As far back as the time of the French and Indian Wars both the Americans and British recognized the great value of the control of the Hudson River. It would seem, therefore, that when the Revolution broke out both sides would take every means to seize and fortify6 the most strategic points along its banks. Strange to say, the Americans were as indifferent about its control as the British, so that the Revolution was in progress for three years before West Point, the natural key to the river’s defense7, was fortified8.
During the Revolution the British were operating from Manhattan on the south and Canada on the north as bases. Had they controlled the Hudson, they could have separated the eastern from the middle colonies, which division would have prevented the patriots9 from military combination and from interchanging the necessary commodities for both sections.
Immediately after the battles of Concord10 and Lexington, the Congress of New York, acting11 upon a suggestion from the Continental12 Congress, sent a commission to the Highlands to select “the most proper place for erecting13 one or more fortifications.” 3 Constitution Island, and the sites where Forts Montgomery and Clinton1 were afterwards built, were chosen. Nothing much was accomplished14, however, in the way of fortifications despite the appointment of another commission that recommended the absolute necessity for works at West Point opposite Constitution Island.
Washington, accompanied by General Heath, finally sailed up the river in 1776, and General Heath tells us that “a glance at West Point without going on shore evinced that this post was not to be neglected.” Meanwhile the Revolution dragged on into its third year, 1778, but still no fortifications at West Point. Due to Washington’s persistence15, work was begun there early in January, 1778. General Parsons with his brigade arrived at West Point on the 20th of January and began the erection of defenses. The weather was extremely cold, provisions were scarce, the men inadequately16 clothed, and the troops poorly supplied with the proper implements17 to carry on their labor18. Altogether, a very depressing and discouraging situation confronted Parsons’s men as they debouched upon the Plain and surveyed their surroundings. If any thought could have given them courage it must have been the reflection that at least they were somewhat 4 better off than their comrades in arms down at Valley Forge, who, despite their wretched condition, were bravely keeping alive the patriotic19 fires of the Revolution.
What a contrast was that first sight of West Point to Parsons’s troops to that offered today! Instead of the beautiful level parade ground surrounded by fine granite20 buildings they found an undulating plain covered by a growth of yellow pines ten or fifteen feet high, without house or habitation. The only point of similarity was the snow, waist high. After strenuous22 efforts to get logs from the neighboring hills, a few rude huts were hastily thrown together, and then, at the end of three weeks, the soldiers fell to work with a will, building Fort Clinton under the direction of a splendid young French engineer by the name of de la Radière. The cold was most intense, but the men went up the river, cut the timber for the Fort, and assembled it so that when the river was open, it might be floated down to the Point. Their hard daily toil23 was not relieved by any diversions in the evening, for West Point was a veritable wilderness24. General Parsons, in writing to Colonel Wadsworth, said of West Point, “to a contemplative mind that delights in a lonely retreat from the world ’tis as beautiful as Sharon, but affords to the man who loves the society of the world a prospect25 nearly allied26 to the shades of death.... News arrives here by accident only.” The poor soldiers had to repair 5 night after night to their little log huts and get what pleasure they could from one another’s society.
The rigors27 of the winter and the hardships to which the Revolutionary soldiers were accustomed overwhelmed the delicate constitution of the brilliant young de la Radière. Unhappily, he contracted a severe cold that culminated28 in consumption from which he died the following mid-summer. Another European, attracted by the justice of the Revolutionary cause, succeeded de la Radière. Thaddeus Kosciusko, a Pole of education and culture, joined Parsons’s officers, with whom he became a great favorite, not only on account of his engineering ability but by reason of his charming manners, soft and conciliating, and by the elevation29 of his mind. One officer wrote that he took much pleasure in accompanying Kosciusko with his theodolite measuring the heights of the surrounding mountains.
Today Kosciusko’s name is more familiar to West Pointers than de la Radière’s, for an enchanting30 little garden, a tiny retreat hanging on to the cliff near the river, bears his name, and a monument, in the northeast corner of the Plain near Port Clinton that he helped build, commemorates31 his devotion to the Revolutionary cause.
Kosciusko’s presence and energy put new life into the work of construction. Shortly afterwards, when orders came from Washington to expedite the completion of all of the forts, Parsons and Kosciusko, under the direction of Colonel 6 Rufus Putnam, immediately commenced excavations32 for Fort Putnam.2 The men now daily trudged33 up the small hill back of the Plain and began making clearings for the fort’s foundation. It was hard laborious34 work, extremely fatiguing35, and, to add to the men’s discomfiture36, they were greatly annoyed by large rattlesnakes with which the hill top seemed to swarm37.
While the land defenses were being so well prepared, steps were taken to prevent enemy ships from passing up the Hudson. The topography of West Point and the adjacent country lent itself most admirably to the plan of obstructing38 the river.
The Hudson, as it comes down from Newburgh a straight course of nine miles, strikes West Point, where it is deflected40 eastward41 for a quarter of a mile, flowing between Constitution Island and the steep cliffs of the Point before again turning south. Any British sailing vessel42 coming up the river from New York would, upon rounding Gee’s Point, lose a great deal of its speed on account of the swift current, and if stopped by some obstruction43 could be held under the fire of the batteries on both shores. General Putnam, therefore, through his Quartermaster-General, contracted with the Sterling44 Iron Works of Noble, Townsend and Co., for an iron chain 500 feet long, each link about two feet long, to be made of the 7 best Sterling iron 2? inches square, with a swivel to every hundred feet and a clevis to every thousand feet, for which the government was to pay $440 for every ton weight of chain and anchors.3
Photo White Studio
Artillery45 Target Practice
The chain was to obstruct39 the navigation of the river. It was stretched across the narrowest part on April 30, 1778, and fastened at West Point in the second small cove21 west of Gee’s Point, and on Constitution Island where the present small boathouse and landing-place stand. Very large logs, sixteen or more feet long, a little pointed46 at the ends to lessen47 opposition48 to the force of the water on flood and ebb49, were used to buoy50 up the great weight of the obstruction. During the winter it was taken up, because the ice in the river was an effective blockade, but when spring came the work of 280 men was needed to lay it across the stream.
Meanwhile, Kosciusko labored51 strenuously52 on the forts, so that by June, 1778, the work on the fort in the northeast corner of the Plain begun by de la Radière in the January past, was completed and given the name of Fort Arnold. Later, when Benedict Arnold turned traitor, its name became Fort Clinton. A small portion of the wall stands today. Washington, on a visit to West Point in September, 1778, paid Kosciusko a great compliment, stating to General Duportail, 8 his chief engineer, that he need have no uneasiness as to Kosciusko’s ability.
Additional troops were at this time sent to West Point because Washington feared an attack by the British. In the spring of 1779, General McDougall was at West Point with three brigades; there was one on Constitution Island, and the main body of the Army was near Haverstraw under General Putnam. Washington, ever watchful53, viewed with great concern the presence of the British in the strong position of Stony54 Point because he considered this post a serious menace to West Point. Wishing to be rid of them he sent for Anthony Wayne, gave him a corps55 of light infantry56, and directed him to capture the British fort. A better man than Wayne could not have been selected for the job. On the 15th of July, Wayne paraded his troops for a minute inspection57, after which, instead of dismissing them, he marched upon Stony Point, which at midnight he successfully assaulted with the bayonet. The news of his brilliant exploit was conveyed to Washington in the following refreshing58 message:
West Point, 16 July 1779.
2 o’clock a. m.
Dear Gen’l:
The fort and garrison59 with Colonel Johnston are ours. Our officers and men behaved like men who are determined60 to be free.
Yours most sincerely,
Ant’y Wayne.
9
To supervise better the defenses of the Hudson River, Washington moved his headquarters to West Point, in July, 1779, where he remained until November of that year, occupying “Moore’s House,” a structure that stood in Washington valley near the shore of the Hudson, a short distance from the northeast corner of the present cemetery61. It was built by John Moore prior to 1749, and called by all the people in the vicinity “Moore’s Folly” on account of its pretentiousness62.
General Clinton tried to draw Washington out into the open country for a campaign, but the American Commander was too astute63 and Clinton dared not attack the Revolutionary forces at bay at West Point because of the dangers of a campaign in the Highlands.
Spurred on by Washington’s presence and by his orders, Kosciusko and the troops completed Fort Putnam and Redoubts Webb and Wyllys in the summer. This work necessitated64 for fatigue65 duty each day 2500 men, a large percentage of the garrison. Even at this early period, West Point was the Mecca for distinguished66 Americans and foreigners. Nearly every Revolutionary commander visited the Post at one time or another during the war, and while Washington was here, Count de Luzerne, the French minister, was his guest.
Before Washington left the Post in late November, the troops in the Highlands were distributed to their winter stations. Little money was available 10 to equip properly the soldiers but they struggled on bearing their burdens and hardships that we of today might be free. That they were not fighting for the present alone, without a thought as to those who would come after them, is revealed to us by an entry in a diary of General Heath who was then in command of all the troops and Posts on the Hudson:
25th Nov. 1779. The troops were moving to their different places of cantonment; many of the soldiers (as fine men as ever stood in shoes) were marched barefooted over the hard frozen ground, and with an astonishing patience.
Remember these things, ye Americans in future times!
In the spring of 1780, Washington sent Baron67 Steuben to West Point to drill the troops, for he feared an attack by the British. This accomplished officer, a Major-General in the American Army, had seen seven campaigns in the service of Frederick the Great, so that he brought to his task a ripe experience. With Prussian thoroughness he commenced drilling both the old soldiers and recruits of the command, with the result that by summer he was able to write to Washington that he had formed a corps of light infantry “that I dare flatter myself will be the admiration68 of our allies as much as the terror of our enemies.”
Notwithstanding the patriotic work of the officers and men of the Army, Washington was 11 aware that America as well as Great Britain was getting tired of the war. “There never has been a stage of the war,” he said, “in which dissatisfaction has been so general and so alarming.” Governor Reed of Pennsylvania said in August, 1780: “It is obvious that the bulk of the people are weary of the war.”
The stage was therefore set for the most dramatic event of the Revolution, the treason of Benedict Arnold. Had Arnold succeeded at this period of the Revolution, the hour of darkness and depression, in selling West Point to the British, we would probably still be English colonies. The loss of the Post would have shaken the morale70 of the American commanders, not to speak of the paralysis71 of any movement upon which Washington’s army might have been engaged at that particular time.
For more than a year previous to his assumption of the command of West Point, Arnold had been hatching nefarious72 schemes to betray the Americans. He needed money badly, due to his extravagances while in Philadelphia. His conduct had not been entirely73 satisfactory while in that city and open resentment74 was expressed on account of his preference for the British faction69, but because of his military capacity he was held in high esteem75 by Washington. His abilities led Washington to offer him the command of the left wing of the army then in the field, but he pleaded that he was unfit for field duty by reason 12 of the wound that he had received at Saratoga, and requested the command of West Point. His desires were respected and on August 5, 1780, he assumed command of his new post with headquarters at the Robinson House.4
Once at West Point, Arnold saw his chance to gain rank and pay from the British. He immediately entered into a lively correspondence with Major André, the Adjutant-General of the British forces in America, who was addressed as “Mr. John Anderson, Merchant.” Arnold’s communications were all signed “Gustavus.” When negotiations76 for the betrayal of West Point had reached a crisis, Arnold requested a personal interview with a representative of the British. General Clinton then sent Major André up the river on the sloop77 Vulture which anchored near Haverstraw. An agent of Arnold’s, one Joshua Hett Smith, returned at midnight, September 21, with Major André in full uniform, a landing being made a short distance north of the West Shore Railroad tunnel south of Haverstraw. Arnold and André then went to Smith’s house 13 in West Haverstraw. They were challenged by an American sentinel and it was here that André entered the American lines.
While the two officers were in consultation78, the American commander across the river brought a four-pounder within range of the Vulture, and opened a heavy fire upon her, causing her commander to shift his anchorage downstream. Great was André’s dismay at seeing his vessel forced away, for now he was in the American lines and far from New York. He had been assured of a safe return to his own lines, and disliked the idea of traveling alone by land to New York. Moreover, he was very reluctant to take off his uniform but at Arnold’s advice he changed into civilian79 clothing, thereby80 foolishly placing himself in the light of a spy, if caught within the American lines. Arnold also gave André important papers regarding the strength of West Point defenses.
It is not difficult to imagine the state of André’s mind at finding himself in a false position and at the same time disobeying General Clinton’s orders, which were not to change his uniform under any circumstances nor receive any papers from Arnold. Under the guidance of Joshua Smith, he crossed the river at King’s Ferry (near Stony Point of today) and proceeded south toward New York.
Although furnished with a pass by Arnold, he was detained by three American patriots near 14 Tarrytown, searched, and turned over to Colonel Jameson at North Castle.
Meanwhile, Arnold was at his Headquarters at the Robinson House awaiting events, and Washington was on his way from Hartford to West Point. Had Arnold succeeded it is probable that Washington would have fallen into the enemy’s hands at this time, an accident that would have ruined the Revolution. When Washington was opposite West Point he sent two aides to inform Arnold of his arrival. They proceeded to the Robinson House and were enjoying Arnold’s hospitality at breakfast when Jameson’s messenger arrived with a note announcing André’s capture. The news must have fallen upon Arnold like a thunderbolt, but with perfect sangfroid81 he excused himself, rushed upstairs to tell his wife of the danger, ordered his horse, sent for the coxswain of his barge82, and then calmly returned to his guests whom he told it was necessary for him to cross to West Point to prepare for the reception of General Washington. Instead, he rapidly made his way down the river and boarded the Vulture which took him to New York.
Major André was tried by court-martial, found guilty of being a spy, and sentenced to be hanged. Numerous letters were written to Washington begging that André’s life be spared. Arnold himself addressed to his former chief a long communication exonerating83 André and taking upon himself the blame for André’s presence 15 in disguise within the American lines. Even Hamilton was touched, saying: “Never perhaps did any man suffer death with more justice or deserve it less.”
André accepted his fate like a brave soldier but he revolted from the ignominy of being hanged. When all efforts to change the mode of his death failed, he personally appealed to Washington in the following splendid letter:
From Maj. André to General Washington, 1780.
Tappan.
The 1st. of Oct., 1780.
Sir:
Buoy’d above the terror of death by the consciousness of a life devoted84 to honorable pursuits and stained with no action that can give me remorse85, I trust that the request that I make to your Excellency, at this serious period and which is to soften86 my last moments will not be rejected.
Sympathy toward a soldier will surely induce your Excellency and a military tribunal to adapt the mode of my death to the feelings of a man of honor. Let me hope, Sir, that if aught in my character impresses you with esteem towards me, if aught in my misfortune marks me the victim of policy and not of resentment, I shall experience the operation of those feelings in your breast by being informed that I am not to die on a gibbet.
I have the honor to be your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble88 servant,
John André,
Adj. General to the British Army.
16
His request, however, was not granted and in the early afternoon of October 2, 1780, arrayed in full dress uniform he paid the penalty on the scaffold. His body was buried beneath his gibbet but removed to England in 1831 where it rests in Westminster Abbey.
West Point and the Revolutionary cause was saved to the Americans! The shock of Arnold’s traitorous89 act with its narrowly averted90 consequences caused Washington to take even more stringent91 measures for West Point’s defense. Orders were issued to continue work on all of the fortifications and during 1781 and 1782, the garrison labored faithfully and uncomplainingly notwithstanding the great sufferings of the men from lack of provisions. At times the stores on hand were numbered by a few barrels of salt pork and a little flour.
Major-General Knox now assumed command of the Post. After the cessation of hostilities92 he was very busy mustering93 out troops and putting the garrison in shape.
Despite the poverty that prevailed at West Point, Washington ordered a celebration to be held in honor of the birth of the Dauphin of France, Louis Joseph, the son of Louis XVI., born October, 1781. A magnificent fête was arranged in which all of the troops stationed in the Highlands participated. Upon the Plain at West Point, Major Villefranche erected94 a curious edifice95, an improvised96 temple with a grand colonnade97 of 17 118 pillars made of the trunks of trees. The entire building was festooned with American and French flags, with designs and emblems98, muskets99 and bayonets fancifully arranged. Washington, with a party of five hundred distinguished guests, assembled in the colonnade for a banquet. A series of thirteen toasts were drunk, each one accompanied by a salute100 of thirteen cannon101. During the evening there was a grand display of fireworks for the troops and a ball for the officers and their guests. This dance, led by General Washington, was the first real West Point hop87.
The various details left over from the Revolution were now disposed of by General Knox and his successor, Lieut.-Col. Rochefontaine. The genesis of the Military Academy was foreshadowed by the presence of the Invalid102 Corps which by act of Congress, 1777, was, among other things, “to serve as a military school for young gentlemen previous to their being appointed to marching regiments103.”
The dark days of the Revolution were over and the troops could now rest from their strenuous labors104. There were important matters, however, to occupy the leaders, not the least of which was the establishment of an institution for training officers for the Army. No lesson of the war was so well learned as the need for such educated leaders, and immediately the Revolution was over, Washington, Hamilton, and Knox began urging Congress to establish a National Military 18 Academy. Although Washington never lived to see his recommendations carried out, he would have rejoiced, I am sure, to know that Congress three years after his death founded the United States Military Academy, at his favorite Post, West Point.
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1
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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rambles
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| （无目的地）漫游( ramble的第三人称单数 )； （喻）漫谈； 扯淡； 长篇大论 | |
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vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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inadequately
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| ad.不够地；不够好地 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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rigors
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| 严格( rigor的名词复数 )； 严酷； 严密； （由惊吓或中毒等导致的身体）僵直 | |
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culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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enchanting
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| a.讨人喜欢的 | |
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commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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excavations
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| n.挖掘( excavation的名词复数 )；开凿；开凿的洞穴（或山路等）；（发掘出来的）古迹 | |
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trudged
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| vt.& vi.跋涉，吃力地走（trudge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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laborious
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fatiguing
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| a.使人劳累的 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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obstructing
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| 阻塞( obstruct的现在分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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deflected
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| 偏离的 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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ebb
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| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
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buoy
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| n.浮标；救生圈；v.支持，鼓励 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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refreshing
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| adj.使精神振作的，使人清爽的，使人喜欢的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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pretentiousness
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| n.矫饰；炫耀；自负；狂妄 | |
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astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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morale
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| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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sangfroid
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| n.沉着冷静 | |
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82
barge
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| n.平底载货船，驳船 | |
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exonerating
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| v.使免罪，免除( exonerate的现在分词 ) | |
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84
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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85
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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86
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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87
hop
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| n.单脚跳，跳跃；vi.单脚跳，跳跃；着手做某事；vt.跳跃，跃过 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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traitorous
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| adj. 叛国的, 不忠的, 背信弃义的 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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94
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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improvised
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| a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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colonnade
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| n.柱廊 | |
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emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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101
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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103
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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104
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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