After two years' absence, early in October, 1845, I disembarked from one of those monster steamers at Calcutta, by whose assistance the months occupied in our former intercourse2 with India are reduced to weeks, and the probability of arrival, not only to a day, but almost to an hour. Not ten years ago I remember hearing an eminent3 lecturer in London prove to the complete satisfaction (apparently4) of a crowded amphitheatre, that steam communication with India, via the Red Sea and Arabian Gulf5, was[Pg 38] impossible. We were told that the monsoons6, the shoals in the Red Sea, and the tornadoes7 which rush from the gullies across its fatal waters, were too much even for the iron heart of a steamer to encounter; and should any fortunate passengers escape these evils, the sands of the desert between Suez and Alexandria were prepared to overwhelm the caravan8 of presuming adventurers.
The practical comment of 1846 and some preceding years, has reduced these imaginary terrors to their proper value; and a railroad across the Isthmus9, if the Pasha have the wisdom to benefit his country and many others, by adopting the suggestions of British engineers, will bring India three days nearer to Europe. Steam has so far substituted time for distance, that I am sure I shall be excused for adopting the modern change of terms. Miles and other barbarous terms may continue to be used for many years to come in uncivilized climes, but who would think of talking of the number of miles between London and Bristol, when the Great Western authorities announce it to be, by express, precisely11 two hours and forty-five minutes.
[Pg 39]
When will this happy system of railroads be applicable to India? or, rather, when will it be applied12? for a more favourable13 surface for operations could hardly be selected in the world, and the advantages to Government are incalculable. A British force, after defeating the Burmese on the banks of the Burhampooter, might be steamed up to the Sutlej in time to repulse14 the malignant15 Sikhs before supper the following evening, and then proceed on their tour of conquest as long as the steam could be kept up or an enemy found.
These may be termed little more than idle visions to the patient sufferer who is about to undergo a transportation to the upper provinces of Bengal, at the mournful average of three miles an hour, if the weather be favourable—considerably less if a heavy fall of rain should occur; and in October, 1845, the rain did come down in real earnest, as I left Calcutta.
I shall not pause to acquaint the reader with the latitude16 and longitude17 of Calcutta, neither will I expatiate18 on the beauties of Government House, or the relative numbers and merits of the Hindoo and Mussulman inhabitants. As the[Pg 40] gazetteer19 can give that and much more valuable information on the same head, I will not rashly enter into competition with one possessed20 of so much general information, but refer the curious to its pages, whilst I invite the less particular to accompany me in a journey to the south-western frontier, and I will do my best to entertain my companions.
Hearing that there was no necessity for being in the upper provinces just now, inasmuch as the governor-general, and all India, except the Delhi Gazette, seemed bent21 to maintain the most profound peace ever known in Hindostan, I gladly seized the opportunity of paying a visit to a valued friend dwelling22 amongst the jungles of the south-western frontier.
In company with a brother officer, who was travelling the same road, I embarked1 in a palanquin amidst the torrents24 of rain which descended25 in streams, threatening to convert our sturdy little bearers into strong resemblances of water-rats.
We managed, fortunately, to ford28 the Damooda river before the storm had attained29 its maximum, or the journey might have been seriously inter[Pg 41]rupted, for during very heavy storms this river is subject to violent inundations, when a rolling column of water, several feet in height, and resembling the bore[7] on the Ganges, rushes down the river's course, flooding the neighbouring country, and causing many calamities30. On the right bank of the Damooda was a shed, which afforded a partial shelter to our exhausted31 palanquin bearers, and here we rested in hopes of the tempest abating32.
About midnight, a lull33 took place, and we proceeded, the bearers staggering with difficulty through the swamp, which the surrounding country had now become. Travelling that night, and the following day, with the tempest bursting in fitful gusts34, we reached the dwelling of an indigo35 planter, in the lonely jungles, late in the evening, where we were hospitably36 received, and rested a few hours.
At midnight we proceeded en route, and arrived,[Pg 42] as the day broke, on the bank of a swollen37 torrent23. The primitive38 mode of crossing, which we were compelled to adopt, was by means of a raft, made of bamboos, bound together, crosswise, over a dozen large earthenware39 jars.[8] Trusting to the declared experience of our bearers, we embarked on this singular conveyance40, the natives swimming alongside, and safely landing everything on the opposite shore in two or three expeditions. Whilst our bearers were engaged in this manner, I observed, a few yards above the raft, something resembling a rope being dragged across the torrent, and running down to the edge to ascertain41 what it was, an enormous serpent landed beside me, and departed, without any delay, into the woods. Although the stream was running with great rapidity, he had made nearly a direct course across the torrent.
We proceeded onwards, during the whole day, through a heavy jungle, scarcely meeting with any human abode42—except the small sheds where our relay of bearers awaited us, at the end of[Pg 43] each stage of ten or twelve miles—whilst the storm of rain continued with unabated vigour43. At nightfall we reached another torrent, or nullah, as they are called in India, where our progress seemed altogether arrested, for it proved to be more than ten feet deep, was running like a sluice44, and no raft of any kind was procurable45; nor did our attendants seem disposed to make any attempts; they remarked that an indigo shed was close at hand, and that we should be all drowned if we attempted to cross. Then patiently seating themselves, they looked steadily46 in our faces to await the decision. The choice was not a matter of difficulty; we preferred the indigo shed to being drowned, hoping that by daybreak the waters might in some degree subside47.
The ancients indulged their mirth at the simplicity48 of the
"Rusticus expectans dum defluat amnis."
Yet the inhabitants of India have been pretty often constrained49 to adopt the practice.
The indigo shed, after some demur50 on the part of the native in charge, was opened for the recep[Pg 44]tion of our palanquins and travelling cases, which had long since been thoroughly51 soaked. We soon found that we were not destined52 to be the sole tenants53 of the shed, for the swarms54 of mosquitoes exceeded any display of the kind I had seen before. We obtained a jar of charcoal55 to boil the kettle for our frugal56 meal of tea and biscuits, which soon produced a suffocating57 sensation. We left, in hopes of being rid of our tormentors by this expedient58; but they had not apparently the same objections as ourselves, and were buzzing with renewed delight and welcome on seeing us return. In vain we closed the doors of our palanquins, and nearly stifled59 ourselves with heat; our active enemies forced a passage through the crevices60 of the blinds; they would not be baulked of their rightful food, and it was evident that a white victim was no ordinary delicacy61.
We anxiously watched for the break of day, and when the dawn was perceptible, arose from our restless mats, stirred up the sleeping establishment, and proceeded to the banks of the nullah. The weather had moderated a little, and,[Pg 45] about mid-day, the water had sunk to about five feet, which gave rather a precarious62 ford. As the deep part was not very wide, though exceedingly rapid, our bearers consented to make the passage with the empty palanquins on their heads, and afterwards to carry each article separately, whilst we stripped and took the water in support of the sable63 army. This mode was practised, and successfully performed, though the passage of the palanquins was rather precarious: to have lost them in these wild jungles would have been an irreparable disaster.
From hence, our journey through the jungles and hilly country, which we afterwards entered, was slow, but unobstructed. In many parts, the country was eminently64 beautiful; especially so in the neighbourhood of Ranchee, where dwelt the excellent and hospitable65 friend, to visit whom had been the object of my journey.
The Kholes, who inhabit this tract66 of country, lay claim to be aborigines of Hindostan; nay67, more: they designate themselves as the first people created, "except the English," added a polite barbarian68, who was recapitulating69 the claims to[Pg 46] antiquity70, with this unfortunate exception, which tended to overthrow71 the whole fabric72.
Early one morning, as we were sitting in the verandah of my friend's house, two inhabitants of a neighbouring village made their appearance, and began a most dolorous73 tale regarding the devastations committed among their kindred by a cruel ghost, to eject which they solicited74 the sahib's aid.
"It is well," replied the controller of spirits; "go, the ghost shall be caught."
With a submissive reverence75 due to such power, the two gentlemen in black took their departure, evidently satisfied with the success of their mission.
The ghost complained of was the cholera76, which pays frequent visits to this country, but rarely resides more than a few days in a village, when he takes wing in search of fresh victims.
A chuprassie, or messenger, dressed in the belt and insignia of office, is sent to the village, and ordered to await until the scourge77 abates78; and as imagination, beyond a doubt, has much influence in this disease, the arrival of the chu[Pg 47]prassie, sent officially to catch the ghost, has no doubt a salutary effect on the superstition79 of the sufferers; and probably, on leaving, there is not a soul in the place foolhardy enough to doubt that the ghost has taken his departure under the chuprassie's belt.
In this part of India, a few years back almost unknown, and affording a safe asylum80 for the predatory tribes of Pindarrees until the wise policy of Lord Hastings' government uprooted81 those daring tribes of banditti, the most profound tranquillity82 now prevails. The natives have learned, not only to respect, but to love, the mild authority which has restored the golden era, enabling all to repose83 in security, and to lead the life of inoffensive simplicity for which the Hindoo is eminently qualified84, but which the oppressive rule of the Mussulman conquerors85 long forbade him to enjoy.
The climate in this hilly district is temperate86, presenting a favourable contrast to the execrable damp heat of Calcutta, at the close of the rainy season. The numerous conical hills, hinged with thick jungle, afford an agreeable change of view[Pg 48] to one accustomed to the monotonous87 flat surface of the Bengal provinces from the Rajemal to the Himalayah mountains; and these belts of jungle merit the sportsman's attention, owing to the colonies of tigers, bears, and leopards88 which seek their shelter. In the thick forests and prairies, further to the west, is found a large beast of the bison kind,[9] whose courage and ferocity recommend him to the most adventurous89 of Eastern sportsmen; indeed, few would enjoy the daring toil90 and sport long, unless provided with a heart and eye correctly placed.
My visit to these alluring91 regions, and to the residence of my kind and valued friends, will always continue the most pleasing recollection afforded by my sojourn92 in India; but that happy time was curtailed93 by letters which reached me from Upper India. The aspect of affairs on the[Pg 49] north-west frontier, upwards94 of a thousand miles distant from my present abode, was so warlike, that I felt it my duty to lose no time in prosecuting95 that long and tedious journey, as my regiment96 were cantoned in a neighbourhood which rendered the requisition for their service a certainty, in case of hostilities97 ensuing.
Sending on our palanquins and bearers in the morning, we followed, in the afternoon, on elephants, through the heavy jungles and deep, gloomy ravines; and, travelling at a rate of about five miles an hour, reached Hazarebaugh in the course of the next day.
Some of the Ameers of Scinde,[10] who had been recently deposed98, were then residing at this deserted99 cantonment under surveillance, and we paid them a visit in the evening, accompanied by the officer in charge. They were living in spacious100 bungalows101, under little restraint, and with many of their own people around them. Were it not that those who have once been possessed of power seem to languish102 under its loss—should[Pg 50] the privation have been involuntary—I should have said that the Ameers had more reason to be contented103 with their present lot than when placed at the head of a lawless and warlike race, whom they were unable to control, and of whom they stood in constant dread104.
But the recommendation of sages105, and the advice of poets, "privatus ut altùm dormiret," have been alike disregarded; and although, from the reign106 of Commodus to the accession of Constantine, every Roman emperor, save Claudius, was assassinated108, yet was there no dearth109 of candidates for the fatal purple.
On informing the Ameers that we had recently arrived from England, they eagerly questioned me as to the probability of their reinstatement.
They smiled incredulously, when I told them I was in no way connected with the India house, and unable to afford them any information. We then conversed110 upon Scinde, which I told them I had visited on a former occasion, when with Sir John Keane's force, and they politely declared that they remembered me well, an Asiatic fa?on[Pg 51] de parler, for during my Scindian tour, I had not seen one of the Ameers of the present party.
After an exchange of trifling111 presents, we took our leave of the Ameers, and the same night left Hazarebaugh in our palanquins. After a hot and tedious journey along the main trunk-road, resting for two or three hours during the heat of each day at the government bungalows, erected112 for that purpose, we reached Cawnpore. At this place, we found that a great improvement[11] had taken place in the mode of travelling, by placing the palanquin on a truck drawn113 by a horse, which is relieved every ninth or tenth mile, and the traveller is thus enabled to proceed at the rate of eight miles an hour in lieu of three.
I accomplished114 the journey to Merut in about thirty hours, having had only one upset, and a few trifling bruises115; for the horses seemed to have come to an understanding with each other that they were to take any direction, at first starting, but that of the main road. At almost every[Pg 52] stage, this system of bolting was attempted; but when once impelled116 to a canter, they seemed generally to acknowledge the error of their former ways, and to atone117 for it by making the best and steadiest progress in their power. Though occasionally some headstrong novice118 would try the effect of a few rapid swerves119, he generally got the worst of it in the end, receiving pretty smart chastisement120 from the native driver, accompanied by torrents of abuse bestowed121 on the delinquent122 and his whole generation, frequently intermingled with most opprobrious123, and doubtless unmerited, epithets124 on his mother and sisters. This is, I am sorry to say, but too common a practice amongst the natives throughout India; whenever man or beast offends them, they are in the habit of retaliating125 immediately on his inoffensive female relatives. Thus, lovely woman is ever wont126 to become the meek127 and unsuspecting victim of him who should have been her protector; from Queen Pomare to Mrs. Caudle, in modern times, from Medea to Xantippe, in ancient, they are always right, and almost invariably suffer wrong. The main cause of this injustice128 may be attributed[Pg 53] to their having neglected to maintain their undoubted right to a voice and seat in the legislature; and though, from amiable129 weakness, or more laudable modesty130, they have hitherto refrained from urging their claims, it is base oppression to take advantage of such honourable131 causes of reluctance132. If a type of power be wanting, it may be adduced at once; for did not the greatest political despot of these, or any other times, refuse to accept office until her Majesty133 would assent134 to change her female friends? A general revolt, especially if the fair rebels only held out long enough, would be certain of ultimate success. I speak only with regard to civilized10 countries; for in the East, there are reasons which might interfere135 most materially with the success of such a proceeding136.
On my arrival at Merut, I found all parties deeply interested in the news daily arriving from the frontier; the question of peace or war decidedly held the next place in importance in the estimation of the European community after that of the impending137 race meeting.
As the Merut races may not afford matter of so[Pg 54] much general interest elsewhere as they did in the north-western provinces of Bengal, I will enter first on the question of secondary importance.
Notwithstanding the hostile attitude assumed by the Sikh army, Sir Henry Hardinge continued to declare publicly his pacific wishes and intentions, though, as a precautionary measure, the British regiments138 had been drawn from the lower provinces of Bengal to strengthen the north-western frontier.
The Sikh soldiery had held the upper hand of power since the demise139 of Runjeet Singh, and, having elected their own Punchayut to legislate140 in all matters connected with the army, an increase of numbers and advance of pay had been the consequence, although the latter still continued some months in arrears141. The Ranee had continued to hold the name of regent for her child Dhuleep Singh; and, being possessed of much address and natural cunning, she had contrived142 to retain some semblance27 of authority over the soldiery. Many of the sirdars, being possessed of considerable wealth and a proportionate suite143 of dependents, might, had they been united, have held a counteracting144 in[Pg 55]fluence; but, in the present state of affairs, they were compelled to seek popularity with the soldiery as the most probable means of advancement145. Those who of late had held the responsible office of vizier, had found little cause to exult146 in the precarious honour; for, when unpopular with the army or brought into collision with rival chiefs, a bullet or a cimeter had speedily ended their career. The last and recent victim had been the Ranee's own brother, Jowahir Singh.
The winter was now far advanced; the main body of the Sikh army assembled, as usual, at Lahore, or in its vicinity; and none of the sirdars having of late become particularly obnoxious,[12] the soldiery were at a sad loss in the selection of some victim to satisfy their thirst for blood and plunder147.
The idea soon suggested itself (home being nearly exhausted) to look abroad for conquest and rapine. The most obvious and tempting148 prize[Pg 56] for their cupidity149 was Hindostan. The wealth of Delhi, Agra, Benares, Calcutta, were proverbial; and the hateful Feringhees, what masses of rupees must lay hidden in their store-houses! The British troops were much scattered150 about the face of the country; many of the sepoys might probably be induced to desert by the promise of increased pay; and were not the Khalsas assembled together, ready for action, and irresistible151? These reflections were carefully fomented152 by a representation that the governor-general was on his progress to the frontier, and had resolved to demand from the Sikhs a cession107 of all lands on the British side of the Sutlej.
What could be more conducive153 to the interests of the Ranee and many of the sirdars than these projects? What easier than to write to the British authorities a lamentation154 of her inability to restrain the licentious155 soldiery? Should they be repulsed156, the British government must place them in a tractable157 and organized condition, but could never deprive an inoffensive child, and the hereditary158 successor to the throne, of its rights, for acts unauthorized by his advisers159. The moderation of the[Pg 57] Indian government, in its successes against the native powers, warranted such a conclusion. On the other hand, should the Sikh army be successful, they must look to the Ranee in authority at Lahore for numerous requisites161 to be supplied for the army in the progress of the campaign, and in case of success how faithfully they would have been supplied. Does the matter admit of a doubt? Her faithful and confidential163 adviser160, her more than friend, marched with the forces, as second in command, Rajah Lal Singh.[13]
Of late, the Ranee had devoted164 herself much to intoxicating165 liquors, and had indulged so freely that, according to the accounts forwarded by the governor-general's agent, Major Broadfoot, she had lost much of the energy and intelligence which used to mark her character; nor was she by any means singular in this propensity166, for the greater portion of the Sikh sirdars followed zealously167 in the steps of their mistress.[Pg 58] The Shalimar gardens, a few miles distant from Lahore, have witnessed scenes of drunkenness and debauchery, unparalleled, perhaps, in any of the capitals of modern Europe. The letters from the governor-general's agent on the north-western frontier, from May 8th to August 10th, 1845, will throw as true a light on the occupation and morality of the court and army of Lahore as could be sought or desired.
Rajah Ghoolab Singh,[14] the richest and most powerful of the chiefs, having narrowly escaped the fury of the soldiery, on a recent occasion, at Lahore, and being, moreover, unpopular with the Ranee, remained in his own territories at Jamoo, in the hill districts, wisely resolving to watch the progress of events, now evidently hurrying to a crisis, and to play his own game in due season, which, in the sequel, it will be acknowledged, he executed in masterly style. He was continually invited and urged to descend26 and take a part in[Pg 59] the impending hostilities, but was so earnestly engaged in making preparations on an extensive scale that it took him many weeks to reach the capital.
On more than one occasion the Sikh army had actually marched from Lahore towards the Sutlej, with the avowed168 intention of invading the British territories, but had, on second thoughts, returned to Lahore to discuss the matter once more.
The most effective branch of the Sikh forces were the Aeen battalions170, whose discipline and formation had been the result of many years' exertion171, in the days of Runjeet, on the part of European officers in his service. Their arms and uniform resembled much that of our native troops, except the peculiar172 Sikh turban; and, until the revolutions which succeeded Runjeet's death, their discipline had been strictly173 maintained. As the officers who had brought them to a state of efficiency and discipline had all either left the country, died, or been otherwise summarily disposed of, the general supposition was that these troops would no longer be very formidable, but this impression proved incorrect. The Aeen forces[Pg 60] have occasionally varied174 in strength and numbers, but amounted at this time to sixty battalions, whereof about forty were with the army of Lahore, and the remainder principally quartered in the neighbourhood of Peshawur.
Six hundred men constituted the full effective strength of each battalion169, and to each were attached its own four pieces of cannon175 with their complement176 of artillerymen.
The Sikh artillery177 we had seen at exercise on former occasions, and their fire was known to be rapid and tolerably accurate; they had, in fact, enjoyed the reputation of being, in all respects, the best appointed arm of their service. All had been done that lay in our power to render them effective, for, on previous occasions, when the governor-general paid his visits to the Lahore Durbar, it had been usual to present the best pieces of artillery procurable, which served for excellent models in the Lahore arsenal178.
The Sikh Regular Cavalry179 had been abolished, and replaced by hordes180 of irregulars; and as no petty chief in the Punjaub appears on public parade without a band of armed retainers, gene[Pg 61]rally well mounted and equipped, the irregular cavalry were almost numberless.
There were also some corps181 of irregular infantry182 or Bundookcheras; these irregulars, both cavalry and infantry, might, on emergency, be mustered183 to a numerical force at least double that of the regular troops.
With an enemy of this description assembled forty miles from the British frontier, and with fords innumerable along the line of the Sutlej, between Ferozepore and Loodiana, during the cold season, it must be acknowledged that the game was not an easy one to Sir Henry Hardinge, when desirous of appearing peaceably disposed.
By the treaty of 1809, Runjeet Singh bound himself not to cross any armed parties into the protected Sikh states, beyond what were necessary for the collection of revenue; and when any large body of troops were moved, an intimation of the march and the causes was always sent to the British political agent. The vizier, Jowahir Singh, insisted that this custom should be abolished, alleging184 that the Lahore government had[Pg 62] a right to send over any body of troops they might deem requisite162 to suppress disturbances185 occurring in the lands in question, without awaiting for the permission of the British authorities. The protected Sikh chiefs, being mostly possessed of lands on both sides of the Sutlej, concurred186 in Jowahir Singh's views, which tended to establish their own independence, by permitting the passage of troops from their possessions on one bank, to those on the other—a measure evidently at variance187 with our interests and security, as it must render all efforts to ascertain the numerical force of armed parties in the Cis-Sutlej states abortive188.
The actual assemblage of an army on the Sutlej was considered, by Sir Henry Hardinge, unadvisable, as tending to display hostile intentions on our part, and likely to cause a rupture189 with the Sikh forces in their present excited state; yet, by refraining from such a measure, our frontier was exposed, at any time during the winter and spring,[15] to the ravages190 of an army[Pg 63] which might commit serious depredations191 before a British force could be assembled to oppose it.
The forts of Ferozepore and Loodiana were perfectly192 secure; the former, being constructed on modern principles, and garrisoned193 by British troops, might have held out as long as required; but both cantonments and native towns were exposed to the will of the enemy. This was a fundamental error in both positions, which, being thrown so far forward from any support, should have been actually fortresses194 only, constructed on the best modern principles, and unencumbered by large towns and indefensible cantonments.
On the British side of the river, the population in the protected Sikh states being intimately connected with that of the Punjaub, and many portions of the land actually the property of Sikh sirdars with the army, it is natural to suppose that we possessed but doubtful friends in case of their being called upon. On the other hand, it was maintained that the position of these lands would be a guarantee for the good behaviour of their owners residing in the Punjaub, whose interests would probably suffer in case of a rupture.
The Rajah of Puttealah, the most powerful chief residing in the protected states, had long been a firm ally of the British Government, but his power to restrain his followers195 was doubtful; at the best, no doubt was entertained that they would not act in offensive measures against their Sikh kinsmen196.
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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monsoons
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| n.（南亚、尤指印度洋的）季风( monsoon的名词复数 )；（与季风相伴的）雨季；（南亚地区的）雨季 | |
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tornadoes
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| n.龙卷风，旋风( tornado的名词复数 ) | |
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caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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longitude
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| n.经线，经度 | |
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expatiate
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| v.细说，详述 | |
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gazetteer
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| n.地名索引 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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29
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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30
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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31
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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32
abating
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| 减少( abate的现在分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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33
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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34
gusts
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| 一阵强风( gust的名词复数 )； （怒、笑等的）爆发； （感情的）迸发； 发作 | |
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35
indigo
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| n.靛青，靛蓝 | |
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36
hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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37
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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38
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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39
earthenware
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| n.土器，陶器 | |
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40
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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41
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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42
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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43
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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44
sluice
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| n.水闸 | |
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45
procurable
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| adj.可得到的，得手的 | |
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46
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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47
subside
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| vi.平静，平息；下沉，塌陷，沉降 | |
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48
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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49
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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50
demur
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| v．表示异议，反对 | |
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51
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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52
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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53
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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54
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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55
charcoal
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| n.炭，木炭，生物炭 | |
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56
frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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57
suffocating
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| a.使人窒息的 | |
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58
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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59
stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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60
crevices
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| n.（尤指岩石的）裂缝，缺口( crevice的名词复数 ) | |
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61
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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62
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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63
sable
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| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
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64
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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65
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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66
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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67
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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68
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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69
recapitulating
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| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的现在分词 ) | |
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70
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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71
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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72
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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73
dolorous
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| adj.悲伤的；忧愁的 | |
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74
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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75
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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76
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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77
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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78
abates
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| 减少( abate的第三人称单数 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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79
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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80
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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81
uprooted
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| v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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82
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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83
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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84
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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85
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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86
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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87
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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88
leopards
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| n.豹( leopard的名词复数 )；本性难移 | |
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89
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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90
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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91
alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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92
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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93
curtailed
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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95
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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96
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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97
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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98
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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99
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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100
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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101
bungalows
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| n.平房( bungalow的名词复数 )；单层小屋，多于一层的小屋 | |
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102
languish
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| vi.变得衰弱无力，失去活力，（植物等）凋萎 | |
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103
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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104
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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105
sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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106
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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107
cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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108
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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109
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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110
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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111
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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112
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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113
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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114
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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115
bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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116
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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118
novice
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| adj.新手的，生手的 | |
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119
swerves
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| n.（使）改变方向，改变目的( swerve的名词复数 )v.（使）改变方向，改变目的( swerve的第三人称单数 ) | |
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120
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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121
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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123
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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124
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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125
retaliating
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的现在分词 ) | |
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126
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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127
meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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128
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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129
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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130
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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131
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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132
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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133
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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134
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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135
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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136
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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137
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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138
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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139
demise
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| n.死亡；v.让渡，遗赠，转让 | |
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140
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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141
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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142
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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143
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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144
counteracting
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的现在分词 ) | |
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145
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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146
exult
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| v.狂喜，欢腾；欢欣鼓舞 | |
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147
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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148
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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149
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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150
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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151
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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152
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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154
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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155
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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156
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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tractable
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| adj.易驾驭的；温顺的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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159
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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161
requisites
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| n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
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162
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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164
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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165
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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166
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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167
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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168
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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169
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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170
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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171
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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172
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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173
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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174
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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175
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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176
complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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177
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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178
arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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179
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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180
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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181
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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182
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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183
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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184
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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185
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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186
concurred
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| 同意（concur的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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187
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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188
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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189
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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191
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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192
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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193
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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194
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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195
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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