Of the literary value of his writings, aside from their historical interest, there is not much to be said, though Mr. Madison always wrote, even in his letters, as if writing for posterity8. He was not felicitous9 in the use of language; the style is turgid, heavy with resounding10 words of many syllables11, unillumined by any ray of imagination, any flash of wit or of humor; and the sentences are often involved and badly put together. But there is a genuineness, an evident sincerity of purpose, in all he wrote, and occasionally an expression of deep feeling, which are always impressive. We search for glimpses of his private life and character in such letters, for they are not easily apparent. In one sense he had no private life, or, at least, none that was not so subordinate to his public career that there was little in it either significant or attractive. There is, in this respect, a marked contrast between his correspondence and that of Jefferson. There was, possibly, a little affectation in Jefferson's frequent assertions of his intense desire for the quiet of the country and the tranquillity12 of home, and of his distaste for the turmoils13 and anxieties of public office. But he was certainly fond of country life, with the leisure to potter about among his sheep and his trees; to[227] watch the growth of his wheat and his clover; to contrive14 new coulters for his plows15; to talk of philosophy, of the Social Contract, of mechanics, and of natural history: if he was averse16 to public life, it was not because political power and distinction were a burden to him, except as they brought with them strife17 and unpopularity, which truly his soul loathed18 for himself, though he rather liked to set other people by the ears. His private life was unquestionably as full of interest to himself as it is entertaining to look upon in the unconscious revelation of his own letters.
But with Madison it was apparently19 quite otherwise. He unbent with difficulty. Always solemn and dignified20, it was rather painful than pleasant to him to stoop to the petty matters of every-day existence. He had no small affectations, and was not forever asserting that he was without ambition; as if that, without which nobody is of much use in the world either to himself or to others, were a weakness akin21 to depravity. With brief intervals22, covering only a few months altogether, he was where he best liked to be, from his entrance upon public life in 1775 till he stepped down in 1817 from that political elevation23 beyond which there are no ascending24 steps. During these forty-two years he found a certain enjoyment25 in a country home for a little while at a time, but it was chiefly the enjoyment of needed rest from official labor26. The price of tobacco and the promise of the wheat crop interested him then, but only as they inter[228]ested him always as a source of his own income, and as the index to the general prosperity. At the end of a letter upon political matters, he announces with satisfaction that his merino ewe has dropped a lamb, and both mother and offspring are as well as could be expected; but it was probably Mr. Jefferson's gratification rather than his own that he had in mind, for it was Mr. Jefferson who had imported the sheep. Again, in a similar letter, he takes a little remaining space to express a hope that Mr. Jefferson may permit the use of the rams27 of that flock to improve the breed of the native stock; not, apparently, that he cared so much about wool as that he wished to show a courteous28 and friendly interest in one of Mr. Jefferson's many projects for the improvement of things generally.
It was probably during the year of comparative leisure after he left Congress that Mr. Madison built his house at Montpellier, though some question has been raised on this point. He certainly was building a house at that time, and it is not likely that he ever employed himself in that way more than once. Scattered29 among discussions of Alien and Sedition30 Laws, the war in Europe, free goods in neutral ships, and other public topics, are brief allusions31 to lathing32 nails which he depended upon Mr. Jefferson to supply; that gentleman having recently set up a machine for their manufacture, which, however, like a good many other of his contrivances, seems to have had a[229] hitch33 in it. So also he asks the Vice-President to see to it that, when the window-glass and the pulleys are forwarded, the "chord" for the latter shall not be forgotten; and orders for other articles, only to be found in Philadelphia, are sent to his obliging friend. Mr. Jefferson, it is easy to believe, found them rather the most interesting part of the political letters to which they were appended; and he was quite willing, no doubt, to relieve the tedium34 of presiding over the Senate by searching through the Market Street shops for the latest improvements in builders' hardware. To Mr. Monroe, Madison wrote that, as he is sending off a wagon35 to fetch nails for his carpenters, "it will receive the few articles which you have been so good as to offer from the superfluities of your stock, and which circumstances will permit me now to lay in." Evidently he was getting ready to go to housekeeping with his young wife. Monroe's stock of household goods had been replenished36, perhaps by importations from France on his recent return, and he was disposing of his old supplies, by gift or sale, among his neighbors. Madison, at any rate, sends this modest list of what he would like to have: "To wit, two table-cloths for a dining-room of about eighteen feet; two, three, or four, as may be convenient, for a more limited scale; four dozen napkins, which will not in the least be objectionable for having been used; and two mattresses37." It was not an extravagant38 outfit39, even though it had not been meant for[230] one of those lordly Virginia homes of which some modern historians give us such charming pictures. "We are so little acquainted,"—Mr. Madison continues in that stately way which nothing ever surprised him into forgetting,—"we are so little acquainted with the culinary utensils40 in detail that it is difficult to refer to such by name or description as would be within our wants."
But pots and kettles,—though that may not be the name they were known by in Virginia,—table-cloths and mattresses, however moderate in number, are sure indications that the house, which was to be his residence when he should be content to retire from public service, was finished early in 1798. He had rested long enough, and was busy that year in attendance upon the state Assembly at Richmond, to which he consented the next year to be returned as a member. Perhaps it was because he could not keep longer out of the fray41. Perhaps he felt called to a special duty. Affairs, foreign and domestic, were in a critical condition. France, in her resentment42 at the Jay treaty, had committed so many fresh outrages44 upon American commerce; had so exasperated45 the American people by these outrages; and, by refusing to receive the ministers from the United States, had so insulted them and the government they represented in the proposed arrangements,—disclosed in the X. Y. Z. correspondence,—that all friendly relations between the two countries had ceased, and it had seemed impossible that war could be avoided.
[231]For a while the popular sympathy was entirely46 with Mr. Adams's administration, and the promise could hardly be fairer that the Federalists, if they managed wisely, might remain in power and be sustained by the whole country. But in some respects they were as unwise as in others they were unfortunate. President Adams, though possessing many great qualities, was of too irascible and jealous a temper to be a successful leader or a good ruler. But there were other men of distinction among the Federalists who were hardly less fond of having their own way than the President was of having his. The incompatibility47 of temper was not altogether on one side in that family quarrel. But all were equally responsible for such a blunder as the enactment48 of the Alien and Sedition Laws. The provocation49, it is true, was unquestionably great. Refugees from abroad had crowded to the United States, many of whom were professional agitators50, and some were very sorry vagabonds. Whatever reason they might have had for fomenting51 discontent with government in England or in France, there was nothing to justify52 any such violent measures in this country. But from their conduct as political partisans53, particularly as newspaper editors, they soon came to be looked upon by the Federalists—for they all joined the other party—as a dangerous class. There grew up a feeling that it would be wiser for civil affairs to remain, in city, state, and nation, in the hands of those who were born and[232] educated under republican institutions, and not to fall altogether under control of those who were alien in blood and religion, and who were inclined to look upon politics, not in the light of the citizen's duty to the common weal, but as an easy and profitable calling where the least scrupulous54 scoundrel could gather the largest share of spoils. It may be that the authors of those laws were so determined55 to forestall56 the apprehended57 evils of such a dispensation because use had not accustomed them, as it has later generations of American citizens, to live under it in humility58 if not content. Or, perhaps, they wanted that profound faith of our time that the longer this subversion59 of government is submitted to, the easier it will be to get back to the rule of the honest and wise.
But, at any rate, whatever their reasons, they meant by these laws relating to aliens to put the acquirement of citizenship60 under more stringent61 regulations, and to check the growth and promulgation62 of seditious doctrines63. If it be true, as is sometimes maintained with some plausibility64, that citizens, to be intrusted with self-government, should be endowed with a certain degree of intelligence and virtue65, then the aim of the framers of the laws, in the first case, was a good one; and, in the second case, the country has had some experience in later times which tends to show that they were not altogether wrong in believing that doctrines and practices which may lead to insurrection[233] and civil war might best be met, so far as is possible, at the outset. Nevertheless, the laws, under the circumstances of the time, were ill-considered and injudicious. For one reason, they put an efficient weapon into the hands of the opposition66 at a moment when it was at a loss where to turn for one. "Anglicism" and "British gold" were blunderbusses which, in the present popular irritation67 against France, had for a time lost their usefulness, and were apt to miss fire. But an appeal to a generous and impulsive68 people on behalf of the unfortunate refugees, who had fled from the tyranny of the Old World to find liberty and a home in the New, was sure to be listened to. A good many, besides those who assumed that republicanism and the rights of man were in their special keeping, believed that an unfortunate class had been dealt with hastily, and even cruelly. The clamor, once begun, told heavily against the Federalists. They could be denounced now, not only as the enemies of liberty in France, but as refusing it to men of any nation or any race who should seek it in the United States,—it being, of course, understood that races of black or yellow complexion69 need not apply. It was, indeed, advanced as an argument against one of the acts,—which gave the President power to order out of the country all aliens whose presence he thought dangerous,—that it might be used to prevent the importation of persons from Africa. On this point Mr. Gallatin, a native of Switzerland, was exceedingly anxious[234] lest there be a violation70 of the Constitution. But the outrage43 upon the rights of man here apprehended was the right of white men to make black men slaves.
Against the enactment of these laws Mr. Jefferson did nothing as Vice-President. But whatever was his motive71 for official inaction, it was not because he approved them. He wrote the Kentucky "resolutions of '98,"—the strongest protest that could be made against them, and to be thenceforth held by nullifiers and secessionists as their covenant72 of faith. But he acted secretly, taking counsel only with George Nicholas of Kentucky and William C. Nicholas of Virginia (brothers), and, Hildreth says, "probably with Madison." The resolutions were to be offered in the Kentucky legislature by George Nicholas, and, with some modifications73, were passed by that body in November. A year afterward74 other resolutions were passed to reassert the opinions of the previous session, and to record against the laws the "solemn protest" of the legislature; and further declaring "that a nullification by those sovereignties [the States] of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument [the Constitution] is the rightful remedy." In the resolutions which Mr. Jefferson had prepared for Nicholas the year before, this essential doctrine is found in that portion which Nicholas had omitted, in these words,—"where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy."[235] As originally prepared, the resolutions were found in Jefferson's handwriting after his death. Hildreth's conjecture76 that Madison, as well as the brothers Nicholas, was consulted in the preparation of these resolutions, rests only on circumstantial evidence. The Kentucky resolutions were passed in November; those of Virginia in December; the former were written by Jefferson, the latter by Madison; and the doctrines in each are essentially77 the same. It would have been a perfectly78 natural thing for the two friends to consult together upon a measure of so much importance; there is no reason why they should not have done so; and these coincidences suggest that they probably did. Jefferson clearly shirked the responsibility of an act which he knew would endanger the union; but Madison made no secret, so far as can be seen now, of his going to Richmond, though not a member of the Assembly, apparently for the express purpose of writing these resolutions and urging their adoption79. But Jefferson was not a man of courage even in doing that which he believed to be wise. In Madison it was only the conscience that was timid; and having once convinced himself that the thing he proposed to do was right, he was always ready to face the consequences. It may be that neither of them foresaw that the real importance of this particular act was rather prospective80 than immediate; and if so, their conduct is to be measured by its instant purpose. If Jefferson meant then and there to[236] dissolve the union, or even to weaken the constitutional bond that held it together, he was not overcautious in keeping out of sight. But if Madison's intention was to strengthen the union by withstanding what he believed to be a perilous81 violation of the Constitution, then his courage, though it is to be commended, is not to be wondered at. That, he said, was his motive, and to defend the resolutions and his own part in regard to them was the chief interest and serious labor of the latter years of his life. He was elected a member of the Assembly for the session of 1799-1800, probably because he and his friends thought his official presence desirable when the subject should again come up for consideration at the reading of the replies from other States, to all which the resolutions had been sent. The report on those replies was also written by him, and the position taken the year before was therein reaffirmed, explained, and elaborated at length.
In 1827-28 the doctrines of nullification and of secession were assumed to be the legitimate82 corollary of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798 and 1799. Jefferson was dead; but Madison felt called upon to deny, in his own defense83 and the defense of the memory of his friend, that there was any similarity between them. From 1830 to 1836 his mind seems to have been chiefly occupied with this subject, upon which he wrote many letters, and a paper of thirty pages, entitled "On Nullification," which bears the date of 1835-36, the latter year[237] being the last of his life. He resents the charge of any political inconsistency in the course of his long career, and most of all such an inconsistency as would impugn84 his attachment85 to the Constitution and the union. The resolutions of 1798, he maintains, do not and were not meant to assert a right in any one State to arrest or annul86 an act of the general government, as that is a right that can only belong to them collectively. Nullification and Secession he denounces as "twin heresies," that "ought to be buried in the same grave." "A political system," he declares, "which does not contain an effective provision for a peaceable decision of all controversies87 arising within itself would be a government in name only." He asserts that "the essential difference between a free government and governments not free is that the former is founded in compact, the parties to which are mutually and equally bound by it. Neither of them, therefore, can have a greater right to break off from the bargain than the other or others have to hold them to it.... It is high time that the claim to secede88 at will should be put down by the public opinion." What,—he writes to another friend,—"what can be more preposterous89 than to say that the States, as united, are in no respect or degree a nation, which implies sovereignty, ... and on the other hand, and at the same time, to say that the States separately are completely nations and sovereigns?... The words of the Constitution are explicit90, that the Constitution and[238] laws of the United States shall be supreme91 over the Constitution and laws of the several States; supreme in their exposition and execution, as well as in their authority. Without a supremacy92 in these respects, it would be like a scabbard, in the hand of a soldier, without a sword in it." Abraham Lincoln might have said this twenty-eight years later when he determined that his first duty as President was to suppress insurrection.
Such is the drift of the many pages Mr. Madison wrote upon the subject during the last five or six years of his life. He looked then, whatever he may have thought in the closing years of the preceding century, upon the United States as a nation, and not as a confederacy having its parts held together only by "a treaty or league" called a constitution. But his object is to show that there is nothing inconsistent in the resolutions of 1798 with these opinions upon the sovereignty of the United States; that he held them just as strongly then as he held them now; and that they, and he as their author, looked to the States as a whole, not to a single State, to find and apply a remedy, in a constitutional way, for an unconstitutional measure of which an administration of the government might be guilty. His position is maintained with all the acuteness, ingenuity93, and logical skill which mark his earlier writings. There is no sign of failure of mental power, of which those accused him who could not answer him. Such an imputation94 he resented with as much indignation[239] as he did a charge of inconsistency, which here could only mean falsehood. There is no possibility, then, of misunderstanding his opinions during the last six years of his life; and the world has no right to doubt his repeated and earnest assurances that these were his opinions when he wrote the resolutions of 1798. It can only be said that the construction he gave them thirty years afterward is opposed to the universal understanding of them at the time they were written.
But if his defense of himself be considered complete, it is not even specious95 when presented on behalf of Jefferson. Mr. Madison wrote in 1830: "That the term 'nullification' in the Kentucky resolutions belongs to those of 1799, with which Mr. Jefferson had nothing to do.... The resolutions of 1798, drawn96 by him, contain neither that nor any equivalent term." It was not then generally known, whether Mr. Madison knew it or not, that one of the resolutions and part of another which Jefferson wrote to be offered in the Kentucky legislature in 1798 were omitted by Mr. Nicholas, and that therein was the assertion already quoted,—"where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy." The next year, when additional resolutions were offered by Mr. Breckenridge, this idea, in similar though not in precisely97 the same language, was presented in the words, "that a nullification by those sovereignties [the States] of all unauthorized acts, done under color of that[240] instrument, is the rightful remedy." In 1832, this fact, on the authority of Jefferson's grandson and executor, was made public; and, further, that another declaration of Mr. Jefferson's in the resolution not used was an exhortation98 to the co-States "that each will take measures of its own for providing that neither these acts nor any others of the general government, not plainly and intentionally99 authorized75 by the Constitution, shall be exercised within their respective territories." All this must have been known to Mr. Madison then, if not before. Yet, three years later, in that paper "On Nullification" which has been mentioned, he wrote: "The amount of this modified right of nullification is, that a single State may arrest the operation of a law of the United States.... And this newfangled theory is attempted to be fathered on Mr. Jefferson, the apostle of republicanism." It would be charitable here to believe that there was some lapse100 of memory in these latter days, and that he had forgotten that Jefferson was, above all things, his own words being witness, the apostle of nullification.
The Alien and Sedition Laws—of which the more obnoxious101 of the former was never enforced, and the latter expired by limitation in two years—had their influence in the presidential election of 1800. But it was due more to differences between the President and some of the leaders of the Federal party that that party lost its hold upon power, never to be regained102. With the election of[241] Jefferson, Madison entered upon another sphere of duty, which was politically a promotion103, but where his influence, if it was so large, was not so evident as when an active leader of his party. It was at Mr. Jefferson's "pressing desire," Mr. Madison himself says, in a letter written many years afterward, that he took the office of secretary of state. In the same letter he explains that he had declined an executive appointment under Washington, because, in taking a seat in the House of Representatives, he would be less exposed to the imputation of selfish views in the part he had taken in "the origin and adoption of the Constitution;" because there, if anywhere, he could be of service in sustaining it against its adversaries104, especially as it was, "in its progress, encountering trials of a new sort in the formation of new parties attaching adverse105 constructions to it." The latter reason seems to be one of those happy after-thoughts which public men not unfrequently flatter themselves will anticipate a question they would prefer should not be asked. Mr. Madison was a member of the First Congress from the first day it met, before the new Constitution had encountered new trials from new parties by any constructions either one way or the other.
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1
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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pseudonyms
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| n.假名，化名，（尤指）笔名( pseudonym的名词复数 ) | |
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loom
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| n.织布机，织机；v.隐现，(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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felicitous
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| adj.恰当的，巧妙的；n.恰当，贴切 | |
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resounding
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| adj. 响亮的 | |
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syllables
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| n.音节( syllable的名词复数 ) | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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turmoils
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| n.混乱( turmoil的名词复数 )；焦虑 | |
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contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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plows
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| n.犁( plow的名词复数 )；犁型铲雪机v.耕( plow的第三人称单数 )；犁耕；费力穿过 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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loathed
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| v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的过去式和过去分词 )；极不喜欢 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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rams
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| n.公羊( ram的名词复数 )；(R-)白羊（星）座；夯；攻城槌v.夯实（土等）( ram的第三人称单数 )；猛撞；猛压；反复灌输 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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lathing
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| 覆以板条，板条 | |
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hitch
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| v.免费搭(车旅行)；系住；急提；n.故障；急拉 | |
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tedium
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| n.单调；烦闷 | |
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wagon
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| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
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replenished
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| 补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 )； 重新装满 | |
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mattresses
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| 褥垫，床垫( mattress的名词复数 ) | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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incompatibility
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| n.不兼容 | |
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enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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51
fomenting
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的现在分词 ) | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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plausibility
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| n. 似有道理, 能言善辩 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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impugn
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| v.指责，对…表示怀疑 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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annul
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| v.宣告…无效，取消，废止 | |
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controversies
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| 争论 | |
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secede
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| v.退出，脱离 | |
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preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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intentionally
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| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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