government was to consist, after the President, of a vice-President and a secretary for each of the departments of State, War, Navy, Treasury, Post-Office and Justice; the latter being a combination of the responsibilities of the Interior Department and the Attorney-General's office.
Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, had been elevated to the vice-Presidency, as reconciling the oppositions45 of "original secession" and "anti secession." He had long been a prominent politician; was thoroughly46 acquainted with all the points of public life; and was, at this time, quite popular with people of all sections, being generally regarded as a man of exceptional capacity and great independence.
The portfolio47 of State was in the hands of another Georgian, Robert Toombs. In the present posture48 of affairs, little could be expected from it, as until the nations of Europe should recognize the South, she could have no foreign policy. The honorable secretary himself seemed fully49 to realize how little onerous50 was his position. One of the ten thousand applicants51 for any and every position approached him for a place in his department and exhibited his letters of recommendation.
"Perfectly52 useless, sir!" responded Mr. Toombs with a thunderous oath. Let us whisper that the honorable secretary was a profound swearer.
"But, sir," persisted the place hunter, "if you will only look at this letter from Mr. ——, I think you can find something for me."
"Can you get in here, sir?" roared the secretary fiercely, taking off his hat and pointing into it—with a volley of sonorous53 oaths—"That's the Department of State, sir!"
The Post-Office and Department of Justice were, as yet, about as useful as the State Department; but to the War Office, every eye was turned, and the popular verdict seemed to be that the choice there was not the right man in the right place. Mr. Leroy Pope Walker, to whom its administration was intrusted, was scarcely known beyond the borders of his own state; but those who did know him prophesied54 that he would early stagger under the heavy responsibility that would necessarily fall upon him in event of war. Many averred55 that he was only a man of straw to whom Mr. Davis had offered the portfolio, simply that he might exercise his own well-known love for military affairs and be himself the de facto Secretary of War.
The selection of Mr. Mallory, of Florida, for the Navy Department, was more popular and was, as yet, generally considered a good one. His long experience as chairman of the committee on naval56 affairs, in the United States Senate, and his reputation for clearness of reasoning and firmness of purpose, made him acceptable to the majority of politicians and people. Of Mr. Reagan the people knew little; but their fate was not in his hands, and just now they were content to wait for their letters.
The Treasury Department was justly supposed to be the key to national success. It was at least the twin, in importance, with the War Office. Mr. Memminger, of South Carolina, was a self-made man, who had managed the finances of his state and had made reputation for some financiering ability and much common sense. He had, moreover, the advantage of being a new man; and the critics were willing to give him the benefit of common law, until he should prove himself guilty. Still the finance of the country was so vital, and came home so nearly to every man in it, that perhaps a deeper anxiety was felt about its management than that of any other branch.
The Attorney-General, or chief of the Department of Justice, had a reputation as wide as the continent—and as far as mental ability and legal knowledge went, there could be no question among the growlers as to his perfect qualifications for the position. Mr. Judah P. Benjamin was not only the successful politician, who had risen from obscurity to become the leader of his party in the Senate, and its exponent57 of the constitutional questions involved in its action; but he was, also, the first lawyer at the bar of the Supreme58 Court and was known as a ripe and cultivated scholar. So the people who shook their heads at him—and they were neither few nor far between—did it on other grounds than that of incapacity.
This was the popular view of that day at the new Capital. The country at large had but little means of knowing the real stuff of which the Cabinet was made. It is true, four of the six were old and thoroughly broken party horses, who had for years cantered around the Washington arena59, till the scent23 of its sawdust was dear to their nostrils60. But the people knew little of them individually and took their tone from the politicians of the past. So—as it is a known fact that politicians are never satisfied—the Cabinet and Congress, as tried in the hotel alembic, were not found pure gold.
So the country grumbled61. The newspapers snarled62, criticised and asserted, with some show of truth, that things were at a dead standstill, and that nothing practical had been accomplished.
Such was the aspect of affairs at Montgomery, when on the 10th of April, Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, telegraphed that the Government at Washington had notified him of its intention to supply Fort Sumter—"Peaceably if we can; forcibly if we must."
Bulletins were posted before the Exchange, the newspaper office and the "Government House;" and for two days there was intense suspense63 as to what course the South would pursue. Then the news flashed over the wires that, on the morning of the 12th of April, Beauregard had opened the ball in earnest, by commencing the bombardment of Fort Sumter. This caused the excitement to go up to fever heat; and the echo of that first gun made every heart in the breadth of the land bound with quickened throb64. Business was suspended, all the stores in the town were closed, while crowds at the hotels and in the streets became larger and more anxious as the day wore on. Various and strange were the speculations65 as to the issue of the fight and its consequences; but the conviction came, like a thunder clap upon the most skeptical66, that there was to be war after all!
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1
ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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6
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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erring
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| 做错事的，错误的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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16
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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swoop
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| n.俯冲，攫取；v.抓取，突然袭击 | |
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beak
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| n.鸟嘴，茶壶嘴，钩形鼻 | |
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talons
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| n.（尤指猛禽的）爪( talon的名词复数 )；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物；锁簧尖状突出部 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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scenting
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| vt.闻到（scent的现在分词形式） | |
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scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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novices
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| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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hacks
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| 黑客 | |
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legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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transfused
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| v.输（血或别的液体）( transfuse的过去式和过去分词 )；渗透；使…被灌输或传达 | |
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grafted
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| 移植( graft的过去式和过去分词 )； 嫁接； 使（思想、制度等）成为（…的一部份）； 植根 | |
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corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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reeking
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| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
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wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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leaven
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| v.使发酵；n.酵母；影响 | |
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permeate
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| v.弥漫，遍布，散布；渗入，渗透 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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diluted
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| 无力的，冲淡的 | |
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dissertations
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| 专题论文，学位论文( dissertation的名词复数 ) | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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diatribes
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| n.谩骂，讽刺( diatribe的名词复数 ) | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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43
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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45
oppositions
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| （强烈的）反对( opposition的名词复数 )； 反对党； （事业、竞赛、游戏等的）对手； 对比 | |
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46
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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portfolio
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| n.公事包；文件夹；大臣及部长职位 | |
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48
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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50
onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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51
applicants
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| 申请人，求职人( applicant的名词复数 ) | |
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52
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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56
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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60
nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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grumbled
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| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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snarled
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| v.（指狗）吠，嗥叫， （人）咆哮( snarl的过去式和过去分词 )；咆哮着说，厉声地说 | |
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63
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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throb
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| v.震颤，颤动；(急速强烈地)跳动，搏动 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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skeptical
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| adj.怀疑的，多疑的 | |
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