Pompeius in the East
When Pompeius, after having transacted3 the affairs committed to his charge, again turned his eyes homeward, he found for the second time the diadem4 at his feet. For long the development of the Roman commonwealth5 had been tending towards such a catastrophe6; it was evident to every unbiassed observer, and had been remarked a thousand times, that, if the rule of the aristocracy should be brought to an end, monarchy8 was inevitable9. The senate had now been overthrown11 at once by the civic12 liberal opposition13 and by the power of the soldiery; the only question remaining was to settle the persons, names, and forms for the new order of things; and these were already clearly enough indicated in the partly democratic, partly military elements of the revolution. The events of the last five years had set, as it were, the final seal on this impending15 transformation17 of the commonwealth. In the newly-erected18 Asiatic provinces, which gave regal honours to their organizer as the successor of Alexander the Great, and already received his favoured freedmen like princes, Pompeius had laid the foundations of his dominion19, and found at once the treasures, the army, and the halo of glory which the future prince of the Roman state required. The anarchist20 conspiracy21, moreover, in the capital, and the civil war connected with it, had made it palpably clear to every one who studied political or even merely material interests, that a government without authority and without military power, such as that of the senate, exposed the state to the equally ludicrous and formidable tyranny of political sharpers, and that a change of constitution, which should connect the military power more closely with the government, was an indispensable necessity if social order was to be maintained. So the ruler had arisen in the east, the throne had been erected in Italy; to all appearance the year 692 was the last of the republic, the first of monarchy.
The Opponents of the Future Monarchy
This goal, it is true, was not to be reached without a struggle. The constitution, which had endured for five hundred years, and under which the insignificant23 town on the Tiber had risen to unprecedented24 greatness and glory, had sunk its roots into the soil to a depth beyond human ken25, and no one could at all calculate to what extent the attempt to overthrow10 it would penetrate26 and convulse civil society. Several rivals had been outrun by Pompeius in the race towards the great goal, but had not been wholly set aside. It was not at all beyond reach of calculation that all these elements might combine to overthrow the new holder27 of power, and that Pompeius might find Quintus Catulus and Marcus Cato united in opposition to him with Marcus Crassus, Gaius Caesar, and Titus Labienus. But the inevitable and undoubtedly28 serious struggle could not well be undertaken under circumstances more favourable29. It was in a high degree probable that, under the fresh impression of the Catilinarian revolt, a rule which promised order and security, although at the price of freedom, would receive the submission30 of the whole middle party—embracing especially the merchants who concerned themselves only about their material interests, but including also a great part of the aristocracy, which, disorganized in itself and politically hopeless, had to rest content with securing for itself riches, rank, and influence by a timely compromise with the prince; perhaps even a portion of the democracy, so sorely smitten31 by the recent blows, might submit to hope for the realization32 of a portion of its demands from a military chief raised to power by itself. But, whatever might be the position of party-relations, of what importance, in the first instance at least, were the parties in Italy at all in presence of Pompeius and his victorious33 army? Twenty years previously34 Sulla, after having concluded a temporary peace with Mithradates, had with his five legions been able to carry a restoration runningcounter to the natural development of things in the face of the whole liberal party, which had been arming en masse for years, from the moderate aristocrats35 and the liberal mercantile class down to the anarchists36. The task of Pompeius was far less difficult. He returned, after having fully37 and conscientiously38 performed his different functions by sea and land. He might expect to encounter no other serious opposition save that of the various extreme parties, each of which by itself could do nothing, and which even when leagued together were no more than a coalition of factions40 still vehemently41 hostile to each other and inwardly at thorough variance43. Completely unarmed, they were without a military force and without a head, without organization in Italy, without support in the provinces, above all, without a general; there was in their ranks hardly a soldier of note—to say nothing of an officer—who could have ventured to call forth44 the burgesses to a conflict with Pompeius. The circumstance might further be taken into account, that the volcano of revolution, which had been now incessantly45 blazing for seventy years and feeding on its own flame, was visibly burning out and verging46 of itself to extinction47. It was very doubtful whether the attempt to arm the Italians for party interests would now succeed, as it had succeeded with Cinna and Carbo. If Pompeius exerted himself, how could he fail to effect a revolution of the state, which was chalked out by a certain necessity of nature in the organic development of the Roman commonwealth?
Mission of Nepos to Rome
Pompeius had seized the right moment, when he undertook his mission to the east; he seemed desirous to go forward. In the autumn of 691, Quintus Metellus Nepos arrived from the camp of Pompeius in the capital, and came forward as a candidate for the tribuneship, with the express design of employing that position to procure48 for Pompeius the consulship50 for the year 693 and more immediately, by special decree of the people, the conduct of the war against Catilina. The excitement in Rome was great. It was not to be doubted that Nepos was acting53 under the direct or indirect commission of Pompeius; the desire of Pompeius to appear in Italy as general at the head of his Asiatic legions, and to administer simultaneously54 the supreme55 military and the supreme civil power there, was conceived to be a farther step on the way to the throne, and the mission of Nepos a semi-official proclamation of the monarchy.
Pompeius in Relation to the Parties
Everything turned on the attitude which the two great political parties should assume towards these overtures56; their future position and the future of the nation depended on this. But the reception which Nepos met with was itself in its turn determined57 by the then existing relation of the parties to Pompeius, which was of a very peculiar58 kind. Pompeius had gone to the east as general of the democracy. He had reason enough to be discontented with Caesar and his adherents60, but no open rupture61 had taken place. It is probable that Pompeius, who was at a great distance and occupied with other things, and who besides was wholly destitute62 of the gift of calculating his political bearings, by no means saw through, at least at that time, the extent and mutual63 connection of the democratic intrigues65 contrived66 against him; perhaps even in his haughty67 and shortsighted manner he had a certain pride in ignoring these underground proceedings68. Then there came the fact, which with a character of the type of Pompeius had much weight, that the democracy never lost sight of outward respect for the great man, and even now (691) unsolicited (as he preferred it so) had granted to him by a special decree of the people unprecedented honours and decorations.(1) But, even if all this had not been the case, it lay in Pompeius' own well-understood interest to continue his adherence70, at least outwardly, to the popular party; democracy and monarchy stand so closely related that Pompeius, in aspiring71 to the crown, could scarcely do otherwise than call himself, as hitherto, the champion of popular rights. While personal and political reasons, therefore, co-operated to keep Pompeius and the leaders of the democracy, despite of all that had taken place, in their previous connection, nothing was done on the opposite side to fill up the chasm72 which separated him since his desertion to the camp of the democracy from his Sullan partisans73. His personal quarrel with Metellus and Lucullus transferred itself to their extensive and influential74 coteries75. A paltry76 opposition of the senate— but, to a character of so paltry a mould, all the more exasperating77 by reason of its very paltriness—had attended him through his whole career as a general. He felt it keenly, that the senate had not taken the smallest step to honour the extraordinary man according to his desert, that is, by extraordinary means. Lastly, it is not to be forgotten, that the aristocracy was just then intoxicated78 by its recent victory and the democracy deeply humbled79, and that the aristocracy was led by the pedantically80 stiff and half-witless Cato, and the democracy by the supple81 master of intrigue64, Caesar.
Rupture between Pompeius and the Aristocracy
Such was the state of parties amidst which the emissary sent by Pompeius appeared. The aristocracy not only regarded the proposals which he announced in favour of Pompeius as a declaration of war against the existing constitution, but treated them openly as such, and took not the slightest pains to conceal82 their alarm and their indignation. With the express design of combating these proposals, Marcus Cato had himself elected as tribune of the people along with Nepos, and abruptly83 repelled84 the repeated attempts of Pompeius to approach him personally. Nepos naturally after this found himself under no inducement to spare the aristocracy, but attached himself the more readily to the democrats85, when these, pliant86 as ever, submitted to what was inevitable and chose freely to concede the office of general in Italy as well as the consulate87 rather than let the concession88 be wrung89 from them by force of arms. The cordial understanding soon showed itself. Nepos publicly accepted (Dec. 691) the democratic view of the executions recently decreed by the majority of the senate, as unconstitutional judicial90 murders; and that his lord and master looked on them in no other light, was shown by his significant silence respecting the voluminous vindication91 of them which Cicero had sent to him. On the other hand, the first act with which Caesar began his praetorship was to call Quintus Catulus to account for the moneys alleged92 to have been embezzled93 by him at the rebuilding of the Capitoline temple, and to transfer the completion of the temple to Pompeius. This was a masterstroke. Catulus had already been building at the temple for fifteen years, and seemed very much disposed to die as he had lived superintendent94 of the Capitoline buildings; an attack on this abuse of a public commission—an abuse covered only by the reputation of the noble commissioner—was in reality entirely95 justified96 and in a high degree popular. But when the prospect97 was simultaneously opened up to Pompeius of being allowed to delete the name of Catulus and engrave98 his own on this proudest spot of the first city of the globe, there was offered to him the very thing which most of all delighted him and did no harm to the democracy—abundant but empty honour; while at the same time the aristocracy, which could not possibly allow its best man to fall, was brought into the most disagreeable collision with Pompeius.
Meanwhile Nepos had brought his proposals concerning Pompeius before the burgesses. On the day of voting Cato and his friend and colleague, Quintus Minucius, interposed their veto. When Nepos did not regard this and continued the reading out, a formal conflict took place; Cato and Minucius threw themselves on their colleague and forced him to stop; an armed band liberated99 him, and drove the aristocratic section from the Forum100; but Cato and Minucius returned, now supported likewise by armed bands, and ultimately maintained the field of battle for the government. Encouraged by this victory of their bands over those of their antagonist101, the senate suspended the tribune Nepos as well as the praetor Caesar, who had vigorously supported him in the bringing in of the law, from their offices; their deposition102, which was proposed in the senate, was prevented by Cato, more, doubtless, because it was unconstitutional than because it was injudicious. Caesar did not regard the decree, and continued his official functions till the senate used violence against him. As soon as this was known, the multitude appeared before his house and placed itself at his disposal; it was to depend solely103 on him whether the struggle in the streets should begin, or whether at least the proposals made by Metellus should now be resumed and the military command in Italy desired by Pompeius should be procured104 for him; but this was not in Caesar's interest, and so he induced the crowds to disperse105, whereupon the senate recalled the penalty decreed against him. Nepos himself had, immediately after his suspension, left the city and embarked106 for Asia, in order to report to Pompeius the result of his mission.
Retirement of Pompeius
Pompeius had every reason to be content with the turn which things had taken. The way to the throne now lay necessarily through civil war; and he owed it to Cato's incorrigible107 perversity108 that he could begin this war with good reason. After the illegal condemnation109 of the adherents of Catilina, after the unparalleled acts of violence against the tribune of the people Metellus, Pompeius might wage war at once as defender110 of the two palladia of Roman public freedom— the right of appeal and the inviolability of the tribunate of the people—against the aristocracy, and as champion of the party of order against the Catilinarian band. It seemed almost impossible that Pompeius should neglect this opportunity and with his eyes open put himself a second time into the painful position, in which the dismissal of his army in 684 had placed him, and from which only the Gabinian law had released him. But near as seemed the opportunity of placing the white chaplet around his brow, and much as his own soul longed after it, when the question of action presented itself, his heart and his hand once more failed him. This man, altogether ordinary in every respect excepting only his pretensions111, would doubtless gladly have placed himself beyond the law, if only he could have done so without forsaking112 legal ground. His very lingering in Asia betrayed a misgiving113 of this sort. He might, had he wished, have very well arrived in January 692 with his fleet and army at the port of Brundisium, and have received Nepos there. His tarrying the whole winter of 691-692 in Asia had proximately the injurious consequence, that the aristocracy, which of course accelerated the campaign against Catilina as it best could, had meanwhile got rid of his bands, and had thus set aside the most feasible pretext114 for keeping together the Asiatic legions in Italy. For a man of the type of Pompeius, who for want of faith in himself and in his star timidly clung in public life to formal right, and with whom the pretext was nearly of as much importance as the motive115, this circumstance was of serious weight. He probably said to himself, moreover, that, even if he dismissed his army, he did not let it wholly out of his hand, and could in case of need still raise a force ready for battle sooner at any rate than any other party-chief; that the democracy was waiting in submissive attitude for his signal, and that he could deal with the refractory116 senate even without soldiers; and such further considerations as suggested themselves, in which there was exactly enough of truth to make them appear plausible117 to one who wished to deceive himself. Once more the very peculiar temperament118 of Pompeius naturally turned the scale. He was one of those men who are capable it may be of a crime, but not of insubordination; in a good as in a bad sense, he was thoroughly119 a soldier. Men of mark respect the law as a moral necessity, ordinary men as a traditional everyday rule; for this very reason military discipline, in which more than anywhere else law takes the form of habit, fetters120 every man not entirely self-reliant as with a magic spell. It has often been observed that the soldier, even where he has determined to refuse obedience121 to those set over him, involuntarily when that obedience is demanded resumes his place in the ranks. It was this feeling that made Lafayette and Dumouriez hesitate at the last moment before the breach122 of faith and break down; and to this too Pompeius succumbed123.
In the autumn of 692 Pompeius embarked for Italy. While in the capital all was being prepared for receiving the new monarch7, news came that Pompeius, when barely landed at Brundisium, had broken up his legions and with a small escort had entered on his journey to the capital. If it is a piece of good fortune to gain a crown without trouble, fortune never did more for mortal than it did for Pompeius; but on those who lack courage the gods lavish124 every favour and every gift in vain.
Pompeius without Influence
The parties breathed freely. For the second time Pompeius had abdicated125; his already-vanquished competitors might once more begin the race—in which doubtless the strangest thing was, that Pompeius was again a rival runner. In January 693 he came to Rome. His position was an awkward one and vacillated with so much uncertainty126 between the parties, that people gave him the nickname of Gnaeus Cicero. He had in fact lost favour with all. The anarchists saw in him an adversary127, the democrats an inconvenient128 friend, Marcus Crassus a rival, the wealthy class an untrustworthy protector, the aristocracy a declared foe129.(2) He was still indeed the most powerful man in the state; his military adherents scattered130 through all Italy, his influence in the provinces, particularly those of the east, his military fame, his enormous riches gave him a weight such as no other possessed131; but instead of the enthusiastic reception on which he had counted, the reception which he met with was more than cool, and still cooler was the treatment given to the demands which he presented. He requested for himself, as he had already caused to be announced by Nepos, a second consulship; demanding also, of course, a confirmation132 of the arrangements made by him in the east and a fulfilment of the promise which he had given to his soldiers to furnish them with lands. Against these demands a systematic133 opposition arose in the senate, the chief elements of which were furnished by the personal exasperation134 of Lucullus and Metellus Creticus, the old resentment135 of Crassus, and the conscientious39 folly136 of Cato. The desired second consulship was at once and bluntly refused. The very first request which the returning general addressed to the senate, that the election of the consuls51 for 693 might be put off till after his entry into the capital, had been rejected; much less was there any likelihood of obtaining from the senate the necessary dispensation from the law of Sulla as to re-election.(3) As to the arrangements which he had made in the eastern provinces, Pompeius naturally asked their confirmation as a whole; Lucullus carried a proposal thatevery ordinance137 should be separately discussed and voted upon, which opened the door for endless annoyances138 and a multitude of defeats in detail. The promise of a grant of land to the soldiers of the Asiatic army was ratified140 indeed in general by the senate, but was at the same time extended to the Cretan legions of Metellus; and—what was worse—it was not executed, because the public chest was empty and the senate was not disposed to meddle141 with the domains142 for this purpose. Pompeius, in despair of mastering the persistent143 and spiteful opposition of the senate, turned to the burgesses. But he understood still less how to conduct his movements on this field. The democratic leaders, although they did not openly oppose him, had no cause at all to make his interests their own, and so kept aloof144. Pompeius' own instruments—such as the consuls elected by his influence and partly by his money, Marcus Pupius Piso for 693 and Lucius Afranius for 694—showed themselves unskilful and useless. When at length the assignation of land for the veterans of Pompeius was submitted to the burgesses by the tribune of the people Lucius Flavius in the form of a general agrarian145 law, the proposal, not supported by the democrats, openly combated by the aristocrats, was left in a minority (beg. of 694). The exalted146 general now sued almost humbly147 for the favour of the masses, for it was on his instigation that the Italian tolls148 were abolished by a law introduced by the praetor Metellus Nepos (694). But he played the demagogue without skill and without success; his reputation suffered from it, and he did not obtain what he desired. He had completely run himself into a noose149. One of his opponents summed up his political position at that time by saying that he had endeavoured "to conserve150 by silence his embroidered151 triumphal mantle152." In fact nothing was left for him but to fret153.
Rise of Caesar
Then a new combination offered itself. The leader of the democratic party had actively154 employed in his own interest the political calm which had immediately followed on the retirement of the previous holder of power. When Pompeius returned from Asia, Caesar had been little more than what Catilina was—the chief of a political party which had dwindled155 almost into a club of conspirators156, and a bankrupt. But since that event he had, after administering the praetorship (692), been invested with the governorship of Further Spain, and thereby157 had found means partly to rid himself of his debts, partly to lay the foundation for his military repute. His old friend and ally Crassus had been induced by the hope of finding the support against Pompeius, which he had lost in Piso,(4) once more in Caesar, to relieve him even before his departure to the province from the most oppressive portion of his load of debt. He himself had energetically employed his brief sojourn158 there. Returning from Spain in the year 694 with filled chests and as Imperator with well-founded claims to a triumph, he came forward for the following year as a candidate for the consulship; for the sake of which, as the senate refused him permission to announce himself as a candidate for the consular159 election in absence, he without hesitation160 abandoned the honour of the triumph. For years the democracy had striven to raise one of its partisans to the possession of the supreme magistracy, that by way of this bridge it might attain161 a military power of its own. It had long been clear to discerning men of all shades that the strife162 of parties could not be settled by civil conflict, but only by military power; but the course of the coalition between the democracy and the powerful military chiefs, through which the rule of the senate had been terminated, showed with inexorable clearness that every such alliance ultimately issued in a subordination of the civil under the military elements, and that the popular party, if it would really rule, must not ally itself with generals properly foreign and even hostile to it, but must make generals of its own leaders themselves. The attempts made with this view to carry the election of Catilina as consul49, and to gain a military support in Spain or Egypt, had failed; now a possibility presented itself of procuring163 for their most important man the consulship and the consular province in the usual constitutional way, and of rendering164 themselves independent of their dubious165 and dangerous ally Pompeius by the establishment, if we may so speak, of a home power in their own democratic household.
Second Coalition of Pompeius, Crassus, and Caesar
But the more the democracy could not but desire to open up for itself this path, which offered not so much the most favourable as the only prospect of real successes, the more certainly it might reckon on the resolute166 resistance of its political opponents. Everything depended on whom it found opposed to it in this matter. The aristocracy isolated167 was not formidable; but it had just been rendered evident in the Catilinarian affair that it could certainly still exert some influence, where it was more or less openly supported by the men of material interests and by the adherents of Pompeius. It had several times frustrated169 Catilina's candidature for the consulship, and that it would attempt the like against Caesar was sufficiently170 certain. But, even though Caesar should perhaps be chosen in spite of it, his election alone did not suffice. He needed at least some years of undisturbed working out of Italy, in order to gain a firm military position; and the nobility assuredly would leave no means untried to thwart171 his plans during this time of preparation. The idea naturally occurred, whether the aristocracy might not be again successfully isolated as in 683-684, and an alliance firmly based on mutual advantage might not be established between the democrats with their ally Crassus on the one side and Pompeius and the great capitalists on the other. For Pompeius such a coalition was certainly a political suicide. His weight hitherto in the state rested on the fact, that he was the only party-leader who at the same time disposed of legions— which, though now dissolved, were still in a certain sense at his disposal. The plan of the democracy was directed to the very object of depriving him of this preponderance, and of placing by his side in their own chief a military rival. Never could he consent to this, and least of all personally help to a post of supreme command a man like Caesar, who already as a mere22 political agitator172 had given him trouble enough and had just furnished the most brilliant proofs also of military capacity in Spain. But on the other hand, in consequence of the cavilling173 opposition of the senate and the indifference174 of the multitude to Pompeius and Pompeius' wishes, his position, particularly with reference to his old soldiers, had become so painful and so humiliating, that people might well expect from his character to gain him for such a coalition at the price of releasing him from that disagreeable situation. And as to the so-called equestrian175 party, it was to be found on whatever side the power lay; and as a matter of course it would not let itself be long waited for, if it saw Pompeius and the democracy combining anew in earnest. It happened moreover, that on account of Cato's severity— otherwise very laudable—towards the lessees176 of the taxes, the great capitalists were just at this time once more at vehement42 variance with the senate.
Change in the Position of Caesar
So the second coalition was concluded in the summer of 694. Caesar was assured of the consulship for the following year and a governorship in due course; to Pompeius was promised the ratification177 of his arrangements made in the east, and an assignation of lands for the soldiers of the Asiatic army; to the equites Caesar likewise promised to procure for them by means of the burgesses what the senate had refused; Crassus in fine—the inevitable—was allowed at least to join the league, although without obtaining definite promises for an accession which he could not refuse. It was exactly the same elements, and indeed the same persons, who concluded the league with one another in the autumn of 683 and in the summer of 694; but how entirely different was the position of the parties then and now! Then the democracy was nothing but a political party, while its allies were victorious generals at the head of their armies; now the leader of the democracy was himself an Imperator crowned with victory and full of magnificent military schemes, while his allies were retired178 generals without any army. Then the democracy conquered in questions of principle, and in return for that victory conceded the highest offices of state to its two confederates; now it had become more practical and grasped the supreme civil and military power for itself, while concessions179 were made to its allies only in subordinate points and, significantly enough, not even the old demand of Pompeius for a second consulship was attended to. Then the democracy sacrificed itself to its allies; now these had to entrust180 themselves to it. All the circumstances were completely changed, most of all, however, the character of the democracy itself. No doubt it had, ever since it existed at all, contained at its very core a monarchic181 element; but the ideal of a constitution, which floated in more or less clear outline before its best intellects, was always that of a civil commonwealth, a Periclean organization of the state, in which the power of the prince rested on the fact that he represented the burgesses in the noblest and most accomplished182 manner, and the most accomplished and noblest part of the burgesses recognized him as the man in whom they thoroughly confided183. Caesar too set out with such views; but they were simply ideals, which might have some influence on realities, but could not be directly realized. Neither the simple civil power, as Gaius Gracchus possessed it, nor the arming of the democratic party, such as Cinna though in a very inadequate184 fashion had attempted, was able to maintain a permanent superiority in the Roman commonwealth; the military machine fighting not for a party but for a general, the rude force of the condottieri—after having first appeared on the stage in the service of the restoration—soon showed itself absolutely superior to all political parties. Caesar could not but acquire a conviction of this amidst the practical workings of party, and accordingly he matured the momentous185 resolution of making this military machine itself serviceable to his ideals, and of erecting186 such a commonwealth, as he had in his view, by the power of condottieri. With this design he concluded in 683 the league with the generals of the opposite party, which, notwithstanding that they had accepted the democratic programme, yet brought the democracy and Caesar himself to the brink187 of destruction. With the same design he himself came forward eleven years afterwards as a condottiere. It was done in both cases with a certain naivete—with good faith in the possibility of his being able to found a free commonwealth, if not by the swords of others, at any rate by his own. We perceive without difficulty that this faith was fallacious, and that no one takes an evil spirit into his service without becoming himself enslaved to it; but the greatest men are not those who err69 the least. If we still after so many centuries bow in reverence188 before what Caesar willed and did, it is not because he desired and gained a crown (to do which is, abstractly, as little of a great thing as the crown itself) but because his mighty189 ideal—of a free commonwealth under one ruler—never forsook190 him, and preserved him even when monarch from sinking into vulgar royalty191.
Caesar Consul
The election of Caesar as consul for 695 was carried without difficulty by the united parties. The aristocracy had to rest content with giving to him—by means of a bribery192, for which the whole order of lords contributed the funds, and which excited surprise even in that period of deepest corruption—a colleague in the person of Marcus Bibulus, whose narrow-minded obstinacy193 was regarded in their circles as conservative energy, and whose good intentions at least were not at fault if the genteel lords did not get a fit return for their patriotic194 expenditure195.
Caesar's Agrarian Law
As consul Caesar first submitted to discussion the requests of his confederates, among which the assignation of land to the veterans of the Asiatic army was by far the most important. The agrarian law projected for this purpose by Caesar adhered in general to the principles set forth in the project of law, which was introduced in the previous year at the suggestion of Pompeius but not carried.(5) There was destined196 for distribution only the Italian domain-land, that is to say, substantially, the territory of Capua, and, if this should not suffice, other Italian estates were to be purchased out of the revenue of the new eastern provinces at the taxable value recorded in the censorial197 rolls; all existing rights of property and heritable possession thus remained unaffected. The individual allotments were small. The receivers of land were to be poor burgesses, fathers of at least three children; the dangerous principle, that the rendering of military service gave a claim to landed estate, was not laid down, but, as was reasonable and had been done at all times, the old soldiers as well as the temporary lessees to be ejected were simply recommended to the special consideration of the land-distributors. The execution of the measure was entrusted198 to a commission of twenty men, into which Caesar distinctly declared that he did not wish to be himself elected.
Opposition of the Aristocracy
The opposition had a difficult task in resisting this proposal. It could not rationally be denied, that the state-finances ought after the erection of the provinces of Pontus and Syria to be in a position to dispense199 with the moneys from the Campanian leases; that it was unwarrantable to withhold200 one of the finest districts of Italy, and one peculiarly fitted for small holdings, from private enterprise; and, lastly, that it was as unjust as it was ridiculous, after the extension of the franchise201 to all Italy, still to withhold municipal rights from the township of Capua. The whole proposal bore the stamp of moderation, honesty, and solidity, with which a democratic party-character was very dexterously202 combined; for in substance it amounted to the re-establishment of the Capuan colony founded in the time of Marius and again done away by Sulla.(6) In form too Caesar observed all possible consideration. He laid the project of the agrarian law, as well as the proposal to ratify203 collectively the ordinances204 issued by Pompeius in the east, and the petition of the farmers of the taxes for remission of a third of the sums payable205 by them, in the first instance before the senate for approval, and declared himself ready to entertain and discuss proposals for alterations206. The corporation had now opportunity of convincing itself how foolishly it had acted in driving Pompeius and the equites into the arms of the adversary by refusing these requests. Perhaps it was the secret sense of this, that drove the high-born lords to the most vehement opposition, which contrasted ill with the calm demeanour of Caesar. The agrarian law was rejected by them nakedly and even without discussion. The decree as to the arrangements of Pompeius in Asia found quite as little favour in their eyes. Cato attempted, in accordance with the disreputable custom of Roman parliamentary debate, to kill the proposal regarding the farmers of the taxes by speaking, that is, to prolong his speech up to the legal hour for closing the sitting; when Caesar threatened to have the stubborn man arrested, this proposal too was at length rejected.
Proposals before the Burgesses
Of course all the proposals were now brought before the burgesses. Without deviating207 far from the truth, Caesar could tell the multitude that the senate had scornfully rejected most rational and most necessary proposals submitted to it in the most respectful form, simply because they came from the democratic consul. When he added that the aristocrats had contrived a plot to procure the rejection208 of the proposals, and summoned the burgesses, and more especially Pompeius himself and his old soldiers, to stand by him against fraud and force, this too was by no means a mere invention. The aristocracy, with the obstinate209 weak creature Bibulus and the unbending dogmatical fool Cato at their head, in reality intended to push the matter to open violence. Pompeius, instigated210 by Caesar to proclaim his position with reference to the pending16 question, declared bluntly, as was not his wont211 on other occasions, that if any one should venture to draw the sword, he too would grasp his, and in that case would not leave the shield at home; Crassus expressed himself to the same effect The old soldiers of Pompeius were directed to appear on the day of the vote— which in fact primarily concerned them—in great numbers, and with arms under their dress, at the place of voting.
The nobility however left no means untried to frustrate168 the proposals of Caesar. On each day when Caesar appeared before the people, his colleague Bibulus instituted the well-known political observations of the weather which interrupted all public business;(7) Caesar did not trouble himself about the skies, but continued to prosecute212 his terrestrial occupation. The tribunician veto was interposed; Caesar contented59 himself with disregarding it. Bibulus and Cato sprang to the rostra, harangued213 the multitude, and instigated the usual riot; Caesar ordered that they should be led away by lictors from the Forum, and took care that otherwise no harm should befall them—it was for his interest that the political comedy should remain such as it was.
The Agrarian Law Carried
Passive Resistance of the Aristocracy
Notwithstanding all the chicanery214 and all the blustering215 of the nobility, the agrarian law, the confirmation of the Asiatic arrangements, and the remission to the lessees of taxes were adopted by the burgesses; and the commission of twenty was elected with Pompeius and Crassus at its head, and installed in office. With all their exertions216 the aristocracy had gained nothing, save that their blind and spiteful antagonism217 had drawn218 the bonds of the coalition still tighter, and their energy, which they were soon to need for matters more important, had exhausted219 itself on these affairs that were at bottom indifferent. They congratulated each other on the heroic courage which they had displayed; the declaration of Bibulus that he would rather die than yield, the peroration220 which Cato still continued to deliver when in the hands of the lictors, were great patriotic feats139; otherwise they resigned themselves to their fate. The consul Bibulus shut himself up for the remainder of the year in his house, while he at the same time intimated by public placard that he had the pious221 intention of watching the signs of the sky on all the days appropriate for public assemblies during that year. His colleagues once more admired the great man who, as Ennius had said of the old Fabius, "saved the state by wise delay," and they followed his example; most of them, Cato included, no longer appeared in the senate, but within their four walls helped their consul to fret over the fact that the history of the world went on in spite of political astronomy. To the public this passive attitude of the consul as well as of the aristocracy in general appeared, as it fairly might, a political abdication222; and the coalition were naturally very well content that they were left to take their farther steps almost undisturbed.
Caesar Governor of the Two Gauls
The most important of these steps was the regulating of the future position of Caesar. Constitutionally it devolved on the senate to fix the functions of the second consular year of office before the election of the consuls took place; accordingly it had, in prospect of the election of Caesar, selected with that view for 696 two provinces in which the governor should find no other employment than the construction of roads and other such works of utility. Of course the matter could not so remain; it was determined among the confederates, that Caesar should obtain by decree of the people an extraordinary command formed on the model of the Gabinio-Manilian laws. Caesar however had publicly declared that he would introduce no proposal in his own favour; the tribune of the people Publius Vatinius therefore undertook to submit the proposal to the burgesses, who naturally gave their unconditional223 assent224. By this means Caesar obtained the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul and the supreme command of the three legions which were stationed there and were already experienced in border warfare225 under Lucius Afranius, along with the same rank of propraetor for his adjutants which those of Pompeius had enjoyed; this office was secured to him for five years—a longer period than had ever before been assigned to any general whose appointment was limited to a definite time at all. The Transpadanes, who for years had in hope of the franchise been the clients of the democratic party in Rome and of Caesar in particular,(8) formed the main portion of his province. His jurisdiction226 extended south as far as the Arnus and the Rubico, and included Luca and Ravenna. Subsequently there was added to Caesar's official district the province of Narbo with the one legion stationed there—a resolution adopted by the senate on the proposal of Pompeius, that it might at least not see this command also pass to Caesar by extraordinary decree of the burgesses. What was wished was thus attained227. As no troops could constitutionally be stationed in Italy proper,(9) the commander of the legions of northern Italy and Gaul dominated at the same time Italy and Rome for the next five years; and he who was master for five years was master for life. The consulship of Caesar had attained its object. As a matter of course, the new holders228 of power did not neglect withal to keep the multitude in good humour by games and amusements of all sorts, and they embraced every opportunity of filling their exchequer229; in the case of the king of Egypt, for instance, the decree of the people, which recognized him as legitimate230 ruler,(10) was sold to him by the coalition at a high price, and in like manner other dynasts and communities acquired charters and privileges on this occasion.
Measures Adopted by the Allies for Their Security
The permanence of the arrangements made seemed also sufficiently secured. The consulship was, at least for the next year, entrusted to safe hands. The public believed at first, that it was destined for Pompeius and Crassus themselves; the holders of power however preferred to procure the election of two subordinate but trustworth men of their party—Aulus Gabinius, the best among Pompeius' adjutants, and Lucius Piso, who was less important but was Caesar's father-in-law— as consuls for 696. Pompeius personally undertook to watch over Italy, where at the head of the commission of twenty he prosecuted231 the execution of the agrarian law and furnished nearly 20,000 burgesses, in great part old soldiers from his army, with land in the territory of Capua. Caesar's north-Italian legions served to back him against the opposition in the capital. There existed no prospect, immediately at least, of a rupture among the holders of power themselves. The laws issued by Caesar as consul, in the maintenance of which Pompeius was at least as much interested as Caesar, formed a guarantee for the continuance of the breach between Pompeius and the aristocracy—whose heads, and Cato in particular, continued to treat these laws as null—and thereby a guarantee for the subsistence of the coalition. Moreover, the personal bonds of connection between its chiefs were drawn closer. Caesar had honestly and faithfully kept his word to his confederates without curtailing232 or cheating them of what he had promised, and in particular had fought to secure the agrarian law proposed in the interest of Pompeius, just as if the case had been his own, with dexterity233 and energy; Pompeius was not insensible to upright dealing234 and good faith, and was kindly235 disposed towards the man who had helped him to get quit at a blow of the sorry part of a suppliant236 which he had been playing for three years. Frequent and familiar intercourse237 with a man of the irresistible238 amiableness239 of Caesar did what was farther requisite240 to convert the alliance of interests into an alliance of friendship. The result and the pledge of this friendship—at the same time, doubtless, a public announcement which could hardly be misunderstood of the newly established conjoint rule—was the marriage of Pompeius with Caesar's only daughter, three-and-twenty years of age. Julia, who had inherited the charm of her father, lived in the happiest domestic relations with her husband, who was nearly twice as old; and the burgesses longing241 for rest and order after so many troubles and crises, saw in this nuptial242 alliance the guarantee of a peaceful and prosperous future.
Situation of the Aristocracy
The more firmly and closely the alliance was thus cemented between Pompeius and Caesar, the more hopeless grew the cause of the aristocracy. They felt the sword suspended over their head and knew Caesar sufficiently to have no doubt that he would, if necessary, use it without hesitation. "On all sides," wrote one of them, "we are checkmated; we have already through fear of death or of banishment244 despaired of 'freedom'; every one sighs, no one ventures to speak." More the confederates could not desire. But though the majority of the aristocracy was in this desirable frame of mind, there was, of course, no lack of Hotspurs among this party. Hardly had Caesar laid down the consulship, when some of the most violent aristocrats, Lucius Domitius and Gaius Memmius, proposed in a full senate the annulling245 of the Julian laws. This indeed was simply a piece of folly, which redounded246 only to the benefit of the coalition; for, when Caesar now himself insisted that the senate should investigate the validity of the laws assailed247, the latter could not but formally recognize their legality. But, as may readily be conceived, the holders of power found in this a new call to make an example of some of the most notable and noisiest of their opponents, and thereby to assure themselves that the remainder would adhere to that fitting policy of sighing and silence. At first there had been a hope that the clause of the agrarian law, which as usual required all the senators to take an oath to the new law on pain of forfeiting248 their political rights, would induce its most vehement opponents to banish243 themselves, after the example of Metellus Numidicus,(11) by refusing the oath. But these did not show themselves so complaisant249; even the rigid250 Cato submitted to the oath, and his Sanchos followed him. A second, far from honourable251, attempt to threaten the heads of the aristocracy with criminal impeachments252 on account of an alleged plot for the murder of Pompeius, and so to drive them into exile, was frustrated by the incapacity of the instruments; the informer, one Vettius, exaggerated and contradicted himself so grossly, and the tribune Vatinius, who directed the foul253 scheme, showed his complicity with that Vettius so clearly, that it was found advisable to strangle the latter in prison and to let the whole matter drop. On this occasion however they had obtained sufficient evidence of the total disorganization of the aristocracy and the boundless254 alarm of the genteel lords: even a man like Lucius Lucullus had thrown himself in person at Caesar's feet and publicly declared that he found himself compelled by reason of his great age to withdraw from public life.
Cato and Cicero Removed
Ultimately therefore they were content with a few isolated victims. It was of primary importance to remove Cato, who made no secret of his conviction as to the nullity of all the Julian laws, and who was a man to act as he thought. Such a man Marcus Cicero was certainly not, and they did not give themselves the trouble to fear him. But the democratic party, which played the leading part in the coalition, could not possibly after its victory leave unpunished the judicial murder of the 5th December 691, which it had so loudly and so justly censured255. Had they wished to bring to account the real authors of the fatal decree, they ought to have seized not on the pusillanimous257 consul, but on the section of the strict aristocracy which had urged the timorous258 man to that execution. But in formal law it was certainly not the advisers259 of the consul, but the consul himself, that was responsible for it, and it was above all the gentler course to call the consul alone to account and to leave the senatorial college wholly out of the case; for which reason in the grounds of the proposal directed against Cicero the decree of the senate, in virtue260 of which he ordered the execution, was directly described as supposititious. Even against Cicero the holders of power would gladly have avoided steps that attracted attention; but he could not prevail on himself either to give to those in power the guarantees which they required, or to banish himself from Rome under one of the feasible pretexts261 on several occasions offered to him, or even to keep silence. With the utmost desire to avoid any offence and the most sincere alarm, he yet had not self-control enough to be prudent262; the word had to come out, when a petulant263 witticism264 stung him, or when his self- conceit265 almost rendered crazy by the praise of so many noble lords gave vent14 to the well-cadenced periods of the plebeian266 advocate.
Clodius
The execution of the measures resolved on against Cato and Cicero was committed to the loose and dissolute, but clever and pre- eminently267 audacious Publius Clodius, who had lived for years in the bitterest enmity with Cicero, and, with the view of satisfying that enmity and playing a part as demagogue, had got himself converted under the consulship of Caesar by a hasty adoption268 from a patrician269 into a plebeian, and then chosen as tribune of the people for the year 696. To support Clodius, the proconsul Caesar remained in the immediate52 vicinity of the capital till the blow was struck against the two victims. Agreeably to the instructions which he had received, Clodius proposed to the burgesses to entrust Cato with the regulation of the complicated municipal affairs of the Byzantines and with the annexation270 of the kingdom of Cyprus, which as well as Egypt had fallen to the Romans by the testament271 of Alexander II, but had not like Egypt bought off the Roman annexation, and the king of which, moreover, had formerly272 given personal offence to Clodius. As to Cicero, Clodius brought in a project of law which characterized the execution of a burgess without trial and sentence as a crime to be punished with banishment. Cato was thus removed by an honourable mission, while Cicero was visited at least with the gentlest possible punishment and, besides, was not designated by name in the proposal. But they did not refuse themselves the pleasure, on the one hand, of punishing a man notoriously timid and belonging to the class of political weathercocks for the conservative energy which he displayed, and, on the other hand, of investing the bitter opponent of all interferences of the burgesses in administration and of all extraordinary commands with such a command conferred by decree of the burgesses themselves; and with similar humour the proposal respecting Cato was based on the ground of the abnormal virtue of the man, which made him appear pre-eminently qualified273 to execute so delicate a commission, as was the confiscation274 of the considerable crown treasure of Cyprus, without embezzlement275. Both proposals bear generally the same character of respectful deference276 and cool irony277, which marks throughout the bearing of Caesar in reference to the senate. They met with no resistance. It was naturally of no avail, that the majority of the senate, with the view of protesting in some way against the mockery and censure256 of their decree in the matter of Catilina, publicly put on mourning, and that Cicero himself, now when it was too late, fell on his knees and besought278 mercy from Pompeius; he had to banish himself even before the passing of the law which debarred him from his native land (April 696). Cato likewise did not venture to provoke sharper measures by declining the commission which he had received, but accepted itand embarked for the east.(12) What was most immediately necessary was done; Caesar too might leave Italy to devote himself to more serious tasks.
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1
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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2
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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18
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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ken
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| n.视野，知识领域 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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verging
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| 接近，逼近（verge的现在分词形式） | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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52
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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coteries
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| n.（有共同兴趣的）小集团( coterie的名词复数 ) | |
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paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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exasperating
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| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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80
pedantically
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81
supple
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| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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82
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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83
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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84
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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85
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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86
pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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87
consulate
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| n.领事馆 | |
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88
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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89
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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90
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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91
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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92
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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93
embezzled
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| v.贪污，盗用（公款）( embezzle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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95
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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96
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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97
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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98
engrave
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| vt.（在...上）雕刻，使铭记，使牢记 | |
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99
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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100
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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101
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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102
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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103
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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104
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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105
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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106
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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107
incorrigible
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| adj.难以纠正的，屡教不改的 | |
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108
perversity
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| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
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109
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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110
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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111
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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112
forsaking
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| 放弃( forsake的现在分词 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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113
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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114
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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115
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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116
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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117
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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118
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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119
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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120
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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121
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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122
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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123
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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124
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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125
abdicated
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| 放弃（职责、权力等）( abdicate的过去式和过去分词 )； 退位，逊位 | |
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126
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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127
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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128
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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129
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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130
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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131
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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132
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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133
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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134
exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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135
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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136
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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137
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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138
annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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139
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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140
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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142
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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143
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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144
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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145
agrarian
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|
| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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146
exalted
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|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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147
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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148
tolls
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| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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149
noose
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|
| n.绳套，绞索（刑）；v.用套索捉；使落入圈套；处以绞刑 | |
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150
conserve
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| vt.保存，保护，节约，节省，守恒，不灭 | |
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151
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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152
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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153
fret
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| v.(使)烦恼；(使)焦急；(使)腐蚀，(使)磨损 | |
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154
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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155
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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157
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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158
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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159
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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160
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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161
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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162
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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163
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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164
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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165
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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166
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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167
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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168
frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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169
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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170
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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171
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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172
agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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173
cavilling
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| n.（矿工的）工作地点抽签法v.挑剔，吹毛求疵( cavil的现在分词 ) | |
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174
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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175
equestrian
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| adj.骑马的；n.马术 | |
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176
lessees
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| n.承租人，租户( lessee的名词复数 ) | |
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177
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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178
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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179
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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180
entrust
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| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
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181
monarchic
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| 国王的，君主政体的 | |
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182
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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183
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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184
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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185
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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186
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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187
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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188
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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189
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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190
forsook
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| forsake的过去式 | |
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191
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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192
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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193
obstinacy
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|
| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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194
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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195
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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196
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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197
censorial
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| 监察官的，审查员的 | |
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198
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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199
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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200
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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201
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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202
dexterously
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| adv.巧妙地，敏捷地 | |
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203
ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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204
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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205
payable
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| adj.可付的，应付的，有利益的 | |
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206
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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207
deviating
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的现在分词 ) | |
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208
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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209
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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210
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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212
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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chicanery
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| n.欺诈，欺骗 | |
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blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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221
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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222
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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223
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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224
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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225
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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228
holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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229
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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230
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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232
curtailing
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的现在分词 ) | |
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dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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suppliant
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| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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amiableness
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240
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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241
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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242
nuptial
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| adj.婚姻的，婚礼的 | |
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243
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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annulling
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| v.宣告无效( annul的现在分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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redounded
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| v.有助益( redound的过去式和过去分词 )；及于；报偿；报应 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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forfeiting
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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complaisant
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| adj.顺从的，讨好的 | |
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250
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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252
impeachments
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| n.控告( impeachment的名词复数 )；检举；弹劾；怀疑 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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255
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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256
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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257
pusillanimous
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| adj.懦弱的，胆怯的 | |
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258
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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259
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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260
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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262
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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263
petulant
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| adj.性急的，暴躁的 | |
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264
witticism
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| n.谐语，妙语 | |
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265
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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266
plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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267
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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268
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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269
patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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270
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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271
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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272
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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273
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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274
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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275
embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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276
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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277
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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278
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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