Six weeks later fortune turned against the all-powerful Earl of Essex. He had pushed forward the Reformation faster than the King desired and bound the King to a woman he detested9. “Say what they will, she is nothing fair,” groaned10 Henry, and suddenly repudiated11 wife, policy, and minister. On June 10th, Thomas Cromwell was arrested in the Council Chamber12 itself and committed to the Tower on the charge of high treason. “He had left,” it was said, “the mean, indifferent, virtuous13, and true way” of reforming religion which his master trod. In his zeal14 to advance doctrinal changes, he had dared to say that if the King and all his realm would turn and vary from his opinions, he would fight in the field in his own person with his sword in his hand against the King and all others; adding that if he lived a year or two he trusted “to bring things to that frame that it should not lie in the King’s power to resist or let 3it.” On July 28th, Cromwell passed from the Tower to the scaffold.
Few pitied him and only one mourned him. Sir Richard Cromwell, said tradition, dared to appear at the Court in the mourning raiment which the King hated, and Henry, respecting his fidelity15, pardoned his boldness. He retained the King’s favour the rest of his life, was made a gentleman of the Privy16 Chamber and constable17 of Berkeley Castle, got more grants of lands, and died in 1546.
Sir Richard’s son Henry built Hinchinbrook House, was knighted by Queen Elizabeth, whom he entertained during one of her progresses, and was four times sheriff of Huntingdonshire. As marshal of the county he organised its forces at the time of the Spanish Armada, raised, besides the four soldiers he was bound to furnish, twenty-six horsemen at his own cost, and called on the trained bands to practise “the right and perfect use of their weapons,” and fight for “the sincere religion of Christ” against “the devilish superstition18 of the Pope.” In their mixture of military and religious ardour his harangues19 recall the speeches of his grandson. People called him “the golden knight” because of his wealth and his liberality, and he matched his children with the best blood of the eastern counties. One daughter was the mother of Major-General Edward Whalley, one of the Regicides; another married William Hampden, and her son was John Hampden.
Of Sir Henry’s sons, Oliver, his heir, was a man who from love of ostentation20 pushed his father’s liberality to extravagance. When James I. came to 4England he was received at Hinchinbrook, “with such entertainment as had not been seen in any place before, since his first setting forward out of Scotland.” James made him a Knight of the Bath at the coronation, and paid him three other visits during his reign21.
Robert, Sir Henry’s second son, inherited from his father an estate at Huntingdon, worth in those days about ￡300 a year, equal to three or four times as much now. He sat for Huntingdon in the Parliament of 1593, filled the office of bailiff for the borough22, and was one of the justices of the peace for the county. Robert Cromwell married Elizabeth, widow of William Lynn, and daughter of William Steward23 of Ely. Her family were well off, and she brought with her a jointure of ￡60 a year. The Stewards24 were relatives of the last prior and first Protestant dean of Ely, who had obtained good leases of Church lands, and were farmers of the tithes25 of the see. Tradition, which loves curious coincidences, has connected them with the royal House of Stuart that their descendant overthrew26, but history traces their origin to a Norfolk family originally named Styward. Oliver, the future Lord Protector, was the fifth child of Robert Cromwell, and the only one of his sons who survived infancy27. He was born at Huntingdon, on April 25, 1599, baptised at St. John’s Church in that town on April 29th, and christened Oliver after his uncle, the knight of Hinchinbrook. Little is known of his boyhood. A royalist biographer says that he was of “a cross and peevish28 disposition” from his infancy, while a contemporary panegyrist 5credits him even then with “a quick and lively apprehension29, a piercing and sagacious wit, and a solid judgment30.”
Stories are told of his marvellous deliverances from danger, and of strange prognostications of his future greatness. It was revealed to him in a dream or by an apparition31 “that he should be the greatest man in England, and should be near the King.” Another story was that he had acted the part of a king in a play in his school days, placing the crown himself upon his head, and adding “majestical mighty32 words” of his own to the poet’s verses. These are the usual fictions which cluster round the early life of great men. All that is certain is that Cromwell was educated at the free school of Huntingdon under Dr. Thomas Beard—a Puritan schoolmaster who wrote pedantic33 Latin plays, proved that the Pope was Antichrist, and showed in his Theatre of God’s Judgments34 that human crimes never go unpunished by God even in this world. Beard was an austere35 man who believed in the rod, and a biographer describes him as correcting the manners of young Oliver “with a diligent36 hand and careful eye,” which may be accepted as truth. But these disciplinings did not prevent pupil and master from being friends in later life.
At the age of seventeen, Cromwell was sent to Cambridge, where on April 23, 1616, he was admitted a fellow commoner of Sidney Sussex College. The College, founded in 1598, was one of those two which Laud37 subsequently complained of as nurseries of Puritanism. Its master, Samuel Ward8, was a learned 6and morbidly38 conscientious39 divine; a severe disciplinarian, who exacted from his scholars elaborate accounts of the sermons they heard, and had them whipped in hall when they offended. Cromwell did not distinguish himself, but he by no means wasted his time at Cambridge. He had no aptitude40 for languages. Burnet says he “had no foreign language but the little Latin that stuck to him from his education, which he spoke41 very viciously and scantily42.” When he was Protector he remembered enough Latin to carry on a conversation in that tongue with a Dutch ambassador.
Another biographer tells us that Cromwell “excelled chiefly in the mathematics,” and his kinsman, the poet Waller, was wont43 to say that the Protector was “very well read in the Greek and Roman story.” His advice to his son Richard bears out this account of his preferences. “Read a little history,” he wrote to him; “study the Mathematics and cosmography. These are good with subordination to the things of God. These fit for public services for which a man is born.” With Cromwell, as with Montrose, Sir Walter Raleigh’s History of the World was a favourite book, and he urged his son to read it. “’Tis a body of history, and will add much more to your understanding than fragments of story.”
Cromwell’s tutor is said to have observed with great discrimination that his pupil was not so much addicted45 to speculation46 as to action, and royalist biographers make his early taste for athletics47 and sport a great reproach to him. One says: “He was easily satiated with study, taking more delight in horse and field exercise.” Another describes him as “more famous for his exercises in the fields than in the schools, being one of the chief matchmakers and players of football, cudgels, or any other boisterous48 sport or game.”
7How long Cromwell remained at the university is not known, but it is certain that he left it without taking a degree. Probably he quitted Cambridge prematurely49 on account of the death of his father, who was buried at All Saints’ Church, Huntingdon, on June 24, 1617. For a time Cromwell stayed at Huntingdon, no doubt helping50 his mother in the management of the estate and in the settlement of his father’s affairs. Then he went to London to acquire the smattering of law which every country gentleman needed, and which one whose position marked him out as a future justice of the peace and member of parliament could not do without. “He betook himself,” says a contemporary biographer, “to the study of law in Lincoln’s Inn; that nothing might be wanting to make him a complete gentleman and a good commonwealthsman.” Though his name does not appear in the books of that society, the fact is probable enough, and sufficiently52 well attested53 to be accepted.
Three years after his father’s death, Cromwell married, on August 22, 1620, at St. Giles’s Church, Cripplegate, Elizabeth Bourchier. She was the daughter of Sir James Bourchier, a city merchant living on Tower Hill and owning property at Felstead in Essex. It is probable that Cromwell’s wife brought him a considerable dowry, for the day after 8marriage he contracted, under penalty of ￡4000, to settle upon her, as her jointure, the parsonage house of Hartford in Huntingdonshire with its glebe land and tithes. Elizabeth Cromwell was a year older than her husband, and is traditionally said to have been a notable housewife. In spite of royalist lampooners she was, if her portraits may be trusted, neither uncomely nor undignified in person. Her affection for her husband was sincere and lasting55. “My life is but half a life in your absence,” she writes to him in 1650. “I could chide56 thee,” says Cromwell in answer to a complaint about not writing, “that in many of thy letters thou writest to me, that I should not be unmindful of thee and thy little ones. Truly, if I love you not too well, I think I err57 not on the other hand much. Thou art dearer to me than any creature; let that suffice.”
After his marriage, Cromwell settled down at Huntingdon and occupied himself in farming the lands he had inherited from his father. Two-thirds of the income of the estate had been left by Robert Cromwell to his widow for the term of twenty-one years, in order to provide for the maintenance of the daughters, so that Oliver’s means during the early years of his married life must have been rather narrow. It was understood, however, that he was destined58 to be the heir of his mother’s brother, Sir Thomas Steward, and in 1628 another uncle, Richard Cromwell, left him a small property at Huntingdon. Ere long there was a proof that Cromwell had earned the good opinion of his neighbours, for, in February, 1628, he was elected to represent his native town in the third Parliament called by Charles I. The choice was partly due to the position of his family and its long connection with the borough, but more must have been due also to Cromwell’s personal character and reputation, since the local influence of the Cromwell family, thanks to the reckless extravagance of its head, was already on the wane59. In 1627, Sir Oliver to pay his debts had been obliged to sell Hinchinbrook to Sir Sidney Montague, and had retired60 to Ramsey. He had represented the county in eight Parliaments, but he sat for it no more, and the Montagues were henceforth the leading family in Huntingdonshire.
9Cromwell’s entry upon the stage of English politics took place at the moment when the quarrel between Charles I. and his Parliaments became a complete breach62. To Henry VIII. Parliaments had been the servile tools with which he used to work his will in Church and State. To Elizabeth they had been faithful servants, obedient though sometimes venturing to grumble63 or criticise64. During her reign, the House of Commons had grown strong and conscious of its strength. The spoils of the monasteries had enriched the country gentry65, and the development of local government had given them political training, while the growth of commerce had brought wealth to merchants and manufacturers. Into upper and middle classes alike the Reformation had put a spirit which began by questioning authority in matters of religion, and went on to question authority in politics.
It was in religious matters, naturally, that this 10spirit of opposition66 first revealed itself. Henry VIII. had separated the English from the Catholic Church, not in order to alter its doctrine67, but in order to make himself its master. The doctrinal change which Thomas Cromwell had prematurely attempted, Somerset and Northumberland carried out in the reign of Henry’s son. The only result of the reaction under Mary was to inspire most Englishmen with a passionate68 hostility69 to the faith in whose name the Queen’s bonfires had been kindled70. Elizabeth restored Protestantism, and re-established the control of the State over the Church. She called herself “Supreme Governor” instead of “Head of the Church,” but kept all the essentials of the supremacy71 which her father had established. To conciliate the English Catholics she made the doctrine and ritual of the National Church less offensively Protestant, but to impose her compromise she was obliged to use force. Year after year the penalties inflicted72 upon Catholics who refused to conform became heavier, and their lot was made harder, but thousands remained invincibly73 constant, and preferred to suffer rather than deny their faith.
Not only did the enforcement of the Elizabethan compromise fail to suppress Catholicism, but it created Puritanism and Protestant Nonconformity. Puritanism represented from the first “the Protestantism of the Protestant religion.” The aim of those who called themselves Puritans was to restore the Church to what they thought its original purity in doctrine, worship, and government. Some remained within its pale, content to accept the rule of bishops74 11and the supremacy of the Crown so long as doctrine and ritual were to their liking76. Others, who desired a simpler ceremonial and a more democratic form of government, sought to transform the Anglican Church to the model of that of Scotland or Geneva, and were the predecessors77 of the Presbyterian party of Charles the First’s time. A small band of extremists separated altogether from the National Church, and founded self-governing congregations, which defined their own creed79 and chose their own ministers. But though Independency sprang up first in England it made few converts, and never throve till it was transplanted to Holland or New England.
Elizabeth suppressed nascent80 Presbyterianism, and persecuted81 with equal vigour82 Catholic recusant and Protestant separatist. But within the National Church, in spite of repressive measures, the Puritan party grew continually stronger, while Parliament became more aggressively Protestant, and more eager for Church reform. While the Queen lived, no change in the ecclesiastical system was possible. When she died, wise men counselled her successor to adopt a different policy: to try comprehension instead of compulsion, and to make concessions83 to Puritanism. James refused. “I shall make them conform themselves,” was his answer, “or I shall harry84 them out of the land.” He began his reign by authorising new canons which enforced more rigid85 uniformity, and by driving three hundred ministers from their livings. The main cause of his breach with his first Parliament was his refusal to restrict the authority or to reform the abuses of the ecclesiastical courts.
12The Church policy of James aggravated86 the divisions he should have tried to heal; his foreign policy ran counter to the national traditions of his subjects as well as their religious prejudices. It was an axiom with Englishmen that England’s natural allies were the Protestant states of Europe, and that it was her duty when occasion demanded to come forward as the champion of Protestantism against the Catholic powers. But for more than ten years James made a close alliance with Spain his chief object in European politics, partly with the laudable aim of putting an end to religious wars, partly in the hope of paying his debts with the dowry of the Spanish Infanta. For the sake of this alliance he sent Raleigh to the block, declined to help the German Protestants, offered to suspend the penal54 laws against the Catholics, and forbade Parliament to discuss foreign affairs. The general joy which hailed the breaking off of the Spanish match revealed the depth of the hostility which the King’s schemes had excited.
During the same years, the King’s attitude towards English institutions called into life a constitutional opposition. His theory of monarchy87 found expression in persistent88 attempts to extend the power of the Crown and diminish the rights of Parliament. Backed by a judicial89 decision that the right to tax imports and exports was a part of the royal prerogative90, James imposed new customs duties by his own authority, and dissolved his second Parliament when it voted them illegal. Members were imprisoned91 for their utterances92 in the House of Commons, and Parliament was forbidden to debate mysteries of State 13or matters touching93 the King’s government. When the House asserted its right to freedom of speech James replied that its privileges were derived94 from the grace and favour of his ancestors, and erased95 the protest, which claimed that the liberties of Parliament were “the undoubted birthright and inheritance of the subjects of England.”
Such a policy seemed to proceed from a formed design to destroy English freedom. Throughout Europe, absolute monarchies96 had risen on the ruins of national liberties, and now the same fate threatened England. When Charles I. succeeded his father, he found the nation he had to govern not only discontented, but also full of suspicion. “We are the last monarchy in Christendom that maintains its rights,” said a parliamentary orator97 in 1625, and the distrust and fear created by the pretensions98 of James flung their shadows across the path of his son.
Charles I., with his royal bearing and his kingly graces, seemed fitter to win back the hearts of his subjects than James, who lacked both majesty99 and manners. But he was as devoid100 of sympathy for the nation he governed as his father had been; as prone101 to cherish chimerical102 schemes, and as blind to facts. James had left him a courtier instead of a statesman to be his guide, and Charles gave Buckingham as complete trust as if he had possessed103 the experience of Burleigh or the wisdom of Bacon.
At the moment when the new reign opened, the rupture104 with Spain had given both Charles and his minister a factitious popularity. But on both foreign and domestic affairs King and Parliament speedily 14disagreed. Parliament was eager for war with Spain, but not ready either to furnish funds for a European coalition105 against the House of Hapsburg, or to buy the alliance of France by repealing106 the penal laws against English Catholics. It granted the King money to fit out a fleet, but its refusal of a more liberal supply, and its open declaration of want of confidence in the King’s minister, brought the session to a sudden close.
Buckingham hoped to justify107 himself by success, and launched forth61 on the sea of European politics with all the boldness of an adventurer. He sent an expedition to sack Cadiz and to capture the Spanish plate-fleet. He promised subsidies108 to the King of Denmark for his campaigns in Germany. He courted popularity with the Puritans by repudiating109 the engagements made to France in the King’s marriage treaty, and endeavouring to pose as the protector of the Huguenots. But when a second Parliament met there was nothing but a record of failure to lay before it. The expedition to Cadiz had ended in disaster and disgrace. “Our honour is ruined,” cried Sir John Eliot to the Commons, “our ships are sunk, our men perished, not by the sword, not by the enemy, not by chance, but by those we trusted.” All blame fell on the man who had monopolised power, but the King forbade Parliament to call his servant to account, and put a stop to Buckingham’s impeachment110 by a second dissolution.
During the next two years Charles tried the “new ways” he had threatened to adopt if Parliament declined to supply his necessities. A forced loan of 15￡300,000 was levied111, and those who refused payment were, if rich, imprisoned; if poor, impressed. There were schemes for raising an excise112 to support a standing44 army, and Ship-money to maintain a fleet. Judges were dismissed for denying the legality of the forced loan, and divines promoted for declaring it sinful to refuse payment. But abroad failure still dogged the King’s foreign policy. In Germany the King of Denmark was crushed because Charles could not pay the promised subsidies. The French alliance ended in quarrels which grew into a war with France. Buckingham’s expedition to the Isle113 of Rhé ended in a more ruinous failure than the expedition to Cadiz. “Since England was England,” wrote Denzil Holles, “it received not so dishonourable a blow.” Unable to continue the fight with France and Spain without money, Charles was forced once more to appeal to the nation.
Charles the First’s third Parliament met on March 17, 1628. It opened its proceedings114 with a debate on the grievances115 of the nation, and almost the first speech Cromwell heard in the House must have been Eliot’s appeal to his brother members to remember the greatness of the issue before them. “Upon this dispute,” said the spokesman of the Commons, “not alone our goods and lands are engaged, but all that we call ours. Those rights, those privileges that made our fathers freemen are in question. If they be not now the more carefully preserved, they will render us to posterity116 less free, less worthy117 than our fathers.” The House voted the King supplies, but made their grant dependent 16on the redress118 of grievances. Then followed the drawing up of the Petition of Right, declaring arbitrary imprisonment119 and taxation120 without the consent of Parliament henceforth illegal, and at last the Commons, by the threat of impeaching121 Buckingham again, wrung122 the acceptance of their petition from the reluctant King.
In the interval123 between the first and second session of the third Parliament, Buckingham died by Felton’s hand, but his death did not put an end to the quarrel. Charles became his own prime minister, and made evident to all men that the King’s will, not the favourite’s influence, was the source of the policy against which the Commons protested. The beginning of the second session, in January, 1629, was marked by a new dispute about taxation. The Commons asserted that the levy124 of tonnage and poundage without its grant, and the continued collection of the new customs duties imposed by James I., were contrary to the Petition of Right. The King declared that these were rights he had never meant to part with, and persisted in exacting125 them despite the votes of the House. Louder still grew the cry against the High Church clergy126 and the ecclesiastical policy of the King. It was not only of sermons in favour of absolute monarchy or innovations in ritual that the Puritan leaders complained. The dispute about ceremonies had now developed into a dispute about doctrine too. The milder theories about justification127 and election—known as Arminianism and favoured by the High Church clergy—seemed to Puritans to be sapping the foundations of Protestantism 17and paving the way for Popery. The King endeavoured to put an end to doctrinal disputes by silencing controversial preaching; the Commons demanded the suppression of Arminianism, and the punishment of all who propagated views deviating128 from what they regarded as Protestant orthodoxy.
It was during these religious disputes that Cromwell first took part in the debates of the Commons. Inheriting the traditions of a family that owed everything to the Reformation, trained by a Puritan schoolmaster and at a Puritan college, he could take only one side, and he raised his voice to swell129 the attack upon the friends of Popery in the Church. The House was discussing some charges against Dr. Neile, the Bishop75 of Winchester, when Cromwell intervened with a story showing that prelate’s leaning to popish tenets. A certain Dr. Alablaster, said Cromwell, had “preached flat Popery” in a sermon before the Lord Mayor, and when Dr. Beard, the next preacher there, came in turn to deliver his sermon, Neile sent for Beard, and “did charge him as his diocesan not to preach any doctrine contrary to that which Dr. Alablaster had delivered.” Beard nevertheless persisted in refuting his predecessor78, and was reprimanded by Neile for his disobedience.
Before the charges against Neile and other like-minded prelates were brought to a conclusion, and before the remonstrance130 of the Commons against the King’s ecclesiastical policy was perfected, Charles put an end to the sitting of Parliament.
Ere it separated, the House of Commons, at Eliot’s bidding, affirmed once more the principles for which 18it was fighting. Cromwell was one of the defiant131 crowd who refused to obey the King’s orders for adjournment132 till they had passed by acclamation Eliot’s three resolutions. Whoever, it was declared, should bring in innovations in religion, or seek to introduce Popery, Arminianism, or any opinion disagreeing from the true and orthodox Church, should be reported a capital enemy to this kingdom and commonwealth51. Whoever counselled the levying133 of tonnage and poundage without a parliamentary grant should also be held an enemy to his country and an innovator134 in the government; and whoever willingly paid those taxes was proclaimed to be a betrayer of the liberties of England. The significance of the resolutions lay not merely in their challenge to the King, but in the union of political and religious discontents which they indicated. Elizabeth’s policy had called into being a religious opposition. James had created a constitutional opposition. Under Charles the two had combined, and from their alliance sprang the Civil War.
To themselves the parliamentary leaders seemed defenders135 of the existing constitution in Church and State against the revolutionary changes of the King. In reality the greatest innovation of all lay in the claim of the Commons that Church and State should be controlled by the representatives of the people, not by the will of the King. When that claim was once made, the struggle for sovereignty was an inevitable136 and irrepressible conflict.
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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brewer
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| n. 啤酒制造者 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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kinsman
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manors
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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groaned
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repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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zeal
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fidelity
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privy
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constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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superstition
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harangues
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ostentation
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reign
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borough
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steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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stewards
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| （轮船、飞机等的）乘务员( steward的名词复数 )； （俱乐部、旅馆、工会等的）管理员； （大型活动的）组织者； （私人家中的）管家 | |
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tithes
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overthrew
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infancy
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peevish
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apprehension
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judgment
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apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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mighty
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pedantic
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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austere
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diligent
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laud
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morbidly
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39
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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41
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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42
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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43
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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44
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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45
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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46
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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47
athletics
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| n.运动，体育，田径运动 | |
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48
boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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49
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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50
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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51
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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52
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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53
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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54
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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55
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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56
chide
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| v.叱责；谴责 | |
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57
err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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58
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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59
wane
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| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
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60
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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61
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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62
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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63
grumble
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| vi.抱怨；咕哝；n.抱怨，牢骚；咕哝，隆隆声 | |
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64
criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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65
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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66
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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67
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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68
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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69
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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70
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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71
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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72
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
invincibly
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| adv.难战胜地，无敌地 | |
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74
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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75
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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76
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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77
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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78
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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79
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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80
nascent
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| adj.初生的，发生中的 | |
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81
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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82
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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83
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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84
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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85
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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86
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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87
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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88
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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89
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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90
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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91
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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93
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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94
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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95
erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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96
monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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97
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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98
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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99
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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100
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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101
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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102
chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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103
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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104
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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105
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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106
repealing
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
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107
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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108
subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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109
repudiating
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的现在分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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110
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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111
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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112
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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113
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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114
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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115
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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116
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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117
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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118
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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119
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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120
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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121
impeaching
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的现在分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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122
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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123
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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124
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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125
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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126
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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127
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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128
deviating
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的现在分词 ) | |
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129
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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130
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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131
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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132
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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133
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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134
innovator
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| n.改革者；创新者 | |
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135
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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136
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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