When our friends came up from Virginia to make us visits, it was delightful5 to take a carriage and give up days to sight-seeing; to visit the White House and Capitol, the Patent Office, with its miscellaneous treasures; to point with pride to the rich gifts from crowned heads which our adored first President was too conscientious6 to accept; to walk among the stones lying around the base of the unfinished monument and read the inscriptions7 from the states presenting them; to spend a day at the Smithsonian Institution, and to introduce our friends to its president, Mr. Henry; and to Mr. Spenser Baird and Mr. George, who were giving their lives to the study 139of birds, beasts, and fishes,—finding them, as Mr. George still contended, "so much more interesting than men," adding hastily, "We do not say ladies," and blushing after the manner of cloistered8 scholars; to hint of interesting things about Mr. George, who was a melancholy9 young man, and who had, as we know, sustained a great sorrow.
Washington in 1845.
Then the visits to the galleries of the House and Senate Chamber10, and the honor of pointing out the great men to our friends from rural districts; the long listening to interminable speeches, not clearly understood, but heard with a reverent11 conviction that all was coming out right in the end, that everybody was really working for the good of his country, and that we belonged to it all and were parts of it all.
This was the thought behind all other thoughts which glorified13 everything around us, enhanced every fortunate circumstance, and caused us to ignore the real discomforts14 of life in Washington: the cold, the ice-laden streets in winter; the whirlwinds of dust and driving rains of spring; the swift-coming fierceness of summer heat; the rapid atmospheric15 changes which would give us all these extremes in one week, or even one day, until it became the part of prudence16 never to sally forth17 on any expedition without "a fan, an overcoat, and an umbrella."
The social life in Washington was almost as variable as the climate. At the end of every four years the kaleidoscope turned, and lo!—a new central jewel and new colors and combinations in the setting. 140 But behind this "floating population," as the political circles were termed, there was a fine society in the fifties of "old residents" who held themselves apart from the motley crowd of office-seekers. This society was sufficient to itself, never seeking the new, while accepting it occasionally with discretion18, reservations, and much discriminating19 care. The sisters, Mrs. Gales20 and Mrs. Seaton, wives of the editors of the National Intelligencer, led this society. Mrs. Gales's home was outside the city, and thence every day Mr. Gales was driven in his barouche to his office. His paper was the exponent21 of the Old Line Whigs (the Republican party was formed later), and in stern opposition22 to the Democrats24. It was, therefore, a special and unexpected honor for a Democrat23 to be permitted to drive out to "the cottage" for a glass of wine and a bit of fruit-cake with Mrs. Gales and Mrs. Seaton. Never have I seen these gentlewomen excelled in genial25 hospitality. Mrs. Gales was a handsome woman and a fine conversationalist. She had the courteous26 repose27 born of dignity and intelligence and a certain reticence28 which makes for distinction. She was literally29 her husband's right hand,—he had lost his own,—and was the only person who could decipher his left-hand writing. So that when anything appeared from his pen it had been copied by his wife before it reached the type-setter. A fine education this for an intelligent woman; the very best schooling30 for a social life including diplomats31 from foreign countries, politicians of diverse opinions, artists, authors, musicians, 141women of fashion, to entertain whom required infinite tact32, cleverness, and an intimate acquaintance with the absorbing questions of the day.
Of course the levees and state receptions, which were accessible to all, required none of these things. The r?le of hostess on state occasions could be filled creditably by any woman of ordinary physical strength, patience, self-control, who knew when to be silent.
Washington society, at the time of which I write, was comparatively free from non-official men of wealth from other cities who, weary with the monotonous33 round of travel,—to the Riviera, to Egypt, to Monte Carlo,—are attracted by the unique atmosphere of a city holding many foreigners, and devoted34 not to commercial but to social and political interests. The doors of the White House and Cabinet offices being open on occasions to all, they have opportunities denied them in their own homes. Society in Washington in the fifties was peculiarly interesting in that it was composed exclusively of men whose presence argued them to have been of importance at home. They had been elected by the people, or chosen by the President, or selected among the very best in foreign countries, or they belonged to the United States Army or Navy service, or to the descendants of the select society which had gathered in the city early in its history.[4]
As I had come to Washington from Virginia, where everybody's great-grandfather knew my great-grandfather, where the rules of etiquette35 were 142only those of courtesy and good breeding, I had many a troubled moment in my early Washington life, lest I should transgress36 some law of precedence, etc. I wisely took counsel with one of my "old residents," and she gave me a few simple rules whereby the young chaperon of a very young girl might be guided: "My dear," said this lady, "my dear, you know you cannot always have your husband to attend you. It will be altogether proper for you to go with your sister to morning and afternoon receptions. When you arrive, send for the host or the master of ceremonies, and he will take you in and present you. Of course, your husband will take you to balls; if he is busy, you simply cannot go! I think you would do well to make a rule never, under any circumstances, to drive in men's carriages. There are so many foreigners here, you must be careful. They never bring their own court manners to Washington. They take their cue from the people they meet. If you are high and haughty37, they will be high and haughty. If you are genially38 civil but reserved, they will be so. If you talk personalities39 in a free and easy way, they will spring some audacious piece of scandal on you, and the Lord only knows where they'll end."
Now, it so happened that I had just received a request from a Frenchman who had brought letters to be allowed to escort Madame and Mademoiselle to a fête in Georgetown. We were to drive through the avenue of blossoming crab-apples, and rendezvous40 at a spring for a picnic. I forget the name of 143our hostess, but she had arranged a gay festival, including music and dancing on the green. I had accepted this invitation and the escort of M. Raoul, and received a note from him asking at what hour he should have the honor, etc., and I immediately ran home and wrote that "Madame would be happy to see M. Raoul à trois heures"—and that Madame asked the privilege of using her own horses, etc. I made haste to engage an open carriage, and congratulated myself on my clever management.
The afternoon was delicious. Monsieur appeared on the moment, and we waited for my carriage. The gay equipages of other members of the party drove up and waited for us. Presently, rattling41 down the street, came an old ramshackle "night-hawk," bearing the mud-and-dust scars of many journeys, the seats ragged43 and tarnished44, raw-boned horses with rat-eaten manes and tails, harness tied with rope,—the only redeeming45 feature the old negro on the box, who, despite his humiliating entourage, had the air of a gentleman.
What could I do? There was nothing to be done!
Monsieur handed me in without moving a muscle of his face, handed in my sister, entered himself, and spoke46 no word during the drive. He conducted us gravely to the place of rendezvous, silently and gravely walked around the grounds with us, silently and gravely brought us home again.
I grew hot and cold by turns, and almost shed tears of mortification47. I made no apology—what could I say? Arriving at my own door, I turned 144and invited my escort to enter. He raised his hat, and with an air of the deepest dejection, dashed with something very like sarcastic48 humility49, said he trusted Madame had enjoyed the afternoon,—thanked her for the honor done himself,—and only regretted the disappointment of the French Minister, the Count de Sartiges, at not having been allowed to serve Madame with his own state coach, which had been placed at his disposal for Madame's pleasure!
As he turned away, my chagrin50 was such I came very near forgetting to give my coachman his little "tip."
I began, "Oh, Uncle, how could you?" when he interrupted: "Now Mistis, don't you say nothin'; I knowed dis ole fune'al hack42 warn't fittin' for you, but der warn't nar another kerridge in de stable. De boss say, 'Go 'long, Jerry, an' git er dar!'—an' I done done it! An' I done fotch 'er back, too!"
I never saw M. Raoul afterward51. There's no use crying over spilt milk, or broken eggs, or French monsieurs, or even French counts and ministers. I soon left for Virginia, and to be relieved of the dread52 of meeting M. Raoul softened53 my regret at leaving Washington.
I am sorry I cannot, at length, describe the brilliant society of Washington during the few years preceding the Civil War. I have done this elsewhere, and need not repeat it here. But for the anxieties engendered54 by the exciting questions of the day, my own happiness would have been complete. I found and made many friends. My husband was appreciated, my children healthy and good, my home 145delightful. Many of the brilliant men and women assembled in Washington were known to me more or less intimately, and everybody was kind to me. President Buchanan early noticed and invited me. "The President," said Mr. Dudley Mann, "admires your husband and wonders why you were not at the levee. He has asked me to see that you come to the next one." I once ventured to send him a Virginia ham, with directions for cooking it. It was to be soaked overnight, gently boiled three or four hours, suffered to get cold in its own juices, and then toasted. This would seem simple enough, but the executive cook disdained55 it, perhaps for the reason that it was so simple. The dish, a shapeless, jelly-like mass, was placed before the President. He took his knife and fork in hand to honor the dish by carving56 it himself, looked at it helplessly, and called out, "Take it away! Take it away! Oh, Miss Harriet! You are a poor housekeeper57! Not even a Virginia lady can teach you."
The glass dishes of the épergne contained wonderful "French kisses"—two-inch squares of crystallized sugar wrapped in silver paper, and elaborately decorated with lace and artificial flowers. I was very proud at one dinner when the President said to me, "Madam, I am sending you a souvenir for your little daughter," and a waiter handed me one of those gorgeous affairs. He had questioned me about my boys, and I had told him of my daughter Gordon, eight years old, who lived with her grandmother. "You must bring her to see Miss Harriet," he had said—which, in due season, I did; an event, with 146its crowning glory of a checked silk dress, white hat and feather, which she proudly remembers to this day. Having been duly presented at court, the little lady was much "in society," and accompanied me to many brilliant afternoon functions.
She was a thoughtful listener to the talk in her father's library, and once, when an old politician spoke sadly of a possible rupture59 of the United States, surprised and delighted him by slipping her hand in his and saying, "Never mind! United will spell Untied60 just as well"—a little mot which was remembered and repeated long afterward.
An interesting time was the arrival in Washington of the first Japanese Embassy that visited this country. All Washington was crazy over the event. I have told elsewhere of my own childish behavior upon that occasion—when, not having much of a head to speak of, I lost the little I had. Having already cared for the health of my soul by honest confession61, I need not repeat it here. I was nervous lest the Japanese dignitaries should recognize me as the effusive62 lady who had met them en route, but I carefully avoided wearing in their presence the bonnet63 and gown they had seen, and if they remembered they gave no sign.
Washington lost its head! There was something ridiculous in the way it behaved. So many fêtes were given to the Japanese, so many dinners, so many receptions, we were worn out attending them. "I don't know what we have come here for," said one senator to another; "there's nothing whatever done at the House." "I know," his friend 147replied; "we came here to wait on the Japanese at table."
At the end of one of the balls given them I had seated myself at the door of an anteroom, while my husband was struggling for his carriage in the street. Across the room Miss Lane, with her party, also waited. A young man whom I had seen in society, but whose name I had not heard, approached me, and commenced a harangue64 of tender sympathy for my neglected position,—so young, so fair, so innocent! Oh, where, where was the miscreant65 who should protect me? Why, why could I not have been given to one who could have appreciated me—whose life and soul would have been mine, and more in the same strain. I did not, in accordance with stage proprieties66, exclaim, "Unhand me, villain67!" At first I affected68 not to hear, but finally rose, crossed the room, and joined Miss Lane. She had not heard, and I did not deem the incident, although novel and most annoying, important enough for inquiry69. I did not know him, there was no need for investigation—no call for pistols and coffee.
A few days after I saw him again at the Baron70 de Limbourg's garden-party. I had joined with Lord Lyons and the Prince de Joinville in the toast to Miss Lane, pledged in the famous thousand-dollar-a-drop "Rose" wine, and was again in the foyer waiting for my carriage when my would-be champion again approached me. "Mrs. Pryor," he said in calm, measured tones, "I am Lieutenant71 —. I feel perfectly72 sure you will grant my request. Take my arm and go with me to speak to Miss Lane." 148 I instantly divined his intention. Walking up to Miss Harriet, he said penitently73: "Miss Lane, you witnessed my intrusion upon Mrs. Pryor the other evening and her exquisite74 forbearance. In your presence I humbly75 beg her pardon." He had, poor fellow, found General Cass's wines too potent76 for him. He had "lost his head"—that was all. I knew somebody whose head had been by no means a sure fixture77 without the excuse of General Cass's fine wines. Dear Miss Lane, so thoroughly78 equipped for her high position by her residence at the court of St. James, had only kindness then and ever for the wife of the young Virginia congressman79. Years afterward, when both our heads were gray, we talked together of these amusing little events in our Washington life.
Memory lingers upon the delightful friends who made my Washington life beautiful: Miss Lane, Mrs. Douglas, Lady Napier, Mrs. Horace Clarke (née Vanderbilt), lovely Mrs. Cyrus H. M'Cormick, Mrs. Yulee, the Ritchies, the Masons, Secretary Cass's family, Mrs. Canfield, Mrs. Ledyard, and my prime favorite, Lizzie Ledyard. Ah! they were charming and kind! Even after social lines were strictly80 drawn81 between North and South, I had the good fortune to retain my Northern friends. All this I love to remember and would enjoy writing all over again, were it possible twice to give time to social records. Nor can I pause to do more than hint at the spirit of the Thirty-sixth Congress, the struggles, vituperation, intemperate82 speech, honest efforts of the wise members.
The nomination83 of Lincoln and Hamlin on a 149purely sectional platform aroused such excitement all over the land that the Senate and House of Representatives gave themselves entirely84 to speeches on the state of the country. Read at this late day, many of them appear to be the high utterances85 of patriots86, pleading with each other for forbearance. Others exhausted87 the vocabulary of coarse vituperation. "Nigger thief," "slave-driver" were not uncommon88 words. Others still, although less unrefined, were not less abusive. Newspapers no longer reported a speech as calm, convincing, logical, or eloquent89—these were tame expressions. The terms now in use were: "a torrent90 of scathing91 denunciation," "withering92 sarcasm," "crushing invective," the orator's eyes the while "blazing with scorn and indignation." Young members ignored the salutation of old senators. Mr. Seward's smile after such a rebuff was maddening! No opportunity for scornful allusion93 was lost. My husband was probably the first congressman to wear "the gray," a suit of domestic cloth having been presented to him by his constituents94. Immediately a Northern member said, in an address on the state of the country, "Virginia, instead of clothing herself in sheep's wool, had better don her appropriate garb95 of sackcloth and ashes." In pathetic contrast to these scenes were the rosy96, cherubic little pages, in white blouses and cambric collars, who flitted to and fro, bearing, with smiling faces, dynamic notes and messages from one representative to another. They represented the future which these gentlemen were engaged in wrecking—for many of these boys were sons of Southern widows, 150who even now, under the most genial skies, led lives of anxiety and struggle. Thoroughly alarmed, the women of Washington thronged97 the galleries of the House and the Senate-chamber. From morning until the hour of adjournment98 we would sit spellbound, as one after another drew the lurid99 picture of disunion and war.
When my husband's time came to speak on "the state of the country," he entreated100 for a pacific settlement of our controversy101. "War," he urged, "war means widows and orphans102." The temper of the speech was all for peace. He made a noble appeal to the North for concession103. He prophesied104 (the dreamer) that the South could never be subdued105 by resort to arms! My Northern friends were prompt to congratulate me upon his speech on "the state of the country," and to praise it with generous words as "calm, free from vituperation, eloquent in pleading for peace and forbearance."
The evening after this speech was delivered we were sitting in the library, on the first floor of our home, when there was a ring at the door-bell. The servants were in a distant part of the house, and such was our excited state that I ran to the door and answered the bell myself. It was snowing fast, a carriage stood at the door, and out of it bundled a mass of shawls and woollen scarfs. On entering, a man-servant commenced unwinding the bundle, which proved to be the Secretary of State, General Cass! We knew not what to think. He was seventy-seven years old. Every night at nine o'clock it was the custom of his daughter, Mrs. Canfield, 151to wrap him in flannels107 and put him to bed. What had brought him out at midnight? As soon as he entered, before sitting down, he exclaimed: "Mr. Pryor, I have been hearing about secession for a long time—and I would not listen. But now I am frightened, sir, I am frightened! Your speech in the House to-day gives me some hope. Mr. Pryor! I crossed the Ohio when I was sixteen years old with but a pittance108 in my pocket, and this glorious union has made me what I am. I have risen from my bed, sir, to implore109 you to do what you can to avert110 the disasters which threaten our country with ruin."
We had this solemn warning to report to our Southern friends who assembled many an evening in our library: R. M. T. Hunter, Muscoe Garnett, Porcher Miles, L. Q. C. Lamar, Boyce, Barksdale of Mississippi, Keitt of South Carolina, with perhaps some visitors from the South. Then Susan would light her fires and show us the kind of oysters111 that could please her "own white folks," and James would bring in lemons and hot water, with some choice brand of old Kentucky.
These were not convivial112 gatherings113. These men held troubled consultations114 on the state of the country,—the real meaning and intent of the North, the half-trusted scheme of Judge Douglas to allow the territories to settle for themselves the vexed115 question of slavery within their borders, the right of peaceable secession. The dawn would find them again and again with but one conclusion,—they would stand together: "Unum et commune periclum una salus!" 152 But Holbein's spectre was already behind the door, and had marked his men! In a few months the swift bullet for one enthusiast116; for another (the least considered of them all), a glorious death on the walls of a hard-won rampart—he the first to raise his colors and the shout of victory; for only one, or two, or three, that doubtful boon117 of existence after the struggle was all over; for all survivors118, memories that made the next four years seem to be the sum of life,—the only real life,—beside which the coming years would be but a troubled dream.
The long session did not close until June, and in the preceding month Abraham Lincoln was chosen candidate by the Republican party for the presidency119. Stephen A. Douglas was the candidate of the Democrats. The South and the "Old Line Whigs" also named their men. The words "irrepressible conflict" were much used during the ensuing campaign.
The authorship of these words has always been credited to Mr. Seward. Their true origin may be found in the address of Mr. Lincoln, delivered at Cincinnati, Ohio, in September, 1859. On page 262 of the volume published by Follett, Foster, and Company in 1860, entitled "Political Debates between Hon. Abraham Lincoln and Hon. Stephen A. Douglas," may be found the following extract from Mr. Lincoln's speech:—
"I have alluded120 in the beginning of these remarks to the fact that Judge Douglas has made great complaint of my having expressed the opinion that this government 'cannot endure permanently121 half slave and half free.' He has 153complained of Seward for using different language, and declaring that there is an 'irrepressible conflict' between the principles of free and slave labor58. [A voice, "He says it is not original with Seward. That is original with Lincoln."] I will attend to that immediately, sir. Since that time Hickman of Pennsylvania expressed the same sentiment. He has never denounced Mr. Hickman; why? There is a little chance, notwithstanding that opinion in the mouth of Hickman, that he may yet be a Douglas man. That is the difference! It is not unpatriotic to hold that opinion, if a man is a Douglas man.
"But neither I, nor Seward, nor Hickman is entitled to the enviable or unenviable distinction of having first expressed that idea. That same idea was expressed by the Richmond Enquirer123 in Virginia, in 1856, quite two years before it was expressed by the first of us. And while Douglas was pluming124 himself that in his conflict with my humble125 self, last year, he had 'squelched127 out' that fatal heresy128, as he delighted to call it, and had suggested that if he only had had a chance to be in New York and meet Seward he would have 'squelched' it there also, it never occurred to him to breathe a word against Pryor. I don't think that you can discover that Douglas ever talked of going to Virginia to 'squelch126' out that idea there. No. More than that. That same Roger A. Pryor was brought to Washington City and made the editor of the par12 excellence129 Douglas paper, after making use of that expression, which in us is so unpatriotic and heretical."
On November 6, 1860, Mr. Lincoln was elected President of the United States. On the following December 20 we heard that South Carolina had seceded131 from the union. We were all, at the time the news arrived, attending the wedding of Mr. Bouligny and Miss Parker. The ceremony had 154taken place, and I was standing122 behind the President's chair when a commotion132 in the hall arrested his attention. He looked at me over his shoulder and asked if I supposed the house was on fire.
"I will inquire the cause, Mr. President," I said. I went out at the nearest door, and there in the entrance hall I found Mr. Lawrence Keitt, member from South Carolina, leaping in the air, shaking a paper over his head, and exclaiming, "Thank God! Oh, thank God!" I took hold of him and said: "Mr. Keitt, are you crazy? The President hears you, and wants to know what's the matter."
"Oh!" he cried, "South Carolina has seceded! Here's the telegram. I feel like a boy let out from school."
I returned, and bending over Mr. Buchanan's chair, said in a low voice: "It appears, Mr. President, that South Carolina has seceded from the union. Mr. Keitt has a telegram." He looked at me, stunned133 for a moment. Falling back and grasping the arms of his chair, he whispered, "Madam, might I beg you to have my carriage called?" I met his secretary and sent him in without explanation, and myself saw that his carriage was at the door before I re?ntered the room. I then found my husband, who was already cornered with Mr. Keitt, and we called our own carriage and drove to Judge Douglas's. There was no more thought of bride, bridegroom, wedding-cake, or wedding breakfast.
This was the tremendous event which was to change all our lives,—to give us poverty for riches, 155mutilation and wounds for strength and health, obscurity and degradation134 for honor and distinction, exile and loneliness for inherited homes and friends, pain and death for happiness and life.
Apprehension135 was felt lest the new President's inaugural136 might be the occasion of rioting, if not of violence. We Southerners were advised to send women and children out of the city. Hastily packing my personal and household belongings137 to be sent after me, I took my little boys, with their faithful nurse, Eliza Page, on board the steamer to Acquia Creek138, and, standing on deck as long as I could see the dome of the Capitol, commenced my journey homeward. My husband remained behind, and kept his seat in Congress until Mr. Lincoln's inauguration139. He described that mournful day to me,—differing so widely from the happy installation of Mr. Pierce; "o'er all there hung a shadow and a fear." Every one was oppressed by it, and no one more than the doomed140 President himself.
We were reunited a few weeks afterward at our father's house in Petersburg; and in a short time my young congressman had become my young colonel—and congressman as well, for as soon as Virginia seceded he was elected to the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States of America, and was commissioned colonel by Governor Letcher.
We bade adieu to the bright days,—the balls (sometimes three in one evening), the round of visits, the levees, the charming "at homes." The setting sun of such a day should pillow itself on golden clouds, bright harbingers of a morning of beauty and 156happiness. Alas141, alas! "whom the gods destroy they first infatuate."
The fate of Virginia was decided142 April 15, when President Lincoln demanded troops for the subjugation143 of the seceding144 states of the South. The temper of Governor Letcher of Virginia was precisely145 in accord with the spirit that prompted the answer of Governor Magoffin of Kentucky to a similar call for state militia146, "Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing147 her sister Southern states!" Until this call of the President, Virginia had been extremely averse148 from secession, and even though she deemed it within her rights to leave the union, she did not wish to pledge herself to join the Confederate States of the South. Virginia was the Virginian's country. The common people were wont to speak of her as "The Old Mother,"—"the mother of us all," a mother so honored and loved that her brood of children must be noble and true.
Her sons had never forgotten her! She had fought nobly in the Revolution and had afterward surrendered, for the common good, her magnificent territory. Had she retained this vast dominion149, she could now have dictated150 to all the other states. She gave it up from a pure spirit of patriotism,—that there might be the fraternity which could not exist without equality,—and in surrendering it she had reserved for herself the right to withdraw from the confederation whenever she should deem it expedient151 for her own welfare. There were leading spirits who thought the hour had come when she might demand her right. She was not on a 157plane with the other states of the union. "Virginia, New York, and Massachusetts had expressly reserved the right to withdraw from the union, and explicitly152 disclaimed153 the right or power to bind154 the hands of posterity155 by any form of government whatever."[5]
A strong party was the "union Party," sternly resolved against secession, willing to run the risks of fighting within the union for the rights of the state. This spirit was so strong that any hint of secession had been met with angry defiance156. A Presbyterian clergyman had ventured, in his morning sermon, a hint that Virginia might need her sons for defence, when a gray-haired elder left the church, and turning at the door, shouted, "Traitor157!" This was in Petersburg, near the birthplace of General Winfield Scott.
And still another party was the enthusiastic secession party, resolved upon resistance to coercion158; the men who could believe nothing good of the North, should interests of that section conflict with those of the South; who cherished the bitterest resentments159 for all the sneers160 and insults in Congress; who, like the others, adored their own state and were ready and willing to die in her defence. Strange to say, this was the predominating spirit all through the country, in rural districts as well as in the small towns and the larger cities. It seemed to be born all at once in every breast as soon as Lincoln demanded the soldiers.
When it was disclosed that a majority of the 158Virginia Convention opposed taking the state out of the union, the secessionists became greatly alarmed; for they knew that without the border states, of which Virginia was the leader, the cotton states would be speedily crushed. They were positively161 certain, however, that in the event of actual hostilities162 Virginia would unite with her Southern associates. Accordingly, it was determined163 to bring a popular pressure to bear upon the government at Montgomery to make an assault on Fort Sumter. To that end my husband went to Charleston, and delivered to an immense and enthusiastic audience a most impassioned and vehement164 speech, urging the Southern troops to "strike a blow," and assuring them that in case of conflict, Virginia would secede130 "within an hour by Shrewsbury clock." The blow was struck; Mr. Lincoln called upon Virginia for a quota165 of troops to subdue106 the rebellion, and the state immediately passed an ordinance166 of secession. Here, in substance, is my husband's Charleston speech, as reported at the time by the New York Tribune:—
"Mr. Roger A. Pryor, called by South Carolina papers the 'eloquent young tribune of the South,' was on Wednesday evening serenaded at Charleston. In response to the compliment he made some remarks, among which were the following: 'Gentlemen, for my part, if Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin were to abdicate167 their office to-morrow, and were to give to me a blank sheet of paper whereupon to write the conditions of reannexation to the union, I would scorn the privilege of putting the terms upon paper. [Cheers.] And why? Because our grievance168 has 159not been with reference to the insufficiency of the guarantees, but the unutterable perfidy169 of the guarantors; and inasmuch as they would not fulfil the stipulations of the old Constitution, much less will they carry out the guarantees of a better Constitution looking to the interests of the South. Therefore, I invoke170 you to give no countenance171 to any idea of reconstruction172. [A voice, "We don't intend to do anything of the kind."] It is the fear of that which is embarrassing us in Virginia, for all there say if we are reduced to the dilemma173 of an alternative, they will espouse174 the cause of the South against the interests of the Northern Confederacy. If you have any ideas of reconstruction, I pray you annihilate175 them. Give forth to the world that under no circumstances whatever will South Carolina stay in political association with the Northern states. I understand since I have been in Charleston that there is some little apprehension of Virginia in this great exigency176. Now I am not speaking for Virginia officially; I wish to God I were, for I would put her out of the union before twelve o'clock to-night. [Laughter.] But I bid you dismiss your apprehensions177 as to the old Mother of Presidents. Give the old lady time. [Laughter.] She cannot move with the agility178 of some of the younger daughters. She is a little rheumatic. Remember she must be pardoned for deferring179 somewhat to the exigencies180 of opposition in the Pan Handle of Virginia. Remember the personnel of the convention to whom she intrusted her destinies. But making these reservations, I assure you that just so certain as to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so certain will Virginia be a member of the Southern Confederation. We will put her in if you but strike a blow. [Cheers.] I do not say anything to produce an effect upon the military operations of your authorities, for I know no more about them than a spinster. I only repeat, if you wish Virginia to be with you, strike a blow!'"
160 The effect, however, of the speech was not merely the adoption182 of the ordinance of secession by Virginia. In precipitating183 the assault upon Sumter the speech had another and now little known consequence.
It must be borne in mind that when only South Carolina had seceded, the Republican party, with the assent184 of the President-elect, had proffered185 to the South a compromise in these terms: "The Constitution shall never be altered so as to authorize186 Congress to abolish or interfere187 with slavery in the states."[6] Of course, no Southern state would oppose a proposition which for the first time made slavery eo nomine an institution under federal protection, and guaranteed it perpetual existence in the slave-holding states. Equally evident was it that a measure supported by Lincoln and the entire Republican party would prevail in every Northern state. The mere181 pendency, then, of such an overture188, if not intercepted189 in its passage by an act of hostility190 between the seceded states and the federal government, would have certainly bound the border states to the union, and have insured the miscarriage191 of the secession movement.
Had not the attack on Sumter been made at the critical moment, the Republican compromise, as already intimated, would have prevailed, and slavery have been imbedded in the Constitution and fastened upon the country beyond the chance of removal,—except by revolution, or the voluntary renunciation of its cherished interests by the slave-holding South. 161The latter alternative is an inconceivable possibility; and hence, but for the "blow" which prompted hostilities and prevented a pacific solution, slavery would exist to-day as a recognized institution of the republic.
I do not pretend that this consummation was desired or anticipated by the Virginia secessionist, but affirm only that he "builded better than he knew," and that but for his act the nation would not now be free from the reproach of human slavery.
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1
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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2
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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3
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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4
dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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5
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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6
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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7
inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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8
cloistered
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| adj.隐居的，躲开尘世纷争的v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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10
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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reverent
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| adj.恭敬的，虔诚的 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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13
glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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discomforts
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| n.不舒适( discomfort的名词复数 )；不愉快，苦恼 | |
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atmospheric
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| adj.大气的，空气的；大气层的；大气所引起的 | |
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16
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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17
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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21
exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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22
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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25
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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27
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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28
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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29
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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30
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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31
diplomats
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| n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 )；有手腕的人，善于交际的人 | |
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32
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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33
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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34
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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35
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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36
transgress
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| vt.违反，逾越 | |
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37
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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38
genially
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| adv.亲切地，和蔼地；快活地 | |
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39
personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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40
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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41
rattling
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| adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
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42
hack
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| n.劈，砍，出租马车；v.劈，砍，干咳 | |
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43
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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44
tarnished
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| （通常指金属）（使）失去光泽，（使）变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 )； 玷污，败坏 | |
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45
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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46
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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47
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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48
sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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49
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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50
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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51
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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52
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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53
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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54
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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56
carving
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| n.雕刻品，雕花 | |
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57
housekeeper
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| n.管理家务的主妇，女管家 | |
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58
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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59
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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60
untied
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| 松开，解开( untie的过去式和过去分词 )； 解除，使自由； 解决 | |
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61
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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62
effusive
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| adj.热情洋溢的；感情(过多)流露的 | |
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63
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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64
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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65
miscreant
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| n.恶棍 | |
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66
proprieties
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| n.礼仪，礼节；礼貌( propriety的名词复数 )；规矩；正当；合适 | |
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67
villain
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| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
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68
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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69
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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70
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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71
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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72
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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73
penitently
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74
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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75
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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76
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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77
fixture
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| n.固定设备；预定日期；比赛时间；定期存款 | |
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78
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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79
Congressman
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| n.（美）国会议员 | |
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80
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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81
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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82
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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83
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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84
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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85
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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87
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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91
scathing
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| adj.（言词、文章）严厉的，尖刻的；不留情的adv.严厉地，尖刻地v.伤害，损害（尤指使之枯萎）( scathe的现在分词) | |
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92
withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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94
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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103
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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104
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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107
flannels
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| 法兰绒男裤； 法兰绒( flannel的名词复数 ) | |
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108
pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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109
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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oysters
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| 牡蛎( oyster的名词复数 ) | |
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112
convivial
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| adj.狂欢的，欢乐的 | |
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113
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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114
consultations
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| n.磋商（会议）( consultation的名词复数 )；商讨会；协商会；查找 | |
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115
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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116
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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117
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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118
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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119
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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120
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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122
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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123
enquirer
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| 寻问者，追究者 | |
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124
pluming
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| 用羽毛装饰（plume的现在分词形式） | |
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125
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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squelch
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| v.压制，镇压；发吧唧声 | |
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squelched
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| v.发吧唧声，发扑哧声( squelch的过去式和过去分词 )；制止；压制；遏制 | |
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128
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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130
secede
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| v.退出，脱离 | |
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seceded
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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134
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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136
inaugural
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| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
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137
belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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138
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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139
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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140
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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141
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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seceding
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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158
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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resentments
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| （因受虐待而）愤恨，不满，怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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sneers
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| 讥笑的表情（言语）( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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168
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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169
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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170
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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171
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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172
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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173
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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174
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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175
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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176
exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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177
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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178
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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179
deferring
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| v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的现在分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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180
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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181
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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182
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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183
precipitating
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| adj.急落的，猛冲的v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的现在分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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184
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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185
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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186
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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187
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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188
overture
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| n.前奏曲、序曲，提议，提案，初步交涉 | |
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189
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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190
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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191
miscarriage
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| n.失败，未达到预期的结果；流产 | |
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