“Brave Oliver came to the House like a sprite,
His fiery4 face struck the Speaker dumb,
‘Begone,’ said he, ‘you have sate5 long enough;
Do you mean to sit here until Doomsday come?’”
OLIVER CROMWELL.
(From the painting by Sir Peter Lely.)
“Cheer up, kind countrymen, be not dismayed,” sang another street poet, ending every verse with 327the exultant6 chorus: “Twelve parliament men shall be sold for a penny.”
For a few weeks, Cromwell was the most popular man in the nation. Royalists whispered that the King would marry Cromwell’s daughter, and that Cromwell would content himself with a dukedom and the viceroyalty of Ireland. A more general belief was that he would assume the crown himself. An enthusiastic partisan7 hung up in the Exchange a picture of Cromwell crowned, with the invitation underneath8:
“Ascend three thrones, great captain and divine,
I’ th’ will of God, old Lion, they are thine.”
Cromwell’s own view of his position was that, being Commander-in-chief by Act of Parliament, his commission made him the only constituted authority left standing9. His desire was to put an end to this dictatorship as soon as he could. The sword must be divested10 of all power in the civil administration, and the army leaders must prove to the world that they had not turned out the Long Parliament in order to grasp at power themselves. The army itself accepted Cromwell’s view, but on the nature of the new civil authority to be set up there were two views amongst the officers. For the present, a temporary Council of State, consisting of thirteen persons, most of whom were officers, carried on the daily business of administration.
As to the future, Major-General Lambert advocated one kind of government, and Major-General Harrison another. Lambert was a gentleman of 328good family, with some political aptitude11 and some constitutional knowledge, but less of either than he fancied. A dashing leader and a skilful12 tactician13, he was popular because of his gallant14 bearing and his genial15 temper, and believed to be honest because he was good-natured. As a politician he was an intriguer16, inscrutable, scheming, and insatiably ambitious. Harrison was a man of no birth and little education, bred on perverted17 prophecies, full of desperate courage and high-flown enthusiasms,—a man born to lead forlorn hopes and die for lost causes, who did both even to the admiration18 of his enemies. Unselfish in his own aims, he swayed others by his devotion and his zeal19. But he was fitter to command the left wing in the battle of Armageddon than to take any part in the government of earthly states.
Lambert wished to entrust20 power to a small council of ten or twelve. Harrison wished to give it to a larger council of seventy members like the Jewish Sanhedrin. Lambert’s party proposed that the council should be assisted by an elected Parliament, and the authority of both defined by a written constitution. Harrison’s followers22 wished to dispense23 with a Parliament altogether. The first adhered to the principles laid down in the Agreement of the People, which they had drawn24 up four years earlier. The second were inspired by the opinions of the Fifth Monarchy25 men, and believed that the time had come to realise their hopes. Of the four great monarchies26 of the world’s history, the Assyrian and the Persian, the Macedonian and the Roman, three had fallen, and the fourth was tottering28 to its fall. At last, as the prophets had foretold29, the monarchy of Christ was to begin, and till He came to reign30 in person, His saints were to rule for Him. A text which Harrison had often in his mouth was—“The saints shall take the kingdom and possess it.”
JOHN LAMBERT.
(From a painting by Robert Walker, in the National Portrait Gallery.)
329When Cromwell dissolved the Long Parliament, he had no definite plan for the future government of England. He was not a Fifth Monarchy man, but he had no faith in paper constitutions. He was convinced that godly men would make the best governors, but he felt that a government somewhat like a Parliament would be most satisfactory to the nation.
The result was a compromise by which a larger and more representative assembly than Harrison had proposed, was called together. In each county the Congregational Churches were asked to nominate suitable persons, and from this list the council of officers selected those it thought fittest. A hundred and forty persons were thus chosen, of whom five represented Scotland, six Ireland, and the rest England. A writ21 addressed to each person separately, from Oliver Cromwell, Captain-General, recited that he had been nominated by the General with the advice of his council of officers as one of the men to whom the weighty affairs of the Commonwealth31 were to be entrusted32. All were Puritan notables, combining godliness with fidelity33 to the cause, and described in the writs34 as “men fearing God and hating covetousness35.”
On July 4th, they met at Westminster, and on 330behalf of the army Cromwell presented them with a deed under his hand and seal, whereby the several persons therein mentioned were constituted the supreme36 authority. In his opening speech he related the causes which had led to the dissolution of the Long Parliament and their own convocation, adding some advice on the use they were to make of their power. Let them be just and tender to all kinds of Christians37, endeavour the promoting of the Gospel, and study to win the support of the nation by their devotion to the public weal. “Convince them that as men fearing God have fought them out of their bondage38, so men fearing God do now rule them in the fear of God.” In the war, and in the events which had led to the overthrow39 of the monarchy, there was “an evident print of providence40,” and now the task of government had come to them “by the way of necessity, by the way of the wise providence of God.” “God manifests this to be the day of the power of Christ; having through so much blood, and so much trial as hath been upon these nations, made this to be one of the great issues thereof: to have His people called to the supreme authority.” Let them therefore own their call, for never any body of men had come into the supreme authority in such a way of owning God and being owned by Him.
It was not, said Cromwell, by his own design that this had come to pass.
“I never looked to see such a day as this.... Indeed it is marvellous, and it hath been unprojected. It’s not long since either you or we came to know of it. 331And indeed this hath been the way God hath dealt with us all along; to keep things from our eyes all along, so that we have seen nothing in all His dispensations long beforehand—which is also a witness, in some measure, to our integrity.”
Since God had brought about so wonderful a thing, why should they not hope for things more wonderful still? “Why should we be afraid to say or think, that this way may be the door to usher41 in the things that God hath promised and prophesied42 of, and set the hearts of His people to wait for and expect?” Again and again Cromwell reiterated43 these hopes. “Indeed I do think somewhat is at the door. We are at the threshold.” “You are at the edge of the promises and prophecies.” He ended by quoting the 68th Psalm44 as a prophecy of the glory and the triumph of “the Gospel Churches.” “The triumph of that Psalm is exceeding high, and God is accomplishing it.”
The assembly to which he spoke45 was equally confident that its meeting marked the opening of a new era. “They looked,” as they declared, “for the long-expected birth of freedom and happiness.” “All the world over amongst the people of God” there was “a more than usual expectation of some great and strange changes coming upon the world, which we can hardly believe to be paralleled with any times but those a while before the birth of our Lord and Saviour46 Jesus Christ.” Full of hope, the assembly set to work to fulfil its mission. It voted itself the title of Parliament, invited Cromwell and four other representative officers to take part in its 332proceedings, elected a new Council of State, and appointed twelve great Committees for the redress49 of all kinds of grievances50. It took in hand, simultaneously51, the reform of the Law and of the Church. The abolition52 of the Court of Chancery was voted after a single day’s debate. Its delays and costliness53 had long been a scandal, and it was said that twenty-three thousand causes of five to thirty years’ standing were lying there undetermined. Next came an Act establishing civil marriage, and providing for the registration54 of births, marriages, and burials. Acts were passed for the relief of prisoners for debt, for the safe custody55 of idiots and lunatics, and for the removal of some smaller legal abuses. A committee was appointed to codify56 the Law, and sanguine57 reformers talked of reducing its great volumes “into the bigness of a pocket book, as it is proportionable in New England and elsewhere.” The Fifth Monarchy preachers at Blackfriars went further, and bade them abolish the law of man, and set up in its place the law of God. They required not a simplification of the laws of England, but a code based on the laws of Moses.
The Church was taken in hand with the same rough vigour58 as the Law. A proposal to abolish tithes59 at once was lost by a few votes, but even its opponents were willing to abolish them if lay tithe-owners were compensated60, and if some other maintenance were provided for the clergy61. So the whole question was referred to a committee. On the other hand, a resolution abolishing patronage62 was passed by seventeen votes, and a bill ordered to be drawn up to 333carry it into effect. There were also persistent63 rumours64 of an impending65 attack on the endowments of the universities, and a large party in the House were opposed to any established Church, or any ministry66 not dependent on voluntary support. Outside Parliament, the Fifth Monarchy preachers denounced the parochial clergy as “hirelings” and “priests of Baal.” Their sermons described the Church as an “outwork of Babylon,” and a part of the “Kingdom of the Beast.” The great design of Christ, they said, was to destroy all anti-Christian forms and churches and clergy all over the world. Their hymns67 summoned the faithful to follow the Lord to war.
“The Lord begins to honour us,
The Saints are marching on,
The sword is sharp, the arrows swift
To destroy Babylon.”
In private, the Fifth Monarchy men were caballing to make Harrison Lord General instead of Cromwell.
Cromwell was dissatisfied and alarmed at the conduct of the Little Parliament and its consequences. Instead of promoting the Gospel, they had threatened to deprive its ministers of the means of subsistence. Instead of allaying68 sectarian strife70 their policy had embittered71 it. His own persistent attempts to reconcile religious animosities met with little success. Vainly he arranged conferences between Presbyterian, Independent, and Baptist ministers to persuade them to live harmoniously72 together. As he complained to his son-in-law, Fleetwood: “Fain would 334I have my service accepted of the Saints, if the Lord will, but it is not so. Being of different judgments74, and those of each sort seeking most to propagate their own, that spirit of kindness that is to all, is hardly accepted of any.” When he tried to mediate75 between the fighting ecclesiastics76, they turned on him as the two Israelites did on Moses, and asked, “Who made thee a prince or a judge over us?” Because he wished to support a national Church the Blackfriars preachers abused him as “The Old Dragon” and “The Man of Sin.” Because he had not called a real Parliament, the Levellers accused him of high treason to “his lords the people of England.” For what he had done and what he had left undone77 Cromwell was attacked by fanatics78 of all parties.
At the same time the position of the Republic had changed for the worse since the Little Parliament began to sit. The Dutch war still continued, and though Monk79 had gained two decisive victories, on June 3rd and July 31st, over the Dutch fleet, peace was still far off. The chief obstacle to it was the exorbitant80 terms which the Little Parliament demanded, and on this question also Cromwell was at issue with the men now in power. Peace had become a necessity to England as well as Holland, for in September it was discovered that there would be a deficit81 of over half a million on the estimates for the navy. A new insurrection, fanned by promises of Dutch aid, had broken out in Scotland. In England there was a marked revival82 of royalist feeling, and a plot for the surprise of 335Portsmouth had been discovered. The Levellers were once more raising their heads. Lilburn, defying the penalty imposed by the act of banishment83, had returned to England, and in August, 1653, he was tried for his contumacy. Crowds flocked to hear him tried, or to rescue him if condemned84, and when he was acquitted85 their shouting was heard a mile off. Even the soldiers set to guard the Court blew their trumpets86 and beat their drums for joy, and it seemed as if the agitation87 suppressed in 1649 was beginning again.
Cromwell was now thoroughly88 disillusioned89 and began to repent90 his part in putting the men of the Little Parliament in power.
In later years, when he referred to his experiment, he called it apologetically “a story of my own weakness and folly91.”
“And yet,” he said, “it was done in my simplicity92. It was thought then that men of our own judgment73, who had fought in the wars, and were all of a piece upon that account, why surely these men will hit it, and these men will do it to the purpose, whatever can be desired. And such a company of men were chosen and did proceed to action. And this was the naked truth, that the issue was not answerable to the simplicity and honesty of the design.”
Besides repenting93 his own act, Cromwell began to doubt his own motives94. Was his eagerness to transfer supreme power to others an honest constitutional scruple95, or a cowardly evasion96 of responsibility? Was it not, perhaps, “a desire, I am afraid sinful 336enough, to be quit of the power God had most clearly by His providence put into my hands before He called me to lay it down; before those honest ends of our fighting were attained97 and settled.”
Not only the General, but the officers, too, were dissatisfied with their creation. Apart from political or religious considerations, the proceedings47 of the Little Parliament seriously affected98 their interests as soldiers. It had touched their honour and threatened their pockets. A point on which the soldiers were justly sensitive was the strict observance of capitulations with royalist commanders, and in one notorious case articles of surrender had been grossly violated, and the Parliament had refused redress. Great opposition99 had been made to the renewal100 of the monthly assessment101 for the maintenance of the army, and a more equitable102 way of raising the money had been proposed. The soldiers feared that if this new method were adopted their pay would fall behindhand, and they would be obliged to starve or take free quarters. Still further irritation103 was caused by a motion that, in view of the pressing needs of the State, and the wealth they had obtained in its service, the higher officers should serve without pay for a whole year.
The discontented officers naturally turned to their General for help. Lambert and his party took up once more the idea of a written constitution. In November, a meeting of officers took place at which Lambert’s scheme was discussed and adopted. It was a first draft of the Instrument of Government, the main difference being that it placed at the head 337of the State a King instead of a Protector. At the end of the month, it was submitted to Cromwell. “They told me,” he said, “that except I would undertake the government they thought things would hardly come to a settlement, but blood and confusion would break in upon us.” But to all their solicitation104 he replied with refusals. He had two great objections to accepting their offer. One was the aversion to the title of King, which revealed itself again in 1657. The other was that he had empowered the Little Parliament to sit till the end of 1654, and he was not willing to expel a second Parliament by force of arms. Lambert’s plot was frustrated105 by the reluctance106 of the principal actor, and he retired107 sulkily to the country.
Cromwell still hoped that the Parliament might be induced to adopt a wiser policy. The strength of the two parties in it was very nearly equal, and a few votes might turn the scale in favour of the moderate section. A final battle on the Church question brought about a new trial of strength. On December 2nd, the Committee on Tithes produced a report containing a regular scheme for the reorganisation of the Church. One clause proposed the appointment of itinerant108 commissioners109 to eject unfit ministers and fill up vacant livings. Another provided that the present provision for the maintenance of approved ministers should be guaranteed by Parliament. Others affirmed that tithes were legal property, and suggested a plan for their commutation in case of persons who had conscientious110 scruples111 about paying them. Over this report 338the two parties fought for five whole sittings. The question whether the Church should be reformed or disestablished hung on their decision. At last, on Saturday, December 10th, the extremists triumphed, and the first clause of the report was rejected by fifty-six to fifty-four votes. The supporters of the Church regarded the division as fatal to the whole scheme.
Immediately on this defeat, the moderate party in the Parliament and the malcontents amongst the officers came to an agreement. All Sunday the leaders intrigued112 and negotiated. The one expedient113 left was to persuade the Parliament to abdicate114, and make way for a more capable government. If the difficulty of getting rid of the Parliament was peaceably solved, those who knew Cromwell felt sure he would accept the accomplished115 fact, and assume the power offered him. The thing was not impossible, if it was properly worked. Some of the majority had voted on side issues; others might be gained over. Absentees were whipped up; waverers were appealed to through their interests or their fears. An argument which weighed with some was, that the army meant to put a stop to the sitting of the Parliament, and that a decent suicide was the only way to avoid a violent end.
On Monday, December 12th, the Moderates rose early and came to the House betimes. As soon as business began, Colonel Sydenham and other leaders of the party rose up and inveighed116 against the policy of their opponents. They charged them with seeking to destroy the army by not making sufficient and 339timely provision for its pay, with endeavouring to overthrow the Law, the Clergy, and the property of the subject. In conclusion they moved, “that the sitting of this Parliament any longer, as it is now constituted, will not be for the good of the Commonwealth, and that therefore it is requisite117 to deliver up to the Lord General Cromwell the powers which they had received from him.”
Everything went off with the precision of a field-day. The debate was very short. One party strove to spin it out till the House grew fuller and their reinforcements came up. The other had resolved to carry the enemy’s position by storm. It was no time to debate, said the Moderates, but to do something to prevent the calamities118 which threatened the State. Old Rouse, the Speaker, who was in the plot himself, ended the discussion by rising from the chair, and left the House without stopping to put the question or to hear the opponents of the motion. In vain they called to him to stop. Preceded by the mace27, and accompanied by the clerk of the House, he marched off with fifty or sixty members to Whitehall. Arrived there, they proceeded to sign their names to a paper returning their powers to Cromwell, and became once more private persons. Eventually about eighty members signed this act of abdication119.
About twenty-seven members had stayed behind in the House. They were too few to form a quorum120, and could not act as a Parliament. While they were drawing up a protest against the late proceedings, two colonels entered and ordered them to come 340out. “We are here,” said one of the members, “by a call from the General, and will not come out by your desire unless you have a command from him.” The colonels had no order from Cromwell to produce, but they fetched in two files of musketeers, and the members took the hint.
Cromwell had taken no part in the plot for procuring121 the abdication of the Little Parliament. “I can say it,” he told the members of the next Parliament, “in the presence of divers122 persons here who know whether I lie, that I did not know one tittle of that resignation, till they all came and brought it, and delivered it into my hands.” As none of the said persons ever contradicted his statement, it may be accepted as true. It sufficed for him to remain passive, and power came back to his hands by a sort of natural necessity. Once more he was in possession of the dictatorship he had sought to lay down. “My power was again by this resignation as boundless123 and unlimited124 as before, all things being subject to arbitrariness, and myself a person having power over the three nations without bound or limit set; all government being dissolved, and all civil administration at an end.” For the second time Lambert and his allies urged Cromwell to accept the government under the constitution which they had drawn up. The difficulty of getting rid of the Little Parliament no longer stood in the way, and the title of King had been replaced by the title of Protector. They also pointed48 out to him that the acceptance of the Protectorship in no way increased his power. On the contrary, it put an end to his dictatorship, 341and reduced his power by imposing125 constitutional restrictions126 upon its exercise. It bound him to do nothing without the consent of either a Council or a Parliament. Another argument was still more effective. Once more they warned Cromwell, that, unless he would undertake the government, anarchy127 was inevitable128, and made him responsible for the “blood and confusion” which would be the result. After three or four days’ discussion, Cromwell accepted the constitution, to which a general meeting of officers had in the interim129 given their approval and adhesion. He was solemnly installed as Protector on December 16, 1653, dressed not like a general in scarlet130, but like a citizen in a plain black coat, to show all men that military rule was over, and civil government restored.
The new constitution, like the Agreement of the People in 1649, represented the political ideas of the officers of the army. But since 1649 the officers had lost confidence in the people, and they sought now to erect131 a government based on something firmer than the will of a fickle132 multitude. A written constitution was asserted to be a better foundation for a government than popular consent, for the express reason that the people would have no power to alter it. There had been enough of commotion133, and confusion, and change. “It was high time that some power should pass a decree upon the wavering humours of the people, and say to this nation, as the Almighty134 Himself said once to the unruly sea: ‘Here shall be thy bounds; hitherto shalt thou come, and no farther.’” This was what Lambert 342and the officers assumed the right to say when they imposed the “Instrument of Government” upon England.
Throughout its provisions their distrust of the English people is evident. Little boroughs135 were abolished and constituencies made more equal, but the franchise136 instead of being extended was restricted. In boroughs, the franchise remained unaltered—that is, the right of election was generally in the hands of the corporation; in counties, the forty-shilling freeholders were abolished, and a new franchise was created, which gave the vote to all men possessing property worth two hundred pounds. Henceforth, therefore, Parliament would represent the opinions and interests of the middle classes.
Distrust of the electors was naturally accompanied by distrust of the representatives. For the future, the legislative138 and executive powers were to be kept permanently139 separate. The authority and the duration of Parliament were strictly140 limited. It was to meet once in three years, but to sit for five months only. It had power to legislate141 as it thought fit, but its laws must not contravene142 the provisions of the constitution. Its consent to levy143 money for extraordinary expenses was necessary, but a constant yearly revenue was to be raised to meet the ordinary charge of civil government, army, and navy, which Parliament had no right to diminish.
The Protector possessed144 the executive power, but his authority was limited also. Except when bills contained something contrary to the constitution, he had no right to veto them. In domestic 343administration and in foreign affairs, he could not act without the consent of the Council; in taxation145 and for the employment of the army, he needed the consent of Parliament or Council. The members of the new Council were, in Cromwell’s phrase, “the trustees of the Commonwealth in the intervals146 of Parliament,” and possessed far more power than the Council of State erected147 in 1649. The councillors, most of whom were appointed by the “Instrument” itself, held office for life, and in their hands lay the choice of the Protector’s successor.
The object of this complicated system of checks and balances was to prevent either Parliament or Protector from becoming absolute, and to render religious liberty unassailable. None knew better than the leaders of the army how slight a hold upon the nation the principle of toleration had obtained, or how little religious parties were willing to accept it. “This hath been one of the vanities of our contest,” said Cromwell. “Every sect69 saith, ‘Oh give me liberty,’ but give it him and to his power he will not yield it to anybody else.” For the ingenious political devices of the constitution the Protector cared very little, but the religious settlement was a settlement after his own heart. There was to be a national Church, maintained for the present by tithes, in the future, it was hoped, by some better way. Outside the Church, there was to be full liberty of worship for those who did not belong to it, “provided they did not abuse their liberty to the civil injury of others, or to the actual disturbance148 of the public peace.” But this liberty 344was not to extend to Popery or Prelacy, which were politically dangerous, or “to such as under the profession of Christ hold forth137 and practise licentiousness149.”
This was the religious freedom which ever since 1647 the army had demanded, and had at last realised. Yet in spite of all the new constitution promised, there was little prospect150 that it would obtain the acceptance of the nation. England was the last country in which the attempt to transform a military dictatorship into a sort of constitutional government was likely to succeed.
At the moment, however, the only opposition there was came from the Fifth Monarchy men—hostile to anything which resembled a monarchy or an established Church. Harrison refused to act under the Protector’s Government, and was deprived of his commission. Fifth Monarchy preachers raged against the Protector from the pulpit. One called him “the dissemblingest perjured151 villain152 in the world.” Another identified him with the Little Horn in Daniel’s prophecy, which was to make war against the Saints and to be destroyed by them.
Their ravings only strengthened Cromwell’s position. What England wanted was a government which would maintain order and preserve property. The interests which the Little Parliament had imperilled welcomed Cromwell’s accession to power. His elevation153 was a bargain, says Ludlow, with the corrupt154 part of the clergy and the lawyers; he became their Protector and they the humble155 supporters of his tyranny. So evident was the advantage 345which Cromwell derived156 from the events of the last few months that what had happened was freely attributed to his profound statecraft. All was a pageant157 played by Cromwell, thought Baxter, in order to make his soldiers out of love with democracy and to render his usurpation158 necessary. He was resolved we should be saved by him or perish.
“He made more use of the wild-headed sectaries than barely to fight for him. They now serve him as much by their heresies159, their enmity to learning and ministry, their pernicious demands which tend to confusion, as they had done before by their valour in the field. He can now conjure160 up at pleasure some terrible apparition161 of Agitators162, Levellers, and such like, who, as they affrighted the King from Hampton Court, shall affright the people to fly to him for refuge: that the hand that wounded may heal them.”
Hitherto Cromwell had been the destroyer of old institutions. Now he came forward as the saviour of society. England, therefore, submitted to his government without resistance and without enthusiasm, but with a general feeling of relief. The conversion163 of the monarchy into a republic had been violent and bloody164; the transition from the Republic to the Protectorate was as peaceful as one of the ordinary operations of nature. As such, Waller celebrated165 it in his poem to Cromwell.
“Still as you rise, the State exalted166 too
Finds no distemper while ’tis changed by you,
Changed like the world’s great scene when without noise
The rising sun night’s vulgar lights destroys.”
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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sate
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| v.使充分满足 | |
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exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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underneath
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standing
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divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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tactician
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| n. 战术家, 策士 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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intriguer
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| 密谋者 | |
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perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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entrust
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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27
mace
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| n.狼牙棒，豆蔻干皮 | |
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28
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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29
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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31
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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32
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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34
writs
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| n.书面命令，令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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35
covetousness
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36
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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37
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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38
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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39
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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40
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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41
usher
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| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
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42
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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44
psalm
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| n.赞美诗，圣诗 | |
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45
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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46
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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47
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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48
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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49
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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50
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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51
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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52
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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53
costliness
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| 昂贵的 | |
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54
registration
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| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
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55
custody
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|
| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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56
codify
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| v.将法律、法规等编成法典 | |
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57
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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58
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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59
tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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60
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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61
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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62
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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63
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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64
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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65
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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66
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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67
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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68
allaying
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的现在分词 ) | |
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69
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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70
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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71
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
harmoniously
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| 和谐地，调和地 | |
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73
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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74
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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75
mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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76
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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77
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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78
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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79
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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80
exorbitant
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|
| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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81
deficit
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| n.亏空，亏损；赤字，逆差 | |
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82
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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83
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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84
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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85
acquitted
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|
| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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86
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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87
agitation
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|
| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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88
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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89
disillusioned
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| a.不再抱幻想的，大失所望的，幻想破灭的 | |
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90
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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91
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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92
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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93
repenting
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的现在分词 ) | |
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94
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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95
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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96
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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97
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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98
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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99
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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100
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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101
assessment
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| n.评价；评估；对财产的估价，被估定的金额 | |
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102
equitable
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|
| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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103
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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104
solicitation
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| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
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105
frustrated
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|
| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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106
reluctance
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|
| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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107
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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108
itinerant
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| adj.巡回的；流动的 | |
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109
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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110
conscientious
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|
| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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111
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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112
intrigued
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|
| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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113
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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114
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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115
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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116
inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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118
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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119
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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120
quorum
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| n.法定人数 | |
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121
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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122
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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123
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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124
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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125
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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126
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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127
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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128
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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129
interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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130
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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131
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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132
fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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133
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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134
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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135
boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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136
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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137
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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138
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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139
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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140
strictly
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|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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141
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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142
contravene
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| v.违反，违背，反驳，反对 | |
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143
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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144
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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145
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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146
intervals
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|
| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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147
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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148
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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149
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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150
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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151
perjured
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|
| adj.伪证的，犯伪证罪的v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
villain
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| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
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153
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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154
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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155
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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156
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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157
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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158
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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159
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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160
conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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161
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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162
agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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163
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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164
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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165
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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166
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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