The Protector had inherited from the Long Parliament a European situation of the greatest complexity2. The Dutch war had undone3 the work of the previous three years. In 1653, England was once more isolated4 and in danger of a European combination against her. England and France were still carrying on hostilities5 at sea. Denmark had seized English merchantmen, and closed the Baltic to English trade. Portugal was actually at war with 371us. There were rumours6 of the formation of a triple alliance against England, between Holland, France, and Denmark. On the other hand, the war turned more and more against the United Provinces. In the spring of 1654, the English were “perfectly lords and masters of the narrow seas,” and no Dutch merchantman could show itself in the Channel.
England had captured over fourteen hundred sail from the Dutch, including 120 men-of-war, and in March, 1654, she had 140 men-of-war at sea, “and better ships,” added Cromwell’s Secretary of State, “than we have had at any time heretofore.” Nevertheless, every motive—solicitude for the Protestant cause, the interest of commerce, the frustration7 of the designs of the Royalists—all made peace with Holland necessary. Moreover, England was fast sinking under the financial burdens which even successful war imposed. Cromwell, therefore, turned a deaf ear to those who maintained that a little more persistence9 would force the Dutch to accept the original demands of the Long Parliament, and from the moment he took the negotiations10 in hand he threw overboard the amalgamation11 of the two republics. In its place, he at first proposed an offensive and defensive12 alliance between England and Holland. They were to league themselves together not merely for commercial or national ends, but “for the preservation14 of freedom and the outspreading of the Kingdom of Christ.” “Who could tell,” said he, “what God in his own time might intend to accomplish for the deliverance of oppressed nations by means of the two republics?” Other Protestant 372powers, and even those Catholic powers which allowed their subjects liberty of conscience, might be invited to join the league.
The Dutch envoys16, less enthusiastic and more practical, would hear of nothing more than a defensive alliance, and even that proved more than could be realised. The negotiations were slow, for the demands of England were still too high, and France obstructed17 the progress of the treaty as much as it could. The Protector yielded on some points, but remained inexorable on others, and prepared to renew the war. So the resistance of the Dutch gave way, and by the treaty signed on April 5, 1654, they admitted the supremacy18 of the British flag in the British seas, abandoned any demand for the modification19 of the Navigation Act, and promised to pay damages for the losses of English merchants in the East. Each state undertook to expel from its borders the rebels or enemies of the other. Finally, by a private engagement, the province of Holland undertook permanently20 to exclude the Princes of Orange from command by land or sea. Cromwell had thus attained21 two of his objects: English commerce was made secure, and the Dutch would no longer help the Royalists to attack the government which England had chosen to set up. At the banquet which he gave the Dutch Ambassadors on the conclusion of the treaty, he dwelt on the advantages of friendship between the two states. They sang the 123d Psalm22 together: “Behold how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity23.” But there was no real restoration of unity, and if the great 373Protestant alliance of Cromwell’s dreams depended on the support of the Dutch, there was little hope of its accomplishment24. The commercial jealousy25 of the two states never slumbered26 for a moment, and the diplomatists of the Protector found the influence of the Dutch continually obstructing27 their negotiations.
A few days later than the peace with the United Provinces, Cromwell’s Ambassador, Whitelocke, concluded a treaty with Sweden (April 11, 1654). To Cromwell and to Englishmen who had witnessed the exploits of Gustavus Adolphus, Sweden still seemed the champion of Protestantism in northern Europe, and the natural ally of a Puritan England. “The English,” wrote Whitelocke in his diary, “are the only people with whom the Swedes may hope for a firm amity28 and union for the Protestant interest against the common enemy thereof, the Popish party.” Apart from this, there were other questions in which the political interests of the two nations coincided, and Cromwell offered to assist the Swedes with a fleet in asserting the freedom of the Sound against Denmark and Holland. Whitelocke was received with the greatest friendliness29. “Your General,” said Queen Christina to him, “hath done the greatest things of any man in the world: the Prince of Condé is next to him, but short of him.” She compared Cromwell to her ancestor, Gustavus Vasa, and predicted that, like him, after being the liberator30 of his country he would become its king. Nevertheless, the Swedish ministers, fearful of involving their country in a war with Holland, and 374perhaps with France, declined the proffered31 alliance. The embassy resulted in a treaty of amity regulating the commercial intercourse32 of the two states, and providing that Sweden should give no assistance to the cause of Charles II.
Next came a treaty with Denmark, which, as Holland’s ally, had been included in the treaty with the Dutch, on condition that the English merchants were compensated33 for the detention34 of their ships in the Sound during the war. By the commercial treaty which followed in September, 1654, English vessels36 were in future to be allowed to pass the Sound on the same terms as the Dutch. Still more important from the commercial point of view was the treaty with Portugal, concluded in July, 1654. English merchants received reparation for their losses, were guaranteed freedom from the interference of the Inquisition, and were given liberty to trade with all Portuguese37 colonies in the East or West. All these treaties, besides the commercial advantages they brought, gave additional security to the new government against the Royalists, but Cromwell valued those with the Protestant states most, because they also gave increased security to “the Protestant interest abroad.” “I wish,” said he to his Parliament, “that it may be written upon our hearts to be zealous38 for that interest. For if ever it were likely to come under a condition of suffering, it is now. And by this conjunction of interests, you will be in a more fit capacity to help them.”
In the same speech, the Protector was able to 375point out the change in the attitude of Europe towards England, which nine months of his rule had produced. “There is not a nation in Europe,” he said, “but is willing to ask a good understanding with you.” Instead of rumours of coalitions40 against England, the two greatest powers of the continent were bidding against each other for her alliance. Spain pressed England to land an army in southern France in support of Condé’s rebellion, promising42 help to recover Calais, and large subsidies43 towards the cost of the English auxiliaries44. France offered to abandon the cause of Charles II., and to assist England with men and money to conquer Dunkirk. For some months, Oliver wavered, or seemed to waver. Apparently45 he was intent only on driving the best possible bargain for England with the two competitors for her support; in reality, he was studying the conditions of the problem and making up his mind how to act. As both were Catholic powers, religious considerations were less decisive than usual. On the one hand, the case of the Huguenots, whose rights under the Edict of Nantes were continually infringed46 by the French Government, appealed strongly to his Protestant zeal39. On the other hand, the Catholicism of France was less bigoted47 than the Catholicism of Spain, and whatever the wrongs of the Huguenots were, it became clear he could do more to get them redressed48 by a good understanding with France than by armed intervention49. Political considerations also made peace with France desirable. Hitherto, it was true, Spain had been far more friendly to the Republic than its rival, but 376France was at once the more dangerous enemy and the more valuable ally. Whatever subsidies Spain might promise in return for English aid, it was soon evident that it could pay none. Ere long, Cromwell came to the resolution not to involve England in the European struggle between France and Spain by leaguing himself with either, but to take advantage of the opportunity to settle outstanding disputes, and to maintain, if possible, amicable50 relations with both. His plan, however, was not so easy of execution as it seemed. When the Protector, as a condition of the renewal51 of old treaties of commerce and friendship with Spain, demanded that English merchants should have the free exercise of their religion in Spanish ports, and that English colonists52 and traders in the West Indies should be no longer treated as enemies by the Spaniards, he met with a flat refusal.
“To ask liberty from the Inquisition and free sailing in the West Indies,” declared the Spanish Ambassador, “was to ask for his master’s two eyes,” and no concession53 could be made on either point. In August, 1654, Cromwell resolved to send an expedition to the West Indies in order to exact reparation for the past and material guarantees for future security. He did not believe that these reprisals54 would lead to war with Spain in Europe, but if they did he was prepared to take the risk.
Equally unsuccessful were the negotiations with France. The expulsion from that country of Charles II. and his partisans55 was assented56 to in principle, and it was agreed that the losses which the traders 377of the two nations had suffered should be referred to arbitration57, but the question of the Huguenots proved an insurmountable obstacle. The Protector demanded that the treaty should expressly recognise his right to intervene on their behalf, if the liberties granted them by the Edict of Nantes were infringed, which France, as was natural, steadfastly58 refused. Cromwell remained firm. The Protector, wrote Thurloe to an English agent, had espoused59 the interest of Protestantism, “which is dearer to him than his life and all that he hath,” and he could not consent to any clause in a treaty with a foreign power which seemed prejudicial to it. The year 1654 ended without England’s coming to an agreement either with France or Spain. Relying upon his army and his fleet of 160 ships, the Protector felt strong enough to maintain a completely independent position, and to assert the interest of England with a high hand in defiance60 of either. When Penn sailed for the West Indies, in December, 1654, he bore instructions not only to attack the Spanish colonies, but to make prize of any French ships he came across. When Blake in the previous October was despatched to the Mediterranean61, he was charged to continue the reprisals against French as well as to protect British trade.
Blake’s voyage made the British flag respected and feared throughout the Mediterranean, though the legendary62 account of the indemnities63 he exacted from the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Pope for their unfriendly action during the Dutch war is unsupported by evidence. He made a treaty with 378the Dey of Algiers, and redeemed64 the English captives held there. The Dey of Tunis, less amenable65 to reason, refused reparation, and would not even allow Blake’s ships to water in his ports. “We judged it necessary,” wrote Blake, “for the honour of our fleet, our nation, and religion, seeing they would not deal with us as friends, to make them feel us as enemies”; so, sailing into the harbour of Porto Farina, he bombarded the Dey’s castles, and burnt his ships (April 4, 1655).
Simultaneously66 with the news of Blake’s exploit, England learnt of the massacre67 of the Vaudois by the troops of the Regent of Savoy. Every Puritan’s heart thrilled with sympathy for the sufferings of his fellow Protestants. Milton called on God to avenge68 the sufferings of the “slaughtered saints” whose bones lay scattered69 on the Alpine70 mountains. The armies of the three nations urged Cromwell to action. The Protector needed no prompting. He headed with a gift of two thousand pounds the national subscription71 raised for the relief of the sufferers. He told the French Ambassador that the sufferings of the poor Piedmontese touched his heart as closely as if they had been his own nearest kin8, and refused to sign the treaty with France till their wrongs were righted. By the pen of Milton, he summoned all the Protestant powers to intervene, and he projected employing Blake’s fleet to attack Nice or Villa72 Franca. Diplomatic arguments proved sufficient. Eager to secure the friendship of England, France put pressure on Savoy, the massacres73 ceased, and the Vaudois were reinstated in their valleys. The Treaty of Pignerol left much unredressed, and Cromwell was far from satisfied with its terms, but by every Puritan in England and every Protestant in Europe he was hailed as the saviour74 of the Vaudois. Even Englishmen who were no Puritans felt proud to see their country, under his guidance, assert the sovereignty of the seas, punish the pirates of the Mediterranean, and defend the oppressed. Waller’s panegyric75 to the Protector upon “the present greatness of his Highness and this nation,” expressed this pride.
JOHN MILTON.
(From an engraving76 by Faithorne.)
379“The sea’s our own; and now all nations greet,
With bending sails, each vessel35 of our fleet;
Your power resounds77 as far as winds can blow
Or swelling78 sails upon the globe may go.
Fame swifter than your winged navy flies
Through every land that near the ocean lies,
Sounding your name, and telling dreadful news
To all that piracy79 and rapine use.
Whether this portion of the world were rent
By the rude ocean from the continent,
Or thus created, it was sure designed
To be the sacred refuge of mankind.
Hither the oppressed shall henceforth resort
Justice to crave81, and succour at your court;
And then your highness, not for ours alone
But for the world’s protector shall be known.”
To such a land, with such a leader, asked Waller, what could be thought impossible? Ere long, however, the Protector discovered that even the best-laid 380schemes did not always prosper82. The Panegyric was published at the end of May: in August news came to England of the disastrous83 defeat of the expedition sent to the West Indies at Hispaniola.[9] The Protector fell ill, and everyone attributed his illness to vexation at the evil tidings. Contrary to his expectation also, Spain laid an embargo84 on English shipping85, withdrew its ambassador, and declared war. The breach86 with Spain was accompanied by the completion of the long-delayed agreement with France, which was signed on the very day that the Spanish Ambassador left England (October 24, 1655). In substance, it was merely a commercial treaty, with a secret clause added for the expulsion of the leading Royalists from France, and the Protector contented87 himself with a private promise that the rights of the Huguenots should not be infringed. The conditions under which the agreement took place made a more intimate connection between the two powers inevitable88. But for the present Cromwell was busily engaged in negotiations with Sweden, which he hoped to make the basis of a general league of Protestant states. In June, 1655, Charles Gustavus, the successor of Queen Christina, invaded Poland and sent an ambassador to England to ask for aid in men, ships, and money. Cromwell treated the King’s envoy15 with distinguished89 favour. “They dine, sup, hunt, and play bowls together,” and “never was ambassador, or indeed any man, so much caressed90 and regarded by Cromwell as this man is, nor did he ever seek the friendship of anyone so much as this 381King of Sweden.” From the first he declared his willingness to “enter into a more strict and close alliance” with Sweden both for the sake of the two nations, and for the sake of the Protestant cause. Yet it was impossible to come to an agreement. The Swedish King’s conquest of Catholic Poland seemed to the Protector a gain to Protestantism; “Wresting a horn from the head of the Beast,” he termed it. But he saw plainly that it was not to the interest of England that the Baltic should fall completely under the dominion91 of Sweden, and that to support the designs of the King on the Baltic coast-lands would necessarily embroil92 him with the Danes, the Dutch, and the Brandenburgers. For a time he hoped to turn the arms of Gustavus against the House of Austria, and to convert the offered alliance into the Protestant league he longed for. But it was all in vain, and the sole result of the embassy was a commercial treaty signed in July, 1656.
Meanwhile, at sea, the war with Spain was vigorously prosecuted93. During the latter part of 1655 and through 1656, an English fleet cruised on and off the Spanish coast in order to prevent the Spaniards from sending reinforcements to the West Indies and to intercept94 the silver ships from America. It served also to protect English traders to the Mediterranean, and to force the King of Portugal to carry into effect the treaty of 1654. At one time Cromwell with prophetic foresight95 proposed the seizure96 of Gibraltar. “If possessed97 and made tenable by us,” he wrote to Blake, “would it not be an advantage to us and an annoyance98 to the Spaniards, and enable us, without 382keeping so great a fleet on that coast, with six nimble frigates99 lodged100 there to do the Spaniards more harm than by a fleet and ease our own charge?” But without a force to land, the Admiral judged the design impracticable. Blake’s perseverance101 in the blockade was at last crowned with success. On September 8, 1656, Captain Stayner with a squadron of cruisers detached from his fleet met eight Spanish ships from America off Cadiz, of which he destroyed four bearing treasure worth two millions, and captured a fifth with a cargo102 of silver valued at six hundred thousand pounds. More glorious, however, was the action at Santa Cruz in Teneriffe on April 20, 1657. Blake sailed into the harbour, where the Spanish treasure-fleet from the West Indies had taken refuge, fought batteries and galleons103 at close quarters, and sunk or burnt all the sixteen ships without losing one of his own. It was the most brilliant of all his exploits, and the last: he died on his return to England, worn out with the fatigues104 of the long blockade, just as his ship was entering Plymouth Sound (August 7, 1657).
Meanwhile, events forced Cromwell into closer union with France. The Spaniards had zealously105 adopted the cause of Charles II., hoping to overthrow106 Cromwell by means of an insurrection in England. In April, 1656, Philip IV. made a treaty with Charles II. by which he promised him a pension, helped to maintain a little army of English and Irish Royalists in Flanders, and undertook to provide ships for their transport to the English coast. Spanish money, also, was employed to further the plots of the 383Levellers for the assassination107 of the Protector. It became evident that, in order to force Spain to peace, it must be attacked on the continent as well as on the seas. On March 23, 1657, Cromwell signed an offensive alliance with France, by which England supplied six thousand soldiers, supported by a fleet, to attack the Spaniards in Flanders, and was to receive Mardyke and Dunkirk as its share of the spoils. He thought that the possession of Dunkirk would give him increased control of the Channel, enable him to exercise a greater pressure upon France, and provide a secure basis for land operations against Spain. “It would be,” said Secretary Thurloe, “a bridle108 to the Dutch, and a door into the continent.”
Six weeks later, Sir John Reynolds, with six thousand men, landed at Boulogne and joined the French army under Turenne. Turenne at first employed the English contingent109 in the interior of Flanders, in sieges and operations which seemed to serve French interests only, and his delay to attack the coast towns made Cromwell suspicious. It seemed, he wrote to Sir William Lockhart, the English Ambassador, as if the French “would not have us have any footing on that side the water.” The French excuses for their delay were but “parcels of words for children.” Unless they set about the business at once, he would withdraw his troops and demand the repayment110 of his expenses. “I desire you to take boldness and freedom to yourself in your dealing111 with the French on these accounts.” Lockhart spoke112 boldly and freely, and the effect was immediate113. The French army drew towards the Flemish 384coast. Mardyke was besieged115, taken, and handed over to an English garrison116 (October 3, 1657).
When the next campaign opened, Turenne laid siege to Dunkirk, and a Spanish army of fourteen thousand men under Don John and Condé advanced to its relief. Turenne routed them on June 4, 1658, amongst the sandhills on the south of Dunkirk, with the loss of five thousand men. No troops did better service in the battle than the English contingent under Lockhart. The joyful117 cheer the redcoats gave when they saw their enemy roused the admiration118 of Turenne, and the Duke of York, who served in the Spanish army, was full of praises of his countrymen’s courage. On their hands and knees they stormed the sandhill which was the key of the Spanish left, and at push of pike drove the Spaniards from it. This victory decided119 the long struggle between France and Spain, and ten days later Dunkirk surrendered. It was all over now with the plans of Charles II.: half his little army had been destroyed in the battle, and the ships provided for their transport had been captured by the English fleet.
Cromwell had at last the foothold on the continent which he desired, and England was safe from attempted invasion, but the Protestant alliance he dreamed of was farther off than ever. A storm had risen in northern Europe which threatened to make any such combination permanently impossible. As soon as Charles Gustavus conquered Poland, his ambition had brought him into collision with his Protestant neighbours. A great coalition41 was forming against 385him, and in the spring of 1657 he appealed to Cromwell for help. But before Cromwell would risk either men or money he required as a guarantee the temporary possession of Bremen. It would serve as a basis for military operations, if necessary, and as a means of bringing pressure to bear upon Denmark, if Denmark attempted to break the peace. Gustavus refused, and all Cromwell could do was to endeavour to mediate114 between Sweden and Denmark. In May, 1657, the Danes declared war, and forced Gustavus to relax his hold on Poland. Brandenburg, Holland, and Austria joined the coalition, and at the end of 1657, it seemed as if Sweden must succumb120. Cromwell had refused to join Gustavus in his designs to partition Denmark, but just as little could he consent to allow Denmark and its allies to complete the overthrow of Sweden. He regarded the coalition as a Catholic plot against a Protestant power—a plot in which misguided Protestant states were furthering the work of the Pope and the House of Hapsburg. In imagination, he saw the Austrian eagle once more stretching her wings towards the Eastern sea and planting herself upon the Baltic, as in the dark days of the Thirty Years’ War, before Sweden came to the rescue of the German Protestants.
The speech which the Protector made to Parliament, in January, 1658, was full of these apprehensions121. The question, he said, was, “whether the Christian122 world should be all popery.” The Protestant interest abroad was “struck at, nay123, quite trodden under foot.” The Spanish and Austrian Hapsburgs were leagued together to destroy it. In Poland and 386in the Empire, Protestants were persecuted124 and driven out; the Swiss were threatened, and Sweden, the chief champion of the Protestant cause, was in danger. What resistance was there to “this mighty125 current coming from all parts against all Protestants?” Only that made by Gustavus:
“a poor prince, and yet a man in his person as gallant126 and as good, as any that these late ages have brought forth80.”... “A man that hath adventured his all against the Popish interest in Poland, and made his acquisitions still good for the Protestant religion. He is now reduced into a corner, and what adds to the grief of all is that men of our religion forget this, and seek his ruin.”
He declared that the success of the coalition threatened the commerce and the maritime127 power of England. “If they can shut us out of the Baltic Sea, and make themselves masters of that, where is your trade? Where are your materials to preserve your shipping?” Every sailor knew what exclusion128 from the Baltic meant for England.
The Protector’s conclusion was that England must intervene to prevent the King of Sweden from being crushed, and be ready to back him, not only with its fleet, but by landing a force on the continent. “You have accounted yourselves happy,” said he, “in being environed with a great ditch from all the world besides. Truly, you will not be able to keep your ditch, nor your shipping, unless you turn your ships and shipping into troops of horse and companies of foot, and fight to defend yourselves on terra firma.”
The crisis passed away as rapidly as it had risen, 387and Gustavus rescued himself without English aid. A winter march over the frozen Belt and the siege of Copenhagen brought Denmark to its knees. In February, 1658, Cromwell’s ambassador mediated129 a peace between the rival powers at Roeschild. But the peace was of short duration. In August, 1658, a month before Cromwell died, the war broke out again, and once more Holland and Brandenburg came to the help of the Danes. The general Protestant league was impossible, because each Protestant power preferred to pursue its private aims and defend its private interests. Ambition and national traditions made Denmark and Sweden irreconcilable130 foes131. Brandenburg was more anxious to secure its own independence than to propagate the faith. The Dutch sought first the interests of their commerce, and preferred, as Oliver complained, “gain to godliness.”
In Cromwell’s England there were some who, like Morland, held it the greatest glory of the Protector that he had ever identified the interests of England with the interests of European Protestantism. But the merchants of London complained that they were ruined by the cessation of their Spanish trade, and the war with Spain had lost him the hearts of the City. To the commercial classes, and to many republican statesmen, Holland, not Spain, seemed the natural enemy of England, and bitter attacks on the late Protector’s policy were heard in the Parliament of 1659. Yet the great position in Europe which Cromwell’s energy had gained for England impressed the imagination of contemporaries. “He once more joined us to the continent,” sang Marvell, 388in his lines on Cromwell’s death, while Sprat depicted132 him as waking the British lion from its slumbers133, and Dryden as teaching it to roar. Contemporary historians struck the same note. “Cromwell’s greatness at home,” admitted Clarendon, “was a mere13 shadow of his greatness abroad.” Burnet recorded with approval Cromwell’s traditional boast, that he would make the name of Englishman as great as ever that of Roman had been. Still more glorious appeared the policy of the usurper134 in comparison with that of Charles II. “It is strange,” noted135 Pepys, in 1667, “how everybody do nowadays reflect upon Oliver and commend him, what brave things he did, and made all the neighbour princes fear him.”
Then came a change. For a hundred years it was the fashion to say that Cromwell by allying himself with France against Spain destroyed the balance of power in Europe, and produced that preponderance of France against which Europe struggled so long. People forgot that the overgrowth of French power was due to the complicity of Charles II., even more than to Oliver’s co-operation, and that, with Oliver as his ally, Louis XIV. would neither have attempted the partition of Holland, nor revoked136 the Edict of Nantes. With modern historians, it is a commonplace to observe that Cromwell’s foreign policy was an anachronism, that the era of religious wars ended with the Treaty of Westphalia, and that material and political motives137 alone determined138 thenceforth the relations of European powers. There is much truth in the criticism, but in the years which immediately 389followed that treaty, religious disputes entered so largely into political quarrels that it was not easy for contemporaries to perceive what is obvious enough to posterity139. Least of all was such clearness of vision possible to the Puritan statesman, in whose mind the interest of religion took precedence of all other interests, and to the soldier who regarded war as the instrument with which the God of battles worked out His purpose on earth.
Cromwell’s foreign policy was in part a failure, but only in part. He promoted the material welfare of his country, and saved her from foreign interference in her domestic affairs. Where he sought purely140 national interests he succeeded, but it was impossible for him not to look beyond England. “God’s interest in the world,” he said, “is more extensive than all the people of these three nations.” At another time he told his Council: “God has brought us hither to consider the work we may do in the world as well as at home.” Others shared these views, and there were many Puritans who, like Cromwell, held that nations had duties as well as interests. The duty of a free Commonwealth141, wrote Harrington, was to relieve oppressed peoples, and to spread liberty and true religion in other lands. “She is not made for herself only,” but should be “a minister of God upon the earth, to the intent that the whole world may be governed with righteousness.” This was the dream that Cromwell sought to realise through his great Protestant league. Looked at from one point of view, he seemed as practical as a commercial traveller; from another, a Puritan Don Quixote.
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1 hesitation | |
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2 complexity | |
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3 undone | |
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4 isolated | |
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5 hostilities | |
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6 rumours | |
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10 negotiations | |
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11 amalgamation | |
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12 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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14 preservation | |
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15 envoy | |
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16 envoys | |
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17 obstructed | |
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19 modification | |
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22 psalm | |
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33 compensated | |
补偿,报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 ); 给(某人)赔偿(或赔款) | |
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34 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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35 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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36 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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37 Portuguese | |
n.葡萄牙人;葡萄牙语 | |
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38 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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39 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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40 coalitions | |
结合体,同盟( coalition的名词复数 ); (两党或多党)联合政府 | |
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41 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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42 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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43 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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44 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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45 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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46 infringed | |
v.违反(规章等)( infringe的过去式和过去分词 );侵犯(某人的权利);侵害(某人的自由、权益等) | |
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47 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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48 redressed | |
v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 );重加权衡;恢复平衡 | |
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49 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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50 amicable | |
adj.和平的,友好的;友善的 | |
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51 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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52 colonists | |
n.殖民地开拓者,移民,殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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53 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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54 reprisals | |
n.报复(行为)( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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55 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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56 assented | |
同意,赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57 arbitration | |
n.调停,仲裁 | |
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58 steadfastly | |
adv.踏实地,不变地;岿然;坚定不渝 | |
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59 espoused | |
v.(决定)支持,拥护(目标、主张等)( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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61 Mediterranean | |
adj.地中海的;地中海沿岸的 | |
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62 legendary | |
adj.传奇(中)的,闻名遐迩的;n.传奇(文学) | |
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63 indemnities | |
n.保障( indemnity的名词复数 );赔偿;赔款;补偿金 | |
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64 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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65 amenable | |
adj.经得起检验的;顺从的;对负有义务的 | |
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66 simultaneously | |
adv.同时发生地,同时进行地 | |
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67 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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68 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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69 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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70 alpine | |
adj.高山的;n.高山植物 | |
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71 subscription | |
n.预订,预订费,亲笔签名,调配法,下标(处方) | |
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72 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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73 massacres | |
大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 ); 惨败 | |
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74 saviour | |
n.拯救者,救星 | |
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75 panegyric | |
n.颂词,颂扬 | |
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76 engraving | |
n.版画;雕刻(作品);雕刻艺术;镌版术v.在(硬物)上雕刻(字,画等)( engrave的现在分词 );将某事物深深印在(记忆或头脑中) | |
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77 resounds | |
v.(指声音等)回荡于某处( resound的第三人称单数 );产生回响;(指某处)回荡着声音 | |
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78 swelling | |
n.肿胀 | |
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79 piracy | |
n.海盗行为,剽窃,著作权侵害 | |
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80 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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81 crave | |
vt.渴望得到,迫切需要,恳求,请求 | |
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82 prosper | |
v.成功,兴隆,昌盛;使成功,使昌隆,繁荣 | |
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83 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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84 embargo | |
n.禁运(令);vt.对...实行禁运,禁止(通商) | |
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85 shipping | |
n.船运(发货,运输,乘船) | |
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86 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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87 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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88 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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89 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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90 caressed | |
爱抚或抚摸…( caress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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92 embroil | |
vt.拖累;牵连;使复杂 | |
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93 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
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94 intercept | |
vt.拦截,截住,截击 | |
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95 foresight | |
n.先见之明,深谋远虑 | |
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96 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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97 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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98 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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99 frigates | |
n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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100 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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101 perseverance | |
n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
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102 cargo | |
n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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103 galleons | |
n.大型帆船( galleon的名词复数 ) | |
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104 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
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105 zealously | |
adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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106 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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107 assassination | |
n.暗杀;暗杀事件 | |
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108 bridle | |
n.笼头,束缚;vt.抑制,约束;动怒 | |
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109 contingent | |
adj.视条件而定的;n.一组,代表团,分遣队 | |
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110 repayment | |
n.偿还,偿还款;报酬 | |
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111 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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112 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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113 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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114 mediate | |
vi.调解,斡旋;vt.经调解解决;经斡旋促成 | |
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115 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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117 joyful | |
adj.欢乐的,令人欢欣的 | |
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118 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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119 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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120 succumb | |
v.屈服,屈从;死 | |
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121 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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122 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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123 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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124 persecuted | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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125 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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126 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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127 maritime | |
adj.海的,海事的,航海的,近海的,沿海的 | |
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128 exclusion | |
n.拒绝,排除,排斥,远足,远途旅行 | |
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129 mediated | |
调停,调解,斡旋( mediate的过去式和过去分词 ); 居间促成; 影响…的发生; 使…可能发生 | |
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130 irreconcilable | |
adj.(指人)难和解的,势不两立的 | |
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131 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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132 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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133 slumbers | |
睡眠,安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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134 usurper | |
n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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135 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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136 revoked | |
adj.[法]取消的v.撤销,取消,废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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138 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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139 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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140 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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141 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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