In the course of the preceding year Hamilton, under various signatures, had met his opponents in the newspapers. But it was a veil, not a visor, behind which he fought; for everybody knew from whom came the vigorous blows that he dealt about him right and left. It was a boast always of Jefferson that he never condescended7 to newspaper[186] controversy8; but it was pretty well understood that he himself did not enter upon that rather unsatisfactory mode of warfare9 because he preferred the safer method of fighting by proxy10. Hamilton never was in doubt as to who was his real antagonist11, and he aimed his blows over the heads of his petty assailants to where he knew they would hit home. They left bad bruises12 upon his colleague in the cabinet. Among other papers of the time, though not a newspaper article, was an official letter to the President, in which Hamilton defended his principles and his measures. Early in 1792 the President, longing13 to escape the toils14 of public life and to spend the rest of his days in tranquillity15, had consulted Madison and his two secretaries, Jefferson and Hamilton, upon the propriety16 of his declining a re?lection. He soon changed his mind, influenced, perhaps, as much by the dissensions, so evident in the expostulations of his friends, as by the expostulations themselves. He deprecated this open feud17 between his secretaries as a public misfortune, and sought, if he could not reconcile them, to silence it. That the Federalists were monarchists, as Jefferson and Madison never ceased asserting, he knew was not true, without the emphatic19 and indignant declarations of Hamilton, Adams, and other leading men of that party, when they condescended to notice a charge which they deemed so absurd that it was difficult to believe that anybody could make it in earnest. But, while he knew there was no real[187] danger from that quarter, he could not fail to see that the reverence20 and love in which he was held constituted a bond of unity21, so long as he remained chief magistrate22; and he may have felt that, should he retire, there was no other common tie strong enough at that moment to hold together a union, the possible dissolution of which was, both at the North and at the South, considered with calmness, sometimes with complacency, and, when party passion was at a red heat, even as a thing to be prayed for. At any rate, the President consented to take the advice of the counselors23 whom he had consulted; but in asking that advice he unwittingly aggravated24 the quarrel among them which caused him so much uneasiness.
Jefferson, in the arguments he set forth25 both in conversation and by letter to influence Washington's decision, dwelt upon the unhappy condition of public affairs. It was a storm which he himself meant to get out of by retiring to Monticello, though he thought it was Washington's duty to remain at the helm and keep an eye to windward. This unhappy condition of affairs, he said, had all come from the course pursued by the secretary of the treasury, and was the natural consequence of the acts of Congress in relation to the public debt, the Bank, excise26, currency, and other important measures passed in accordance with the secretary's policy. Whether this policy was meant to destroy the union, subvert27 the republic, and establish a monarchy28 upon its ruins, at any rate[188] such must be the inevitable29 result of those mischievous30 measures. He urged this view of the subject with such pertinacity31 that Washington, either because he was impressed by so much earnestness, or because he was curious to know how the assertions could best be answered, sent them to Hamilton, with other objections of a similar character from other persons, and asked for a reply. No names were given, but it is not likely that Hamilton was at any loss in guessing where such strictures upon his administration of affairs came from. "I have not fortitude32 enough," he said in his answer, "always to hear with calmness calumnies33 which necessarily include me as a principal object in the measures censured34, of the falsehood of which I have the most unqualified consciousness.... I acknowledge that I cannot be entirely35 patient under charges which impeach36 the integrity of my public motives37 or conduct. I feel that I merit them in no degree, and expressions of indignation sometimes escape me in spite of every effort to suppress them." There were only two men in the country whom he could have had in mind when he wrote such words as these. In all Washington's career there is nowhere a stronger proof of his strong will, self-reliance, and passionless impartiality39 than that he could stand between two such furnaces as Hamilton on one side and Jefferson and Madison on the other, both glowing at the intensest white heat, while he remained usually as calm and as unmoved as if breathing[189] the softest, balmiest, and gentlest airs of a day in June. But all this personal controversy in the public prints, and in the official intercourse40 of the cabinet, left on both sides an intense exasperation41, which could not fail to have a controlling influence in the conduct of political parties. Whether Jefferson was conscious or not—and whatever his feeling was, Madison shared it with him—that in this paper warfare he was signally defeated, the attempt to ruin Hamilton by an attack upon him in Congress followed, if it was not the consequence of, the mortification42 of defeat.
In February, 1793, Mr. Giles, a representative from Virginia, offered a series of resolutions calling upon the President for certain information relating to the finances. They were a bold attack upon the secretary of the treasury, and, should it prove that they could not be satisfactorily answered, would convict him of mismanagement of the financial affairs of the government, of a disregard of law, of usurpation43 of power, and even of embezzlement44 of the public funds. Any reasonable ground for believing such charges to be well-founded would be quite sufficient to bring the secretary to trial by impeachment45. There was probably little doubt at the moment as to whence this blow came; for though the hand might seem the hand of Esau, the voice was the voice of Jacob. Behind Giles was Madison; and behind Madison, of course, was Jefferson. Mr. John C. Hamilton, in his "History of the Republic," asserts that the resolutions were[190] still—when he wrote, twenty-five years ago—in the archives of the State Department at Washington, in Madison's handwriting; and he further declares that Giles assured Rufus King that Madison was their author.
Hamilton's reply, so far as any intentional46 wrong-doing was imputed47 to him, was conclusive48. There had been technical violations49 of acts of Congress in one instance, but it was only to carry out the acts themselves. Congress had, three years before, passed two acts authorizing51 the negotiation52 of two loans, one for twelve million dollars for the discharge of the foreign debt, and another for two million dollars to be used at home. It had been convenient, and had conduced to the success of the negotiation, to offer in Holland to contract a loan for fourteen million dollars, without the unnecessary, and to foreigners probably the confusing, statement that the authority for borrowing that amount was derived53 from two separate acts of Congress. It was only in this borrowing of the money that there was any seeming disregard of the letter of the law. The loans and their purposes were kept entirely distinct in the accounts of the department. Other questions touching54 the management of these loans were so clearly and frankly55 explained that nothing but the captiousness56 of party could refuse to be satisfied. On one point—the charge of an alleged57 deficit—the opposition was absolutely silenced. The secretary indignantly explained that the sum—as anybody could have[191] known for the asking from any officer in the Treasury Department—which was made to appear as missing was in credits for customs bonds not yet due, and bills of exchange on Europe sold but not yet paid for.
Though there was enough of decency, or of prudence58 which took the place of decency, to drop the insinuation that the secretary had stolen what had never been in his possession, it was not so with the rest of the accusations59. Only four days before Congress was to adjourn60, Giles offered another set of resolutions. These assumed that the defiance61 of law and unwarranted assumption of power, which, at first, were only suggested by the inquiries62, were now proved to be true by the explanations that had been given. The indictment63, therefore, was made to include the verdict and the sentence; the criminal was accused, was to be found guilty, and condemned64 to capital punishment in one proceeding, without the privilege of trial, or a recognition of the right to be heard. The argument of the resolutions was, that certain acts were a violation50 of law; that the secretary had committed all those acts; and therefore it was the will of the House that the facts be reported to the President. The presumption65 obviously was, that the President would immediately dismiss from office a disgraced and faithless public servant. But the prosecution66 was an utter failure. The largest vote received for any of the resolutions was only fifteen; that on the others was[192] from seven to twelve, in a quorum67 of from fifty to sixty members. In the course of the debate Mr. Madison had said that "his colleague [Giles] had rendered a service highly valuable to the legislature, and no less important and acceptable to the public." The House showed by its votes how very far it was from agreeing with him. But Fisher Ames wrote about that time: "Madison is become a desperate party leader, and I am not sure of his stopping at any ordinary point of extremity68." If it be really true that he instigated69 this attack upon Hamilton, and was the author of the resolutions, using Giles as his tool to get them before the House, Ames's reflection was not uncharitable.
It would not be just, however, to leave the impression that the hostility70 shown in this affair was purely71 personal. Both Jefferson and Madison had a hearty72 hatred73 for Hamilton which would have been greatly gratified could they have made it the plain duty of the President to put him out of the Treasury Department a dishonored and ruined man. But this particular outbreak of their enmity was intensified74 by their sincere and earnest enthusiasm for France. They were quite willing to bring Hamilton to grief at any time because he was Hamilton; they were more than ordinarily exasperated75 against him just now because in recent newspaper and other controversies76 he had altogether got the better of them; but in this particular instance they wanted to punish him[193] because of delay of payments in discharge of the indebtedness of the United States to France. This was the essential delinquency at which the Giles resolutions were pointed77. The difficulty was, not that the secretary of the treasury was not careful enough of the public money, but that he was too careful. He insisted upon being quite certain, when paying off a public debt, that he was paying it to the right persons, and that no risk should be incurred78 of its being demanded a second time. He felt there was no such certainty about payments to France. The king was dethroned; but it was not wise, the secretary thought, to be hasty in recognizing revolutionary governments. It was a republic to-day; it might be a regency to-morrow; a monarchy again the third day. It was more prudent79 to await a reasonable period for the evidence of permanency on one side or the other. Those old enough to remember the late war of the rebellion know how important the maintenance of this doctrine80 was in regard to the recognition of the rebel confederacy by England and France.
But to all this Jefferson did not in the least agree; neither did Madison. They were in full, even passionate81, sympathy with the men who brought Louis XVI. to the guillotine. Money, they knew, was needed, and it was a crime against liberty to delay payment when payment was due to the French government. With Hamilton the question was, not whether the revolutionists ought[194] to be, but whether they were, France. With Jefferson and Madison they were France, because they ought to be. Hesitation82 to acknowledge that the Revolution was the nation, they thought, could only come from an "Anglican party," the "enemies of France and of Liberty," who would lead the American people "into the arms and ultimately into the government of Great Britain,"—to use the terms in which Madison spoke83, a little later, of the Federalists. Which of these men, in this regard at least, were the thoughtful and prudent statesmen, and which were doctrinaires, nobody now, probably, questions. The larger proportion of the people, however, were then carried away by the enthusiasm for the French revolutionists. It was so, no doubt, at first without much distinction of party; but it was inevitable, when the government should be called upon to take some decisive stand in relation to European politics, that the country should divide into two hostile camps; or, rather, that the two camps already existing should become more hostile to each other than ever. It is not necessary to assume that the mass of the people gave themselves up to any very hard thinking about the matter. For the most part they followed, as the way is with parties, the political leaders to whom they were already accustomed, never doubting that not to do so would be treacherous84 to the gratitude85 America owed to France, and to the cause of liberty and democracy, which, in the hands of the Frenchmen,[195] was hurling86 monarchs87 from their thrones—at least one monarch18 from his, and more, it was hoped, would follow. But when the revolution ran into the terrible excesses of a later stage, if any Federalists had wavered in their allegiance to their chiefs they soon returned, persuaded that the wild and bloody88 anarchy89 of Paris was not the road that led to the establishment of a wise and safe popular government.
There was no need now of pretexts90 for quarreling; real causes came fast enough. France declared war against England, and the United States had its part to play in this strife91 of giants. Its real interest was to keep out of trouble; and, if all were agreed on that point, it does not seem that there should have been much difficulty in saying so. "It behooves92 the government of this country," wrote Washington to Hamilton, "to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling93 us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality." It is difficult to conceive of a man being sincerely desirous of helping94 neither one side nor the other; of injuring neither one side nor the other; of maintaining, so far as help or harm could go, an attitude of absolute impartiality towards both,—it is difficult to conceive of such a man quarreling with the word "neutrality" as applied95 to his position. But Jefferson, nevertheless, quarreled with it; not frankly and directly as a thing he did not want, but captiously96 and[196] hypercritically objecting to the word to cover his dislike to the thing itself. "A declaration of neutrality," he said, "was a declaration that there should be no war, to which the Executive was not competent."
It was true that the Executive was not competent to declare that there should be no war; it was not true that the use of the word "neutrality" could have any such application to the future as to prevent Congress, when it should assemble, from declaring war should it see fit to do so. But meanwhile, Congress not being in session, and no exigency97 having arisen that made it desirable in the President's judgment98 to call an extra session, he, with the assent99 of the cabinet,—for Jefferson did not venture upon direct opposition,—issued a proclamation "to exhort100 and warn the citizens of the United States carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings101 whatsoever102" that might interfere103 with "the duty and interest of the United States" to "adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial38 towards the belligerent104 powers." The objectionable word was left out in deference105 to Mr. Jefferson, who, really preferring that there should be no proclamation at all, hoped to take the sting out of it by the omission106 of a phrase. It was the thing said, not the way of saying it, that the President insisted upon, as it was his duty to preserve the peace till the legislature should declare for war, and his inclination107 to preserve it altogether.
It can hardly be doubted that Jefferson and his[197] friends saw as plainly as the other party saw how perilous108 to the interests of the United States a foreign war would probably be. But, while professing110 a desire to avoid it, they were far more anxious, apparently111, to give aid, moral as well as material, to France, with whose revolutionary struggles they sympathized so deeply, than they were to avoid offense112 to England, whom they hated and would gladly see crippled. Not to be an enemy of England they held was to be an enemy of France; and not of France merely, but of the "rights of man." They could not or would not comprehend any wisdom in moderation, any prudence in delay. It is curious to see how party animosity blinded even the best of them. The objection to the word "neutrality" was a mere113 quibble; for the proclamation called upon all good citizens to maintain at their peril109 that state which, in all dictionaries, neutrality is defined to be. Mr. Jefferson, in instructing as secretary of state the American ministers abroad as to the attitude assumed by the government, could find no better term than "a fair neutrality." The fact was, the Republican leaders wished to avoid taking any positive stand, partly because delay might be a help to France, and partly in obedience115 to the law of party politics, in opposition to the other side. They were not at first quite sure of their ground, and wanted to gain time. Mr. Madison seems to have waited about six weeks before he could venture upon a positive opinion as to the proclamation.[198] The newspapers helped him to a knowledge of party opinion, and party opinion helped him to make up his own. "Every 'Gazette' I see,"—he wrote in June, about eight weeks after the proclamation was published,—"every 'Gazette' I see (except that of the United States [Federalist]) exhibits a spirit of criticism on the Anglified complexion116 charged on the Executive politics.... The proclamation was, in truth, a most unfortunate error." A week before, he had been seemingly cautious even in writing to Jefferson. Then he had observed that newspaper criticisms aroused attention, and he had heard expressions of surprise "that the President should have declared the United States to be neutral in the unqualified terms used, when we were so notoriously and unequivocally under eventual117 engagements to defend the American possessions of France. I have heard it remarked, also, that the impartiality enjoined118 on the people was as little reconcilable with their moral obligations as the unconditional119 neutrality proclaimed by the government is with the express articles of the treaty." He adds: "I have been mortified120 that on these points I could offer no bona fide explanations that might be satisfactory." He was not in doubt long, however. Mr. Jefferson sent him within two or three weeks a series of papers by Hamilton, under the signature of "Pacificus," in defense121 of the proclamation, and urged him to reply. This Madison undertook to do at once, and in five papers, under the signature[199] of "Helvidius," he took up all the points in dispute.
The question relating to treaty obligations was the more serious. By the treaty of 1778 the United States had guaranteed "to his Most Christian122 Majesty123 the present possessions of the Crown of France in America." An attempt on the part of Great Britain to take any of the French West India Islands would involve the United States in the war. How, then, Mr. Madison's friends might well ask, as in the letter just quoted he said they did, could "the President declare the United States to be neutral in the unqualified terms used, when we were so notoriously and unequivocally under eventual engagements to defend the American possessions of France"? Hamilton's ground was that the treaty, by its terms, was "a defensive124 alliance," and therefore not binding125 in this case, inasmuch as the present war against England was offensive; and that, besides, the treaty was in suspension, as France herself was, in a sense, in suspension, having only a provisional government, the permanent and legitimate126 successor to which was uncertain. But an important point was gained, it was thought, in the decision to receive Genet as the French minister. Hamilton, still acting127 in accordance with that cautious policy which he thought to be, in such a crisis, the most judicious128, questioned whether a minister from the provisional government in Paris should be recognized without reservations. Such an ambassador[200] might be followed presently by another accredited129 by a new power in the revolutionary progress. This would, at the least, be an awkward dilemma130 not to be recovered from without the loss of some dignity by the government of the United States. But this point also was yielded in deference to Jefferson, and much to his mortification the concession131 turned out to be before he was many weeks older.
"I anxiously wish," Madison wrote to Jefferson, "that the reception of Genet may testify what I believe to be the real affections of the people." He was amply gratified. From Charleston, where he landed, to Philadelphia, Genet was received with the warmest enthusiasm by all who sympathized with France, and by that larger number among Americans who are always ready to hurrah132 for anything or anybody that has caught the popular fancy. Madison watched his progress with great interest, and apparently with some misgivings133. Writing again a few days later to Jefferson, he says that "the fiscal134 party in Alexandria was an overmatch for those who wished to testify the American sentiment." Indeed, he thinks it certain, he says in the same letter, "that Genet will be misled if he takes either the fashionable cant135 of the cities or the cold caution of the government for the sense of the public,"—falling himself, before he reaches the end of the sentence, into the cant of assuming neutrality in the government to be only a "mask" behind which to hide[201] its "secret Anglomany." But he was quite mistaken in supposing that Genet was likely to be misled, or led at all, by anybody. He was almost capable, as General Knox said, of declaring the United States a department of France, and of levying136 troops here to reduce the Americans to obedience. The man's conduct, if it had not been so outrageous137, would have been ludicrous in its assumption of power, its disregard of the laws of the country, and its defiance of the government. Within three months of his arrival Jefferson himself was constrained138 to acknowledge that he had developed "a character and conduct so unexpected and so extraordinary as to place us in the most distressing139 dilemma, between our regard for his nation, which is constant and sincere, and a regard for our laws, the authority of which must be maintained; for the peace of our country, which the executive magistrate is charged to preserve; for its honor, offended in the person of that magistrate; and for its character, grossly traduced140 in the conversations and letters of this gentleman." Though this was in an official letter, it gave, no doubt, Jefferson's real opinion; for no man had more reason than he for resenting the conduct of the irrepressible Frenchman. Jefferson has been accused of too much familiarity with the French minister in private, and of tardiness141 in the discharge of his own duty as secretary where it was likely to clash with the other's schemes. Genet himself complained that he was thrown over by Jefferson[202] after receiving from him every encouragement. This is, of course, true, but not in the least discreditable to Jefferson. When Genet arrived in Philadelphia, he was, although he had already committed some illegal acts in Charleston, profuse142 in his promises of good behavior. The secretary of state had welcomed him as the representative of France and the Revolution, and naturally he meant to make the most he could out of him, for the sake of the Republican party, as well as for the sake of the sacred cause of "liberty, equality, and fraternity." But he soon saw that he was dealing143 with one who was a cross between a mountebank144 and a madman, as we learn from a letter of Madison to Jefferson, written within two months of Jefferson's first interview with Genet. "Your account of Genet," says the letter, "is dreadful. He must be brought right if possible. His folly145 will otherwise do mischief146 which no wisdom can repair."
The mischief dreaded147 was that the administration party would take advantage of the insolent148 and outrageous conduct of the French minister to show the folly of precipitancy, and to gain popularity and strength for itself. Madison soon writes to Jefferson to acquaint him with the reaction taking place in Virginia, "in the surprise and disgust of those who are attached to the French cause, and who viewed this minister as the instrument for cementing, instead of alienating149, the two republics." He asserts that "the Anglican party[203] is busy, as you may suppose, in making the worst of everything, and in turning the public feelings against France and thence in favor of England." In a sense this must have been true. The "fiscals," the "Anglomanys," the "Anglican party," the "monarchists,"—which were Mr. Madison's pet names for his old friends,—were good enough politicians to take great satisfaction in keeping well stirred and in lively use the muddy waters into which their opponents had floundered. They were not, probably, careful always to remember that France was neither the better nor worse, neither the wiser nor the less wise, because one of the mad fanatics150, bred of the Revolution, had found his way, unfortunately, to the United States as a minister plenipotentiary. But, on the other hand, it was not true that there was any "Anglican party," in the sense in which Madison used the term,—a party led by men who were "the enemies of France and of liberty, at work to lead the well-meaning from their honorable connection with those [the French people] into the arms and ultimately into the government of Great Britain." Washington said that he did not believe there were ten men in the United States, whose opinions deserved any respect, who would change the form of government to a monarchy. But if there were only ten men in the country whose opinions, in the estimate of Jefferson and Madison, were not worth much, Washington was among them. The affection and reverence, with which he was regarded by[204] the people, they would have been glad to appeal to on behalf of their own party; but it is easy to read between the lines in Jefferson's "Ana," and in his and Madison's correspondence, that they looked upon the President as the dupe of his secretary of the treasury. Not that they were ever wanting in terms of respect and even of veneration151 for the President, but the tone was often one of pitiful regret almost akin114 to contempt.
"I am extremely afraid," Madison wrote to Jefferson, "that the President may not be sufficiently152 aware of the snares153 that may be laid for his good intentions by men whose politics at bottom are very different from his own." Again he says, a few days later: "I regret extremely the position into which the President has been thrown. The unpopular cause of Anglomany is openly laying claim to him. His enemies, masking themselves under the popular cause of France, are playing off the most tremendous batteries on him.... It is mortifying154 to the real friends of the President that his fame and his influence should have anything to apprehend155 from the success of liberty in another country, since he owes his pre?minence to the success of it in his own. If France triumphs, the ill-fated proclamation will be a millstone, which would sink any other character and will force a struggle even on his." Yet it is certain that Washington was not in the least doubt as to his own political principles; that he was never in danger of being inveigled156 into the betrayal of[205] those principles, whatever they might be; and that he was quite capable of due care for his own reputation.
If Madison did not know that these tears over Washington, if sincere, were quite uncalled for, Jefferson was not in the least deceived. He records in his "Ana" that the President, referring to certain articles that had recently appeared in Freneau's "Gazette," said that "he considered those papers as attacking him [Washington] directly; for he must be a fool indeed to swallow the little sugar-plums here and there thrown out to him; that in condemning157 the administration of the government they condemned him, for if they thought there were measures pursued contrary to his sentiments, they must conceive him too careless to attend to them, or too stupid to understand them." Again, some months later, the President, alluding158 to another article in Freneau's paper,—that "rascal159 Freneau," as he called him,—said "that he despised all their attacks on him personally, but there never had been an act of the government—not meaning in the executive line only, but in any line—which that paper had not abused. He was evidently sore and warm," continues the candid160 secretary, "and I took his intention to be, that I should interpose in some way with Freneau, perhaps withdraw his appointment of translating clerk in my office. But I will not do it."
These frank and indignant avowals of feeling and opinion were not, if we may believe Jefferson,[206] unusual with Washington, even in cabinet meetings; and it seems hardly likely that Madison, who was on the most friendly and intimate terms with the President, could have been so ignorant of how he felt and thought as to suppose him the mere dupe of designing men. The truth is, probably, that Madison did not, any more than Jefferson, believe this. It was only a bit of party tactics to assume, lest the President should have too much influence over the minds of the people, that, in the hands of the wicked "Anglicists," he was as clay in the hands of the potter. The two friends, whether in writing or by speech they lamented161 and excused the unhappy position, as they were pleased to call it, of the President, must have appeared to each other like the Roman augurs162 in Gér?me's picture.
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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proxy
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| n.代理权，代表权；（对代理人的）委托书；代理人 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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toils
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| 网 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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counselors
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| n.顾问( counselor的名词复数 )；律师；（使馆等的）参赞；（协助学生解决问题的）指导老师 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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26
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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27
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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28
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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29
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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30
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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31
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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32
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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33
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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34
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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35
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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36
impeach
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| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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37
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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38
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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39
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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40
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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41
exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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42
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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43
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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44
embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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45
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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46
intentional
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| adj.故意的，有意（识）的 | |
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47
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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49
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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50
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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51
authorizing
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的现在分词 ) | |
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52
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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53
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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54
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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55
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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56
captiousness
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| 吹毛求疵的 | |
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57
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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58
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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59
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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60
adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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61
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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62
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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63
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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64
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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65
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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66
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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67
quorum
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| n.法定人数 | |
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68
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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69
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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71
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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72
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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73
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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74
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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76
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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77
pointed
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|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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78
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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79
prudent
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|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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80
doctrine
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|
| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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81
passionate
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|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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82
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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83
spoke
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|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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84
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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85
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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86
hurling
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|
| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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87
monarchs
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|
| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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88
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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89
anarchy
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|
| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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90
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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91
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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92
behooves
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| n.利益，好处( behoof的名词复数 )v.适宜( behoove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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93
embroiling
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| v.使（自己或他人）卷入纠纷( embroil的现在分词 ) | |
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94
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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95
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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96
captiously
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97
exigency
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|
| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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98
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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99
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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100
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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101
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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102
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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103
interfere
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|
| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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104
belligerent
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|
| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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105
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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106
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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107
inclination
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|
| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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108
perilous
|
|
| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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109
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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110
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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111
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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112
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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113
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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114
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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115
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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116
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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117
eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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118
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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120
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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121
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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122
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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123
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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124
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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125
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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126
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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127
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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128
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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129
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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130
dilemma
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|
| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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131
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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132
hurrah
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| int.好哇，万岁，乌拉 | |
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133
misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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134
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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135
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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136
levying
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|
| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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137
outrageous
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|
| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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138
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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139
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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140
traduced
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|
| v.诋毁( traduce的过去式和过去分词 )；诽谤；违反；背叛 | |
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141
tardiness
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|
| n.缓慢；迟延；拖拉 | |
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142
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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143
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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144
mountebank
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| n.江湖郎中；骗子 | |
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145
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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146
mischief
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|
| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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147
dreaded
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|
| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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148
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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149
alienating
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| v.使疏远( alienate的现在分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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150
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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151
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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152
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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153
snares
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|
| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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154
mortifying
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|
| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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155
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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156
inveigled
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| v.诱骗，引诱( inveigle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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158
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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159
rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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160
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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161
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162
augurs
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| n.（古罗马的）占兆官( augur的名词复数 )；占卜师，预言者v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的第三人称单数 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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