But for a long time, "The Crescent City" had been at the head of commercial importance—and the desideratum of direct trade had been more nearly filled by her enterprising merchants than all others in the South. The very great majority of the wealthy population was either Creole, or French; and their connection with European houses may account in some measure for that fact. The coasting trade at the war was heavy all along the Gulf5 shore; the trade with the islands a source of large revenue, and there were lines and frequent private enterprises across the ocean.
For many reasons, it was then believed New Orleans could never become a great port. Foremost, the conformation of the Delta6, at the mouth of the river, prevented vessels7 drawing over fifteen feet—at most favorable tides—from crossing either of the three bars; and the most practical and scientific engineers, both of civil life and the army, had long tried in vain to remedy the defect for longer than a few weeks. Numerous causes have been assigned for the rapid reformation of these bars; the chemical action of the salt upon the vegetable matter in the river water; the rapid deposit of alluvium as the current slackens; and a churning effect produced by the meeting of the channel with the waves of the Gulf. They could not be successfully removed, however, and were a great drawback to the trade of the city; which its location at the mouth of the great water avenue of the whole West, makes more advantageous8 than any other point in the South.
The river business in cotton, sugar and syrup9 was, at this time, immense; and the agents of the planters—factor is the generic10 term—made large fortunes in buying and selling at a merely nominal11 rate of percentage. The southern planter of ante-bellum days was a man of ease and luxury, careless of business and free to excess with money; and relations between him and his agent were entirely12 unique.
He had the same factor for years, drawing when he pleased for any amount, keeping open books. When his crop came in, it was shipped to the factor, the money retained—subject to draft—or invested. But it was by no means rare, when reckoning day came, for the advance drafts to have left the planter in debt his whole crop to the factor. In that case it used to cost him a trip to Europe, or a summer at Saratoga only; and he stayed on his plantation13 and did not cry over the spilt milk, however loudly his ladies may have wailed14 for the missing crême-de-la-crême of Virginia springs.
The morning after arrival we at last saw "the house;" which, far from being an imposing15 edifice16, was a dingy17, small office, just off the Levee, with the dingier18 sign of "Long, Staple19 & Middling" over the door. There were a few stalwart negroes basking20 in the sun about the entrance, sleeping comfortably in the white glare, or showing glancing ivories, in broad grins—each one keeping his shining cotton hook in full view, like a badge of office. Within was a perfect steam of business, and Staple père was studying a huge ledger22 through a pair of heavy gold spectacles—popping orders like fire-crackers, at half a dozen attentive23 clerks. Long, the senior partner, was in Virginia—and Middling, the junior, was hardly more than an expert foreman of the establishment.
"Happy, indeed, to meet you, sir!—93 of Red River lot, Mr. Edds—Heard of you frequently—Terribly busy time these, sir, partner away—13,094 middlins, for diamond B at 16-1/3, Adams—. We dine at seven, you remember Styles—Don't be in a hurry, sir!—1,642 A.B., page 684, Carter—Good day—See you at seven."
And it was only over the perfect claret, at the emphasized hour, that we discovered Mr. Staple to be a man of fine mind and extensive culture, a hearty24 sympathizer in the rebellion—into which he would have thrown his last dollar—and one of the most successful men on the Levee. Long, his senior partner, was a western man of hard, keen business sense, who had come to New Orleans fifty years before, a barefooted deck-hand on an Ohio schooner25. By shrewdness, dogged industry and some little luck, he made "Long's" the best known and richest house in the South-west, until in the crash of '37 it threatened to topple down forever. Then Mr. Staple came forward with his great credit and large amount of spare capital, saved the house and went into it himself; while Middling, the former clerk of all work, was promoted, for fidelity26 in the trying times, to a small partnership27.
Like all the heavy cotton men of the South, Mr. Staple believed firmly that cotton was king, and that the first steamer into a southern port would bring a French and British minister.
"It's against our interest for the present to do so," he said, confidently; "but my partner and I have advised all our planters to hold their cotton instead of shipping28 it, that the market may not be glutted29 when the foreign ships come in. And, yet, sir, it's coming down now faster than ever. Everybody prefers, in the disorganized state of things, to have ready money for cotton, that in three months' time must be worth from twenty to thirty cents!"
"Hard to believe, sir, isn't it? Yet our planters, looking at things from their own contracted standpoint, think the English and French cabinets will defer31 recognition of our Government. As for 'the house,' sir, it will put all it possesses into the belief that they can not prove so blind!"
Like most of the wealthy men in New Orleans, Mr. Staple had a charmingly located villa32 a mile from the lake and drove out every evening, after business hours, to pass the night.
"Not that I fear the fever," he explained. "What strangers regard as such certain death is to us scarce more than the agues of a North Carolina flat. 'Yellow Jack33' is a terrible scourge34, indeed, to the lower classes, and to those not acclimatized. The heavy deposits of vegetable drift from the inundations leave the whole country for miles coated four or five inches deep in creamy loam35. This decomposes36 most rapidly upon the approach of hot weather, and the action of the dews, when they begin to fall upon it, causes the miasmata to rise in dense37 and poisonous mists. Now these, of course, are as bad in country—except in very elevated localities—as in town; but they are only dangerous in crowded sections, or to the enervated38 constitutions that could as ill resist any other disease."
"You astonish me, indeed," I answered. "For I have always classed yellow fever and cholera39 as twin destroyers. They must be, from such seasons as you have every few years."
"So all strangers think. But to the resident, who from choice, or business engagements, has passed one summer in the city, 'Jack' loses his terrors. The symptoms are unmistakable. Slight nausea40 and pain in the back, headache and a soup?on of chill. The workingman feels these. He can not spare the time or the doctor's bill, perhaps. He poohs the matter—it will pass off—and goes to work. The delay and the sun set the disease; and he is brought home at night—or staggers to the nearest hospital—to die of the black vomit41 in thirty-six hours. Hence, the great mortality.
"Now, I feel these pains, I at once recognize the fever, go right home, bathe feet and back in hot water, take a strong aperient, put mustard on my stomach and pile on the blankets. In an hour I am bathed in sweat till maybe it drips through the mattress42. I put on another blanket, take a hot draught43 with an opiate, and go to sleep. It is not a pleasant thing, with the thermometer at ninety degrees in the shade; but when I wake in the morning, I have saved an attack of fever."
This regimen was constantly repeated to me. In the district crowded with the poorer classes, who are dependent on their daily labor44 for their daily bread, the fever stalks gaunt and noisome45, marking his victims and seldom in vain. All day long, and far into the night in bad seasons, the low, dull rumble46 of the dead-cart echoed through the narrow streets; and at the door of every squalid house was the plain pine box that held what was left of some one of its loved inmates47. Yet through this carnival48 of death, steadily49 and fearlessly, the better class of workers walk; not dreading50 the contagion51 and secure in their harness of precaution.
To sleep in the infected atmosphere in sickly quarters was thought more dangerous; but any business man considered himself safe, if he only breathed the poisonous air in the daytime. The resident physicians, in their recent treatment, feel the disease quite in their hands, when no other foe52 than the fever is to be combated. Any preceding excess of diet, drink or excitement is apt to aggravate53 it; but in ordinary cases, where proper remedies are taken in season, nine out of ten patients recover.
Otherwise, this ratio is just reversed; and in the working classes—especially strangers—to take the fever, in bad years, is to die. The utmost efforts of science, the most potent54 drugs—even the beautiful and selfless devotion of the "Howard Association" and its like—availed nothing in the wrestle55 with the grim destroyer, when he had once fairly clutched his hold. And in the crowded quarters, where the air was poison without the malaria56, his footing was too sure for mortal to prevail against him.
New Orleans was, at this time, divided into two distinct towns in one corporation—the French and American. In the one, the French language was spoken altogether for social and business purposes, and even in the courts. The theaters were French, the cafés innocent of English, and, as Hood58 says, the "very children speak it." Many persons grow up in this quarter—or did in years back—who never, to their old age, crossed to the American town or spoke57 one word of English. In the society of the old town, one found a miniature—exact to the photograph—of Paris. It was jealously exclusive, and even the most petted beaux of the American quarter deemed it privilege to enter it. A stranger must come with letters of the most urgent kind before he could cross its threshold. All the etiquette59 and form of the ancien régime obtained here—the furniture, the dress, the cookery, the dances were all French.
In the American town the likeness60 to Mobile was very marked, in the manners and style of the people. The young men of the French quarter had sought this society more of late years, finding in it a freedom from restraint, for which their associations with other Americans in business gave them a taste. The character of the society was gay and easy—and it was not hedged in so carefully as that of the old town. Strangers were cordially—if not very carefully—welcomed into it; and the barriers of reserve, that once protected it, were rapidly breaking down before the inroads of progress and petroleum61.
The great hotels—the "St. Charles," "St. Louis" and others—were constantly filled with the families of planters from all points of the river and its branches, and with travelers from the Atlantic border as well. Many of these were people of cultivation62 and refinement63; but many, alas64! the roughest of diamonds with a western freedom of expression and solidity of outline, that is national but not agreeable. In the season these people overflowed65 the hotels, where they had constant hops66 with, occasionally, splendid balls and even masques. Many of them were "objects of interest" to the young men about town, by reason of papa's business, or Mademoiselle's proper bank account. So the hotels—though not frequented by the ladies of the city at all—became, each year, more and more thronged67 by the young men; and consequently, each year, the outsiders gained a very gradual, but more secure, footing near the home society and even began to force their way into it.
It must be confessed that some damsels from Red River wore diamonds at breakfast; and that young ladies from Ohio would drive tandem68 to the lake! And then their laughs and jokes at a soiree would give a dowager from Frenchtown an apoplexy!
Que voulez vous? Pork is mighty69! and cotton was king!
There was much difference of opinion as to the morals of the Crescent City. For my own part, I do not think the men were more dissipated than elsewhere, though infinitely70 more wedded71 to enjoyment72 and fun in every form. There was the French idea prevalent that gambling73 was no harm; and it was indulged to a degree certainly hurtful to many and ruinous to some. From the climate and the great prevalence of light wines, there was less drunkenness than in most southern towns; and if other vices74 prevailed to any great extent—they were either gracefully76 hidden, or so sanctioned by custom as to cause no remark, except by straight-laced strangers.
Oh! the delicious memories of the city of old! The charming cordiality to be found in no colder latitude77, the cosy78 breakfasts that prefaced days of real enjoyment—the midnight revels79 of the bal masqué! And then the carnival!—those wild weeks when the Lord of Misrule wields80 his motley scepter—leading from one reckless frolic to another till Mardi Gras culminates81 in a giddy whirl of delirious82 fun on which, at midnight, Lent drops a somber83 veil!
Sad changes the war has wrought84 since then!
The merry "Krewe of Comus" has been for a time replaced by the conquering troops of the union; the salons85 where only the best and brightest had collected have been sullied by a conquering soldiery; and their leader has waged a vulgar warfare86 on the noble womanhood his currish spirit could not gaze upon without a fruitless effort to degrade.
Of the resident ladies, I can only say that to hear of a fast one—in ordinary acceptation of that term—was, indeed, rare.
The young married woman monopolized87 more of the society and its beaux than would be very agreeable to New York belles88; but, if they borrowed this custom from their French neighbors, I have not heard that they also took the license89 of the Italian.
Public and open improprieties were at once frowned down, and people of all grades and classes seemed to make their chief study good taste. This is another French graft90, on a stem naturally susceptible91, of which the consequences can be seen from the hair ribbon of the bonne to the decoration of the Cathedral.
The women of New Orleans, as a rule, dress with more taste—more perfect adaptation of form and color to figure and complexion—than any in America. On a dress night at the opera, at church, or at a ball, the toillettes are a perfect study in their exquisite92 fitness—their admirable blending of simplicity93 and elegance94. Nor is this confined to the higher and more wealthy classes. The women of lower conditions are admirably imitative; and on Sunday afternoons, where they crowd to hear the public bands with husbands and children, all in their best, it is the rarest thing to see a badly-trimmed bonnet95 or an ill-chosen costume. The men, in those days, dressed altogether in the French fashion; and were, consequently, the worst dressed in the world.
The most independent and obtrusively96 happy people one noticed in New Orleans were the negroes. They have a sleek97, shiny blackness here, unknown to higher latitudes98; and from its midst the great white eyeballs and large, regular teeth flash with a singular brilliance99. Sunday is their day peculiarly—and on the warm afternoons, they bask21 up and down the thoroughfares in the gaudiest100 of orange and scarlet101 bandannas102. But their day is fast passing away; and in place of the simple, happy creatures of a few years gone, we find the discontented and besotted idler—squalid and dirty.
The cant103 of to-day—that the race problem, if left alone, will settle itself—may have some possible proof in the distant future; but the few who are ignorant enough to-day to believe the "negro question" already settled may find that they are yet but on the threshold of the "irrepressible conflict" between nature and necessity.
To the natural impressibility of the southron, the Louisianian adds the enthusiasm of the Frenchman. At the first call of the governor for troops, there had been readiest response; and here, as in Alabama, the very first young men of the state left office and counting-room and college to take up the musket104. Two regiments105 of regulars, in the state service, were raised to man the forts—"Jackson" and "St. Philip"—that guarded the passes below the city. These were composed of the stevedores106 and workingmen generally, and were officered by such young men as the governor and council deemed best fitted. The Levee had been scoured107 and a battalion108 of "Tigers" formed from the very lowest of the thugs and plugs that infested109 it, for Major Bob Wheat, the well-known filibuster110.
Poor Wheat! His roving spirit still and his jocund111 voice now mute, he sleeps soundly under the sighing trees of Hollywood—that populous112 "city of the silent" at Richmond. It was his corps113 of which such wild and ridiculous stories of bowie-knife prowess were told at the Bull Run fight. They, together with the "Crescent Rifles," "Chasseurs-à-pied" and "Zouaves," were now at Pensacola.
The "Rifles" was a crack corps, composed of some of the best young men in New Orleans; and the whole corps of "Chasseurs" was of the same material. They did yeomen's service in the four years, and the last one saw very few left of what had long since ceased to be a separate organization. But of all the gallant114 blood that was shed at the call of the state, none was so widely known as the "Washington Artillery115." The best men of Louisiana had long upheld and officered this battalion as a holiday pageant116; and, when their merry meetings were so suddenly changed to stern alarums, to their honor be it said, not one was laggard117.
In the reddest flashings of the fight, on the dreariest118 march through heaviest snows, or in the cozy119 camp under the summer pines, the guidon of the "W.A." was a welcome sight to the soldier of the South—always indicative of cheer and of duty willingly and thoroughly120 done.
It was very unwillingly121 that I left New Orleans on a transport, with a battalion of Chasseurs for Pensacola. Styles was to stay behind for the present, and then go on some general's staff; so half the amusement of my travel was gone. "The colonel" was desolé.
"Such a hotel as the St. Charles!" he exclaimed, with tears in his voice—"such soups. Ah! my boy, after the war I'll come here to live—yes, sir, to live! It's the only place to get a dinner. Egad, sir, out of New Orleans nobody cooks!"
I suggested comfort in the idea of red snapper at Pensacola.
"Red fish is good in itself. Egad, I think it is good," replied the colonel. "But eaten in camp, with a knife, sir—egad, with a knife—off a tin plate! Pah! You've never lived in camp." And in a hollow, oracular whisper, he added: "Wait!"
And they were real models, the New Orleans hotels of those days, and the colonel's commendations were but deserved. In cuisine122, service and wines, they far surpassed any on this continent; and for variety of patrons they were unequaled anywhere.
Two distinct sets inhabited the larger ones, as antagonistic123 as oil and water. The habitués, easy, critical to a degree, and particular to a year about their wines, lived on comfortably and evenly, enjoying the very best of the luxurious124 city, and never having a cause for complaint. The up-river people flocked in at certain seasons by the hundred. They crowded the lobbies, filled the spare bed-rooms, and eat what was put before them, with but little knowledge save that it was French. These were the business men, who came down for a new engagement with a factor, or to rest after the summer on the plantation. One-half of them were terribly busy; the other half having nothing to do after the first day—they always stay a week—and assuming an air of high criticism that was as funny to the knowing ones as expensive to them.
At our hotel, one evening, as favored guests, we found ourselves on an exploring tour with mine host. It ended in the wine-room.
The mysteries of that vaulted125 chamber126 were seldom opened to the outer world; and passing the profanum vulgus in its first bins128, we listened with eager ears and watering mouths to recital129 of the pedigree and history of the dwellers130 within.
Long rows of graceful75 necks, golden crowned and tall, peered over dust and cobwebs of near a generation; bottles aldermanic and plethoric131 seemed bursting with the hoarded132 fatness of the vine; clear, white glass burned a glowing ruby133 with the Burgundy; and lean, jaundiced bottles—carefully bedded like rows of invalids—told of rare and priceless Hocks.
From arch to arch our garrulous134 cicerone leads us, with a heightened relish135 as we get deeper among his treasures and further away from the daylight.
"There!" he exclaims at last with a great gulp136 of triumph. "There! that's Sherry, the king of wines! Ninety years ago, the Conde Pesara sent that wine in his own ships. Ninety years ago—and for twenty it has lain in my cellar, never touched but by my own hand"—and he holds up the candle to the shelf, inch deep in dust, while the light seems to dart137 into the very heart of the amber127 fluid, and sparkle and laugh back again from the fantastic drapery the spiders had festooned around the bottles. "Yes, all the Pesaras are dead years gone; and only this blood of the vine is left of them."
"But you don't sell that wine!" gasps138 the colonel. "Egad! you don't sell it to those—people—up stairs!"
"I did once"—and mine host sighs. "A great cotton man came down. He was a king on the river—he wanted the best! Money was nothing to him, so I whispered of this, and said twenty dollars the bottle! And, Colonel, he didn't—like it!"
"Merciful heaven!" the colonel waxes wroth.
"So Francois there sent him a bottle of that Xeres in the outer bin30 yonder—we sell it to you for two dollars the bottle—and he said that was wine!"
But of the other family—who live in an American hurry and eat by steam—was the goblin diner of whom a friend told me in accents of awe139. One day, at the St. Charles, a resident stopped him on the way to their accustomed table:
"Have you seen these people eat?" he asked. "No? Then we'll stop and look. This table is reserved for the up-river men who have little time in the city and make the most of it. While they swallow soup, a nimble waiter piles the nearest dishes around them, without regard to order or quality. They eat fish, roast and fried, on the same plate, swallowing six inches of knife blade at every bolt. Then they draw the nearest pie to them, cut a great segment in it, make three huge arcs therein with as many snaps of their teeth; seize a handful of nuts and raisins140 and rush away, with jaws141 still working like a flouring-mill. Ten minutes is their limit for dinner." My friend only smiled. The other adding:
"You doubt it? Here comes a fine specimen142; hot, healthy and evidently busy. See, he looks at his watch! I'll bet you a bottle of St. Peray he 'does' his dinner within the ten."
"Done"—and they sat opposite him, watch in hand.
And that wonderful Hoosier dined in seven minutes!
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1
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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inundation
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| n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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cower
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| v.畏缩，退缩，抖缩 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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syrup
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| n.糖浆，糖水 | |
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generic
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| adj.一般的，普通的，共有的 | |
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11
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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wailed
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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dingy
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| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
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dingier
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| adj.暗淡的，乏味的( dingy的比较级 )；肮脏的 | |
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staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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basking
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| v.晒太阳，取暖( bask的现在分词 )；对…感到乐趣；因他人的功绩而出名；仰仗…的余泽 | |
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bask
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| vt.取暖，晒太阳，沐浴于 | |
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ledger
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| n.总帐，分类帐；帐簿 | |
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attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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glutted
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| v.吃得过多( glut的过去式和过去分词 )；（对胃口、欲望等）纵情满足；使厌腻；塞满 | |
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bin
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| n.箱柜；vt.放入箱内；[计算机] DOS文件名:二进制目标文件 | |
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defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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loam
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| n.沃土 | |
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decomposes
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| 腐烂( decompose的第三人称单数 )； （使）分解； 分解（某物质、光线等） | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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nausea
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| n.作呕，恶心；极端的憎恶(或厌恶) | |
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vomit
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| v.呕吐，作呕；n.呕吐物，吐出物 | |
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42
mattress
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| n.床垫，床褥 | |
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43
draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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44
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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45
noisome
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| adj.有害的，可厌的 | |
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46
rumble
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| n.隆隆声；吵嚷；v.隆隆响；低沉地说 | |
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47
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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48
carnival
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| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
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49
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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50
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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51
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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52
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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53
aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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54
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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55
wrestle
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| vi.摔跤，角力；搏斗；全力对付 | |
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56
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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57
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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58
hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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59
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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60
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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61
petroleum
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| n.原油，石油 | |
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62
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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63
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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64
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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65
overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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66
hops
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| 跳上[下]( hop的第三人称单数 )； 单足蹦跳； 齐足（或双足）跳行； 摘葎草花 | |
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67
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
tandem
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| n.同时发生；配合；adv.一个跟着一个地；纵排地；adj.（两匹马）前后纵列的 | |
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69
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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70
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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71
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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73
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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74
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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75
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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76
gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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77
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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78
cosy
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| adj.温暖而舒适的，安逸的 | |
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79
revels
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| n.作乐( revel的名词复数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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80
wields
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的第三人称单数 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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81
culminates
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| v.达到极点( culminate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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82
delirious
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| adj.不省人事的，神智昏迷的 | |
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83
somber
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| adj.昏暗的，阴天的，阴森的，忧郁的 | |
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84
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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85
salons
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| n.（营业性质的）店( salon的名词复数 )；厅；沙龙（旧时在上流社会女主人家的例行聚会或聚会场所）；（大宅中的）客厅 | |
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86
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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87
monopolized
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| v.垄断( monopolize的过去式和过去分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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88
belles
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| n.美女( belle的名词复数 )；最美的美女 | |
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89
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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90
graft
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| n.移植，嫁接，艰苦工作，贪污；v.移植，嫁接 | |
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91
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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92
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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93
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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94
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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95
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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96
obtrusively
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| adv.冒失地，莽撞地 | |
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97
sleek
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| adj.光滑的，井然有序的；v.使光滑，梳拢 | |
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98
latitudes
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| 纬度 | |
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99
brilliance
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| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
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100
gaudiest
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| adj.花哨的，俗气的( gaudy的最高级 ) | |
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101
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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102
bandannas
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| n.印花大手帕( bandanna的名词复数 ) | |
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103
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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104
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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105
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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106
stevedores
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| n.码头装卸工人，搬运工( stevedore的名词复数 ) | |
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107
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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108
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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109
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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110
filibuster
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| n.妨碍议事，阻挠；v.阻挠 | |
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111
jocund
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| adj.快乐的，高兴的 | |
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112
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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113
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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114
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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115
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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116
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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117
laggard
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| n.落后者；adj.缓慢的，落后的 | |
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118
dreariest
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| 使人闷闷不乐或沮丧的( dreary的最高级 )； 阴沉的； 令人厌烦的； 单调的 | |
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119
cozy
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| adj.亲如手足的，密切的，暖和舒服的 | |
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120
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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121
unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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122
cuisine
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| n.烹调，烹饪法 | |
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123
antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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124
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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125
vaulted
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| adj.拱状的 | |
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126
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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127
amber
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| n.琥珀；琥珀色；adj.琥珀制的 | |
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128
bins
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| n.大储藏箱( bin的名词复数 )；宽口箱（如面包箱，垃圾箱等）v.扔掉，丢弃( bin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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129
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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130
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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131
plethoric
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| adj.过多的，多血症的 | |
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132
hoarded
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| v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
ruby
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| n.红宝石，红宝石色 | |
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134
garrulous
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| adj.唠叨的，多话的 | |
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135
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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136
gulp
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| vt.吞咽，大口地吸（气）；vi.哽住；n.吞咽 | |
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137
dart
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| v.猛冲，投掷；n.飞镖，猛冲 | |
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138
gasps
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| v.喘气( gasp的第三人称单数 )；喘息；倒抽气；很想要 | |
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139
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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140
raisins
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| n.葡萄干( raisin的名词复数 ) | |
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141
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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142
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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