Meanwhile a dangerous excitement was spreading in the army. From an agreement between the Presbyterians and the Royalists, an Independent army had much to fear. The first result of the treaty would be a general disbanding. To be dismissed with a few shillings in his pocket, but without security for his arrears15, or indemnity16 for his acts during the war, was the most a soldier could 209expect. If any sectary who had fought for the Parliament hoped that it would give him freedom to worship as his conscience dictated17, the act against heresy18 and blasphemy19, passed in May, 1648, had shown the futility20 of his hopes. Whether Episcopacy or Presbyterianism gained the upper hand, toleration would be at an end as soon as he laid down his arms. Add to this, that the soldiers were firmly convinced that the proposed treaty afforded no security for the political liberties of the nation. Once restored to his authority, Charles would, either by force or by intrigue21, shake off the restrictions22 the treaty imposed, and rear again that fabric23 of absolutism, which it had cost six years’ fighting to overthrow24. The renewal25 of the war had heightened their distrust of Charles, and embittered26 their hostility27 to him. The responsibility for the first Civil War had been laid upon the King’s evil counsellors; the responsibility for the second was laid upon the King himself. It was at his instigation, said the officers, that conquered enemies had taken up arms again, old comrades apostatised from their principles, and a foreign army invaded England. In a great prayer-meeting held at Windsor before they separated for the campaign, they pledged themselves to bring this responsibility home to the King. “We came,” wrote one of them, “to a very clear resolution, that it was our duty, if ever the Lord brought us back again in peace, to call Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to an account for the blood he had shed, and mischief28 he had done to the utmost, against the Lord’s cause and people in these 210poor nations.” They were equally determined29 to punish the King’s instruments. At the close of the first war, the army had shown itself more merciful than the Parliament, but the second war made it fierce, implacable, and resolute30 to exact blood for blood. Fairfax’s execution of Lucas and Lisle, two royalist leaders taken at Colchester, “in part of avenge31 for the innocent blood they have caused to be spilt,” was a sign of this change of temper.
Cromwell shared this vindictive32 feeling towards the authors of the second war. When he took Pembroke, he excepted certain persons from the terms of the capitulation and reserved them for future punishment.
“The persons excepted,” he wrote to Parliament, “are such as have formerly33 served you in a very good cause; but being now apostatised, I did rather make election of them than of those who had always been for the King; judging their iniquity34 double, because they have sinned against so much light, and against so many evidences of Divine Providence35 going along with and prospering36 a just cause, in the management of which they themselves had a share.”
He was equally exasperated37 against those who had promoted the Scottish invasion.
“This,” he said, “is a more prodigious38 treason than any that hath been perfected before; because the former quarrel was that Englishmen might rule over one another, this to vassalise us to a foreign nation. And their fault that appeared in this summer’s business is certainly double to theirs who were in the first, because 211it is the repetition of the same offence against all the witnesses that God hath borne.”
The moral he drew from his victory at Preston was that Parliament should use it to protect peaceable Christians40 of all opinions, and punish disturbers of the peace of every rank.
“Take courage,” he told them, “to do the work of the Lord in fulfilling the end of your magistracy, in seeking the peace and welfare of this land—that all that will live peaceably may have countenance41 from you, and they that are incapable42, and will not leave troubling the land, may speedily be destroyed out of the land. If you take courage in this God will bless you, and good men will stand by you, and God will have glory, and the land will have happiness by you in despite of all your enemies.”
When Cromwell returned from Scotland, he found the Parliament preparing to replace the King on his throne, and to content itself with banishing43 some dozen of the royalist leaders. Regiment44 after regiment of Fairfax’s army was presenting its general with petitions against the treaty and demands for the punishment of the authors of the war. Cromwell’s troops imitated their example, and in forwarding their petitions to Fairfax, their leader expressed his complete agreement with his soldiers.
“I find,” he wrote, “a very great sense in the officers ... for the sufferings and ruin of this poor kingdom, and in them all a very great zeal3 to have impartial45 justice done upon all offenders46; and I do in all from 212my heart concur47 with them, and I verily think they are things which God puts into our hearts.”
On November 20, 1648, the army in the south sent Parliament a “Remonstrance48,” demanding the rupture49 of the negotiations, and the punishment of the King as “the grand author of all our troubles.” Cromwell approved of this declaration, and told Fairfax he saw “nothing in it but what is honest, and becoming honest men to say and offer.” It would have been better, he thought, to wait till the treaty was concluded, before making their protest, but now that it had been made he was prepared to support it. The Newport treaty seemed to him to be a complete surrender to Charles. “They would have put into his hands,” he said later, “all that we had engaged for, and all our security would have been a little bit of paper.” No one knew better than Cromwell that a mere12 protest would not stop the Parliament, and he was ready to use force if necessary. The arguments by which he justified50 its employment are fully51 stated in his letter to his friend, Robert Hammond, whose scruples52 he sought to overcome.
Was it not true that the safety of the people was the supreme53 law? Was it not certain that this treaty would undo54 all that had been gained by the war, and make things worse than before the war began? If resistance to authority was lawful at all, was it not as lawful to oppose the Parliament as it was to oppose the King?
“Consider,” he urged, “whether this army be not a lawful power called by God to oppose and fight against 213the King upon some stated grounds; and being in power to such ends, may not oppose one name of authority for those ends as well as another name,—since it was not the outward authority summoning them that by its power made the quarrel lawful, but the quarrel that was lawful in itself.”
These, however, were but “fleshly reasonings,” and there were higher arguments. “Let us look into providences; surely they mean somewhat. They hang so together; have been so constant, so clear, unclouded.”
The victories God had given could not be meant to end in such a sacrifice of His cause and His people as “this ruining hypocritical agreement.” “Thinkest thou in thy heart that the glorious dispensations of God point to this?” The determination of the army to prevent the treaty was also God’s doing. “What think you of Providence disposing the hearts of so many of God’s people this way? We trust the same Lord who hath framed our minds in our actings is with us in this also.” There were difficulties to be encountered and enemies not few—“appearance of united names, titles, and authorities”; yet they were not terrified, “desiring only to fear our great God that we do nothing against His will.”
Briefly56 stated, Cromwell’s argument was that the victories of the army, and the convictions of the godly, were external and internal evidence of God’s will, to be obeyed as a duty. It was dangerous reasoning, and not less dangerous that secular57 and political motives58 coincided with the dictates59 of religious 214enthusiasm. Similar arguments might be held to justify60 not merely the temporary intervention61 of the army, but its permanent assumption of the government of England. Practical good sense and conservative instincts prevented Cromwell from adopting the extreme consequences of his theory; with most of his comrades the logic62 of fanaticism63 was qualified64 by no such considerations.
As Parliament continued the treaty without attending to their Remonstrance, the army determined to employ force. On December 1st, officers sent by Fairfax seized Charles at Newport and removed him to Hurst Castle in Hampshire. The next day, Fairfax and his troops occupied London. Undeterred, the House of Commons resolved by 129 votes to eighty-three that the King’s answers were a ground to proceed upon for the settlement of the kingdom. The same evening, the commanders of the army and the leaders of the parliamentary minority held a conference to decide what was to be done. On their march, the officers had declared their intention of dissolving the Long Parliament, and constituting the faithful minority a provisional government until a new Parliament could meet. But now, in deference65 to the wishes of their friends in Parliament, they resolved, instead, to expel the Presbyterian majority from the House, and to leave the Independent minority in possession of the name and authority of a Parliament. On December 6th, accordingly, Colonel Pride and a body of musketeers beset66 the doors of the House of Commons, seized some members as they sought to enter, and turned others back by 215force. The same process continued on the 7th, till forty-five members were under arrest, and some ninety-six others excluded.
Cromwell arrived at London on the night after “Pride’s Purge” began, and took his seat next day amongst the fifty or sixty members who continued to sit in the House. Like the rest of the officers, he had contemplated67 a forcible dissolution and the calling of a new Parliament. But seeing that a different plan had been adopted by his friends on the spot, he did not hesitate to accept it. He said, “that he had not been acquainted with this design, but since it was done he was glad of it, and would endeavour to maintain it.”
On the question of the King, a difference of opinion between Cromwell and the bulk of the officers soon showed itself. He approved of their seizure68 of Charles, and had no doubt of the justice of bringing him to trial. But he doubted the policy of the King’s trial and condemnation69, if any other satisfactory expedient70 could be devised to secure the rights of the nation. It might be that the King’s deposition71 would be sufficient, or that he would at last make the concessions which he had hitherto refused. Of the discussions which went on in the council of officers during the next three weeks very little is known. There are vague rumours72 of a great division of opinion amongst them, of one party sternly insisting on the King’s punishment, of another willing to be content with his deposition or imprisonment73. We get glimpses of Cromwell negotiating with lawyers and judges about the settlement of the 216nation, inspiring a final attempt to come to terms with Charles, and arguing that it would be safe to spare the King’s life, if he would accept the conditions now offered him. All these attempted compromises failed. The King preferred to part with his life rather than with his regal power, and unless he yielded no constitutional settlement was possible. So the military revolution, for a moment arrested in its progress, moved inevitably74 forward, and Cromwell went with it.
On December 23rd, Charles was brought to Windsor. “The Lord be with you and bless you in this great charge,” wrote Cromwell to the governor, sending him therewith minute instructions for the safe-keeping of his captive. On the same day, the House of Commons appointed a committee “to consider how to proceed in the way of justice against the King.” “If any man,” Cromwell is reported to have said, “had deliberately75 designed such a thing, he would be the greatest traitor76 in the world, but ‘the Providence of God’ had cast it upon them.”
Five days later an ordinance77 was introduced erecting78 a tribunal to try the King, to consist of three judges and a jury of 150 commissioners. On January 2, 1649, the ordinance was transmitted to the Lords, with a resolution declaring that “by the fundamental laws of this kingdom it is treason in the King of England for the time being to levy79 war against the Parliament and the kingdom of England.” The unanimous rejection80 of this ordinance, and the discovery that the judges would refuse the part assigned to them, did not make the Commons 217draw back. A new ordinance was brought in, creating a court of 135 commissioners, who were to act both as judge and jury, and omitting the three judges. Fresh resolutions declared the people the original of all just power, the House of Commons the supreme power in the nation, and the laws passed by the Commons binding81 without consent of King or Lords. This ordinance, or, as it was now termed, act, was passed on January 6, 1649. It set forth82 that Charles Stuart had wickedly designed totally to subvert83 the ancient and fundamental laws of this nation, and in their place to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government; that he had levied84 and maintained a cruel war against Parliament and kingdom; and that new commotions85 had arisen from the remissness86 of Parliament to prosecute87 him. Wherefore that for the future “no chief officer or magistrate88 whatsoever89 may presume to imagine or contrive90 the enslaving or destroying of the English nation, and to expect impunity91 for trying or doing the same,” the persons whose names followed were appointed to try the said Charles Stuart. On the 19th of January, the King was brought from Windsor to St. James’s, guarded by troops of horse.
Ever since the eighth, the commissioners for the King’s trial had been meeting in the Painted Chamber92 to settle their procedure. But nearly half of those named refused to accept the duty laid upon them. Some had fears for their own safety; some, political objections; others objected to the constitution or authority of the court. Algernon Sidney 218told his colleagues that there were two reasons why he could not take part in their proceedings93. First, the King could not be tried by that court; secondly94, that no man could be tried by that court. “I tell you,” answered Cromwell, with characteristic scorn of constitutional formulas, “we will cut off his head with the crown upon it.”
Nevertheless, the question of their authority was a question to which the court was bound to agree upon an answer. If a story told at the trial of the Regicides may be trusted, the commissioners were still at a loss for a formula on the morning of the 20th of January, when the trial began. As they sat in the Painted Chamber, news was brought that the King was landing at the steps which led up from the river.
“At which Cromwell ran to the window, looking on the King as he came up the garden; he turned as white as the wall ... then turning to the board said thus: ‘My masters, he is come, he is come, and now we are doing that great work that the whole nation will be full of. Therefore I desire you to let us resolve here what answer we shall give the King when he comes before us, for the first question he will ask us will be by what authority and commission we do try him?’ For a time no one answered. Then after a little space, Henry Marten rose up and said, ‘In the name of the Commons in Parliament assembled and all the good people of England.’”
About one o’clock the court adjourned95 to Westminster Hall. At the upper or southern end of the 219Hall, a wooden platform had been constructed, covering all the space usually occupied by the Courts of Chancery and King’s Bench. A wooden partition rising about three feet above the floor of this platform divided the court itself from the body of the Hall. On the lower side of this partition, running across the Hall from side to side, was a broad gangway fenced in by a wooden railing, and a similar gangway ran right down the Hall to the great door. Along the sides of the gangways, with their backs to the railings, stood a line of musketeers and pikemen, whose officers walked up and down the vacant space in the middle of the passages. The mass of the audience stood within the railed spaces between the sides of the Hall and the gangways, but on each side of the court itself, and directly overlooking it, were two small galleries, one above the other, reserved for specially96 favoured spectators. At the back of the court, immediately under the great window, sat the King’s judges, about seventy in number, ranged on four or five tiers of benches which were covered with scarlet97 cloth. They wore their ordinary dress as officers or gentlemen. In the back row, on each side of the scutcheon bearing the arms of the Commonwealth98 of England, sat Cromwell and Harry99 Marten. In the centre of the front row of the judges, at a raised desk, sat Serjeant John Bradshaw, the president of the court, and on each side of him his assistants, Lisle and Say, dressed in black lawyer’s gowns. About the middle of the floor of the court was a table where the two clerks were seated, and on the table lay the mace100 and the sword 220of State. In the front of the court, at the very edge of the platform, were three compartments101, somewhat like pews, the backs of which were formed by the low partition separating the court from the Hall. In the central one were a crimson-velvet102 arm-chair, and a small table covered with Turkey carpet, on which were an inkstand and paper. Here sat the King, and in the partition on his right were the three lawyers who were counsel for the Commonwealth. The King had his face turned towards the president and his back to the crowd in the body of the Hall. As the floor of the court was higher than the floor of the Hall, the spectators stood, as it were, in the pit of a theatre, but the partition somewhat intercepted103 their view of the interior of the court. Yet they could see the King’s head and shoulders above it.
Charles kept his hat on his head, and showed no sign of respect to the court.
“The prisoner,” says the official account, “while the charge was reading, sat down in his chair, looking sometimes on the High Court, and sometimes on the galleries, and rose again, and turned about to behold104 the guards and spectators, and after sat down, looking very sternly, and with a countenance not at all moved, till these words ‘Charles Stuart to be a tyrant105,’ traitor, etc., were read; at which he laughed, as he sat, in the face of the court.”
Throughout the trial, as the King’s judges had anticipated, he declined to admit the jurisdiction106 of the court. On each of the three days when he appeared before it, on the 20th, the 22d, and the 22123rd of January, he maintained his refusal to plead. “Princes,” he had said in a declaration published in 1629, “are not bound to give an account of their actions but to God alone,” and he now consistently repeated that “a king cannot be tried by any superior jurisdiction on earth.” What excited more sympathy, however, was his association of the rights of his subjects with his own, and his claim to be defending both against the arbitrary power of the army.
“It is not my case alone,” he said; “it is the freedom and liberty of the people of England; and do you pretend what you will, I stand more for their liberties. For if power without law may make laws, may alter the fundamental laws of the kingdom, I do not know what subject he is in England that can be sure of his life, or anything that he calls his own.”
On Tuesday, the 23rd, after Charles had for a third time refused to plead, the court adjourned to the Painted Chamber, and the more determined members resolved to treat the King as contumacious107, and proceed to pronounce judgment108 against him. Others opposed this course, and the next two days were spent in hearing evidence at private meetings of the court in the Painted Chamber—partly in order to gain time whilst the recalcitrant109 members of the court were being converted. One after another, a number of witnesses deposed110 that they had seen the King in arms against the Parliament. One had seen the royal standard set up at Nottingham. Another had seen the King at Newbury, in 222complete armour111 with his sword drawn112, and had heard him exhort113 a regiment of horse to stand by him that day, for that his crown lay upon the point of the sword. A third swore that he heard Charles encourage his soldiers to strip and beat their prisoners when Leicester was stormed. Documents were also brought to prove the King’s invitations to foreign forces to enter England. At length, on the evening of Thursday, the 25th, a vote that the court would proceed to sentence Charles Stuart to death was procured114, and on the morning of the 26th, sixty-two commissioners agreed to the terms of the sentence which their committee had drawn up. It was resolved, however, that the King should be brought before the court to hear his sentence, instead of being condemned115 in his absence, and this was doubtless done in order to give him a chance to plead, in case he should repent116 of his contumacy.
On the afternoon of Saturday, January 27th, sixty-seven commissioners took their seats in Westminster Hall, headed by Bradshaw, who had now donned a scarlet gown in which to deliver sentence. Once more Charles refused to plead, requesting that before sentence was given he might be heard before the Lords and Commons assembled in the Painted Chamber. He had something to say, he declared, which was “most material for the welfare of the kingdom and the liberty of the subject.... I am sure on it, it is very well worth the hearing.” It was afterwards rumoured117 that he meant to propose his own abdication118, and the admission of his son to the throne upon such terms as should have 223been agreed upon. The court after a brief deliberation refused the request, and Bradshaw, after setting forth the prisoner’s crimes and exhorting119 him to repentance120, ordered the clerk to read the sentence. The King strove to speak. “Your time is now past,” replied Bradshaw, and bade the clerk read on. After the sentence was read, all the commissioners stood up to testify their assent121. Once more Charles endeavoured to obtain a hearing. “Sir, you are not to be heard after sentence,” was the answer. He still struggled to be heard. “Guard, withdraw your prisoner,” ordered the president. “I am not suffered to speak,” cried the King. “Expect what justice other people will have.”
As the King was led from the Court, the soldiers gave a great shout, crying fiercely, “Execution, execution!” Others, it was said, reviled122 him as he passed by them, and blew their tobacco smoke in his face. But outside, in the street, as he went from Westminster to Whitehall, “shop-stalls and windows were full of people, many of whom shed tears, and some of them with audible voices prayed for the King.” It was clear that the feeling of the people was on the King’s side, and that consideration, if no other, might well have induced the army leaders even at the last to draw back. But even had they wished it, the army would not have permitted them to do so. Moreover, Cromwell all through the trial never wavered or hesitated, and his influence kept the Regicides together. When the King’s judges came to be tried for their own lives, some strove to represent themselves as acting55 under coercion123. One 224said that Cromwell and Ireton laid hold of him and compelled him to take his place in the court; others described Cromwell as forcing recalcitrant judges to sign the death-warrant, and bearing down the little minority who wished the King to be heard after sentence had been pronounced. Colonel Ingoldsby boldly declared that Cromwell seized his hand and guided his pen, though the truth is that Ingoldsby’s signature shows no signs of constraint124. Many such legends circulate in contemporary literature, fictitious125 in themselves, yet all testifying to a well-founded popular impression. Cromwell had made up his mind that the King must die, and when his mind was made up he was inflexible126. Against that will, all efforts to save the King were futile127. Fairfax was applied128 to by Prince Charles, but while steadfastly129 refusing to take any part in the trial, he remained in all other respects a passive tool in the hands of his council of officers. The Dutch ambassadors appealed to Parliament, but what remained of Parliament was helpless or obdurate130.
The commissioners of the Scottish Parliament presented public protests and made private appeals to the leaders of the army. They argued with Cromwell, telling him that the Covenant131 obliged both nations to preserve the King’s person, and that to proceed to extremities132 against him was to break the league between England and Scotland. Cromwell answered them by a discourse133 on the nature of the regal power, asserting that a breach134 of trust in a king ought to be punished more than any other crime. As to the Covenant, its end was the defence 225of the true religion; if the King was the greatest obstacle to the establishment of the true religion, they were not bound to preserve him. “It pledged them,” he added, “to bring to condign135 punishment all incendiaries and enemies to the cause, and were small offenders to be punished and the greatest of all to go free?”
Meanwhile, during Sunday and Monday, Charles prepared himself for death. He spent much time in prayer with Bishop136 Juxon, burnt his papers, distributed the small remains137 of his personal property, and took leave of his children. As he feared that the army would make the Duke of Gloucester king, he charged him in simple language not to take his “brother’s throne.”
“Sweetheart,” said Charles, taking the child upon his knee, “now they will cut off thy father’s head [upon which words the child looked very steadfastly upon him]; mark, child, what I say: They will cut off my head, and perhaps make thee a king; but mark what I say: You must not be a king so long as your brothers Charles and James do live; for they will cut off your brothers’ heads when they can catch them, and cut off thy head, too, at the last; and therefore I charge you do not be made a king by them.”
At which the child, sighing, said, “I will be torn in pieces first.” What Charles said to his daughter, the Lady Elizabeth herself related:
“He wished me not to grieve and torment138 myself for him, for it would be a glorious death that he should die, it being for the laws and liberties of this land, and for 226maintaining the true Protestant religion. He told me he had forgiven all his enemies, and hoped God would forgive them also, and commanded us and all the rest of my brothers and sisters to forgive them. He bid me tell my mother that his thoughts had never strayed from her, and that his love should be the same to the last.”
Then, striving to console her, he bade her again “not to grieve for him, for that he should die a martyr139, and that he doubted not but the Lord would settle his throne upon his son, and that we should all be happier than we could have expected to have been if he had lived.”
Monday night the King slept at St. James’s. Two hours before the dawn of the 30th of January, he rose up, and, calling to his servant Herbert, bade him dress him with care. “Let me have a shirt more than ordinary,” said he, “by reason the season is so sharp as probably may make me shake, which some will imagine proceeds from fear. I would have no such imputation140; I fear not death. Death is not terrible to me. I bless my God I am prepared.”
About ten o’clock, Colonel Hacker141 came to fetch the King to Whitehall. Attended by Herbert and Juxon, he walked through St. James’s Park. A guard of halberdiers surrounded him, and companies of foot were drawn up on each side of his way. “The drums beat, and the noise was so great as one could hardly hear what another spoke142.” It was a cold, frosty morning, and the King walked, as his custom was, very fast, and calling to his guard “in a pleasant manner,” told them to march apace. When 227he reached Whitehall, he was kept waiting in his bedchamber for two or three hours, perhaps in order to give Parliament time to pass an act forbidding the proclamation of any new king. During part of this time, he prayed with Juxon, and at the bishop’s urging ate a mouthful of bread and drank a glass of claret. About half-past one, Hacker came again to summon the King to the scaffold. In the galleries and the Banqueting House, through which Charles followed him, men and women had stationed themselves to see the King go by. As he passed “he heard them pray for him, the soldiers not rebuking143 any of them, seeming by their silence and dejected faces afflicted144 rather than insulting.”
From the middle window of the Banqueting House, Charles stepped out upon the scaffold. He was dressed in black from head to foot, but not in mourning, and wore the George and the ribbon of the Garter. The scaffold was covered with black cloth, and from the railings round it, which were as high as a man’s waist, black hangings drooped145. In the middle of the scaffold lay the block, “a little piece of wood, flat at bottom, about a foot and a half long,” and about six inches high. By it lay “the bright execution axe146 for executing malefactors,” which had been procured from the Tower—probably the very axe which had beheaded Strafford. Near the block stood two masked men; both were dressed in close-fitting frocks,—like sailors, said one spectator; like butchers, said another. One of them wore a grizzled periwig and seemed by his grey beard an old man. Immediately round the foot of 228the scaffold stood ranks of soldiers, horse and foot, and behind them a thronging147 mass of men and women. Other watchers filled the windows and the roofs of the houses round.
Seeing that his voice could not reach the people, Charles addressed himself to the persons on the scaffold, some fourteen or fifteen in number. He must clear himself, he said, as a man, a king, and a Christian39. To encroach on the liberties of the people had never been his intent. The Parliament began this unhappy war, not himself. “But for all this,” he continued, thinking of Strafford, “God’s judgments148 are just. An unjust sentence that I suffered to take effect is now punished by an unjust sentence upon me.”
Then the King forgave the causers of his death, and stated in a few words his conception of the cause for which he died.
“For the people, I desire their liberty and freedom as much as anybody whomsoever; but I must tell you that their liberty and freedom consists in having government, in those laws by which their life and goods may be most their own. It is not their having a share in government; that is nothing pertaining149 to them.... If I would have given way to have all changed according to the power of the sword, I needed not to have come here; and therefore I tell you (and I pray God it be not laid to your charge) that I am the martyr of the people.”
CHARLES I.
(From an old engraving150.)
O horrable Murder
But lo a Charg is drawne, a day is set
The Silent Lamb is brought, the Wolves are met;
And where’s the Slaughterhouse? Whitehall must be,
Lately his Palace, now his Calvarie
And now ye Senators, is this the thing
So oft declard Is this your glorious King?
Religion vails her self; and Mourns that she
Is forc’d to own such Horrid151 Villanie.
When he had done, the King put his long hair under his cap, helped by Juxon and the grey-bearded man in the mask, and spoke a few words with Juxon. 229He took off his cloak and doublet, gave his George[7] to the bishop, and bade the executioner set the block fast. Then, as he stood, he said two or three words to himself, with hands and eyes lifted up, and lying down, placed his neck on the block. For a moment he lay there praying; his eye shining, said one of those who watched, as brisk and lively as ever he had seen it. Suddenly, he stretched forth his hands, and with one blow the grey-bearded man severed152 his head from his body. It was now, noted153 another spectator, precisely154 four minutes past two.
The other masked man took the King’s head, and without a word held it up to the people. A groan155 broke from the thousands round the scaffold,—“such a groan,” writes Philip Henry, “as I never heard before, and desire I may never hear again.” Thereupon he saw two troops of horse, one marching towards Westminster, the other towards Charing156 Cross, roughly dispersing157 the crowd, and was glad to escape home without hurt.
The King’s body was placed in a plain wooden coffin158, covered with a black-velvet pall159, then, after embalming160, enclosed in an outer coffin of lead, and conveyed to St. James’s. His servants wished to bury him at Westminster, in Henry the Seventh’s Chapel161, amongst his ancestors, but this was denied, because “it would attract infinite numbers of people of all sorts thither162, which was unsafe and inconvenient163.” Windsor seemed safer, and the Parliament authorised Herbert to bury his master there, allowing
230five hundred pounds for the expenses of the funeral. Leave was given to the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Southampton, and two other noblemen to attend it. They selected a vault164 in St. George’s Chapel, where Henry VIII. and Jane Seymour were interred165, and laid the King’s body there on Friday, the 9th of February. No service was read over him, for the governor would not allow Juxon to use the service in the Prayer-book, saying that the form in the Directory was the only one authorised by Parliament. To the mourners, however, it seemed that heaven gave a token of their dead sovereign’s innocence166.
“This is memorable,” writes Herbert, “that at such time as the King’s body was brought out of St. George’s Hall the sky was serene167 and clear; but presently it began to snow, and fell so fast, as by that time they came to the west end of the royal chapel, the black velvet pall was all white, the colour of innocency168, being thick covered with snow.”
England mourned, but the army and its partisans169 rejoiced. At last the blood shed in the Civil War was expiated170 by the death of its author. “Blood defileth the land,” quoted Ludlow, “and the land cannot be cleansed171 of the blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it.” The publicity172 and formality of the proceedings against the King, which seemed to most men an insulting mockery of justice, was to the Regicides themselves a source of exultation173. “We did not assassinate174, nor do it in a corner,” said Scot. “We did it in 231the face of God, and of all men.” A tradition, supported by some contemporary stories, tells that Cromwell himself came by night to see the body of the dead King in the chamber at Whitehall, to which it had been borne from the scaffold. He lifted up the coffin lid, gazed for some time upon the face, and muttered “Cruel necessity.” A royalist poet represents him as haunted on his death-bed by “the pale image” of the martyred monarch175. Poetical176 justice required such retribution, but history knows nothing of Cromwell’s repentance. He had been one of the last men of his party to believe the King’s death a necessity, but having persuaded himself that it was a just and necessary act he saw no reason for remorse177. It seemed to him that England had freed itself from a tyrant “in a way which Christians in after times will mention with honour, and all tyrants178 in the world look at with fear.”
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2
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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3
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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4
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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5
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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6
annul
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| v.宣告…无效，取消，废止 | |
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7
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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8
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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9
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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10
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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11
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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12
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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13
haggled
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| v.讨价还价( haggle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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15
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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16
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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17
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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18
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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19
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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20
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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21
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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22
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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23
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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24
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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25
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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26
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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27
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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28
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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29
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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30
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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31
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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32
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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33
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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34
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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35
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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36
prospering
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的现在分词 ) | |
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37
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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38
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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39
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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40
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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41
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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42
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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43
banishing
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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44
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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45
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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46
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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47
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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48
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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49
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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50
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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51
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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52
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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54
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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55
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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56
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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57
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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58
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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59
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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60
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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61
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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62
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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63
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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64
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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65
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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66
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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67
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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68
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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69
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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70
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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71
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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72
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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73
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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74
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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75
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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76
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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77
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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78
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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79
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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80
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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81
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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82
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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83
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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84
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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85
commotions
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| n.混乱，喧闹，骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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86
remissness
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| n.玩忽职守；马虎；怠慢；不小心 | |
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87
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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88
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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89
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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90
contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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91
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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92
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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93
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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94
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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95
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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97
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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98
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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99
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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100
mace
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| n.狼牙棒，豆蔻干皮 | |
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101
compartments
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| n.间隔( compartment的名词复数 )；（列车车厢的）隔间；（家具或设备等的）分隔间；隔层 | |
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102
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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103
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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104
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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105
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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106
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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107
contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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108
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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109
recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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110
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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111
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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112
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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113
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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114
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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115
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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116
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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117
rumoured
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| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
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118
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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119
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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120
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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121
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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122
reviled
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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124
constraint
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| n.(on)约束，限制；限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
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125
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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126
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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127
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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128
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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129
steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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130
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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131
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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132
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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133
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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134
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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135
condign
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| adj.应得的，相当的 | |
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136
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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137
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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138
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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139
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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140
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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141
hacker
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| n.能盗用或偷改电脑中信息的人，电脑黑客 | |
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142
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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143
rebuking
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的现在分词 ) | |
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144
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
drooped
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| 弯曲或下垂，发蔫( droop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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147
thronging
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
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148
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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149
pertaining
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| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
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150
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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151
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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152
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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153
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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154
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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155
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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156
charing
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| n.炭化v.把…烧成炭，把…烧焦( char的现在分词 )；烧成炭，烧焦；做杂役女佣 | |
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157
dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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158
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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159
pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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160
embalming
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| v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的现在分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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161
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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162
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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163
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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164
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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165
interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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167
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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168
innocency
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| 无罪，洁白 | |
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169
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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170
expiated
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| v.为（所犯罪过）接受惩罚，赎（罪）( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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173
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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174
assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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175
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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176
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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177
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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178
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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