On the 27th of January, all the reinforcements which had been on the march to join our column had arrived, and Colonel Godby's force, part of which were in Loodiana, moved out in the evening to Buddewal. The whole force, which amounted to about ten thousand men, were brigaded for the approaching struggle, and verbal orders were issued to the several commanders.
[Pg 164]
The cavalry3,[40] which were formed into two brigades, were placed under the direction of Brigadier Cureton, of H.M. 16th Lancers; and to the cavalry division were attached the four troops of horse artillery4.
The infantry5 consisted of four brigades,[Pg 165] under Brigadiers Hicks, Wheler, Wilson, and Godby.
A nine-pounder, light field-battery, and the eight-inch howitzers completed the sum of the force under Sir Harry Smith's command.
Shortly before daybreak on the 28th of January, the "Arouse bugle6" from the general's quarters, taken up by each regiment7 successively along the line, summoned all to prepare for the fray8.
The camp was speedily levelled, and all camp-followers9 and "impedimenta" (as the Romans aptly termed their baggage) were left in charge of a detail of Native Cavalry and Infantry at the fort of Buddewal.
Slowly and silently the dark masses of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, fell into their respective places on the sandy alarm post in front of the general's quarters, and soon after daybreak the army advanced in compact order, over the open plain, under the guidance of the acting10 engineers.
Advanced guards, and flanking parties of cavalry, were thrown out from the main column,[Pg 166] and every eye watched eagerly for the first glitter of the Sikh weapons.
The suspense11 was not destined12 to be of long duration; for soon after sunrise, having marched about eight miles, we reached the verge13 of a sandy ridge14, beneath which lay a hard, level plain, nearly two miles in breadth, and about one in length, flanked on our right by the Sutlej, and on the left by trees, through which an open country could be discerned to a considerable distance.
To our right front lay the fortified15 village of Aliwal, and to our left front that of Boondree, amidst a thin grove16 of trees. Along the ridge connecting these villages were thrown up light field entrenchments, (then invisible to us,) from whence a gradual slope towards the ridge where we stood gave the position a resemblance to the glacis of a low fort, and rendered it peculiarly suited for defensive19 purposes.
Descending20 into this plain, in column of threes, the cavalry deployed21, and advanced a few yards, whilst the infantry and artillery formed a second line, masked effectually by the advance.
[Pg 167]
The enemy were soon perceived rapidly occupying the position between the villages of Aliwal and Boondree, pouring from their entrenched22 camp, which lay about a mile in rear of the second ridge, on the bank of the river, but concealed23 from our view.
Sir Harry Smith, whose watchful24 eye, from the top of a village-hut on the first ridge, had detected the enemy in motion from their camp, now rode forwards to make his dispositions25 for the battle, which the most sanguine26 had not ventured to anticipate as likely to take place on open ground, whilst a fortified camp lay scarcely a mile in rear.
The British line was speedily formed. The 2nd Brigade of Cavalry, under the personal direction of Brigadier Cureton, stretched nearly to the banks of the Sutlej; the infantry and artillery held the centre; and the 1st Brigade of Cavalry, under Brigadier M'Dowell, formed the left wing of the army.
It was reported to the general, that morning, by a spy, that the Sikhs were about to move forward on Jugraon as a new position, and[Pg 168] there is some reason to suppose that we found them actually commencing their march. Be that as it may, they manifested an equal alacrity27 with ourselves for action; the cannon28 soon opened their iron mouths upon us, but with little effect, the distance being as yet too great.
Sir Harry Smith, with his characteristic readiness, had formed his plan of attack. Perceiving that the village of Aliwal, the strongest point of the enemy's position, was apparently29 weakly garrisoned31, the first and fourth brigades were ordered to advance and carry it by a coup-de-main, which was soon effected, after a faint resistance. The remainder of the British line continued steadily32 to advance, and when under fire of the Sikh batteries, our own artillery opened along the whole line.
The enemy, although Aliwal was carried, and that important battery silenced, bravely maintained their position, and poured a steady rolling fire upon our advancing line. The noble 50th Regiment being in the centre, and[Pg 169] opposed to the heaviest battery, fell fast under the fire; but their path has ever led to victory, and no storm of round shot and grape, supported by countless33 musketry, has yet availed to repulse34 those gallant35 warriors36.
A small band of Sikh horsemen, many of them richly attired37, suddenly rode forth39 from behind the batteries, and charged wildly down upon our advancing line;[41] but they never lived to reach it; a sheet of fire streamed from the centre, and a cloud of smoke slowly drifted over the writhing40 forms of the devoted41 Goorcheras.
Brigadier Cureton, whose experienced eye observed the enemy's left gradually giving way, now advanced his second brigade of cavalry, sweeping42 the banks of the river towards the enemy's camp, in hopes of cutting off that change of front, should the enemy attempt the man?uvre, and also of intercepting44 all communication with that quarter, and the fords of the Sutlej in the vicinity.
[Pg 170]
The left of the Sikh line having been much doubled up by the foregoing operations, and Runjoor Singh finding it now impracticable to hold his present ground with a reasonable chance of success, endeavoured, by a retrograde movement, taking Boondree as the pivot46 of his man?uvre, to change front left back, and thus take the British line in flank, whilst his own troops might regain47 their order.
A large body of Goorchera horsemen thrown forward amongst the groves48 of trees in the neighbourhood of the village of Boondree, announced some new intention on the enemy's part.
The extreme British left then consisted of the 1st Brigade of Cavalry, under Brigadier M'Dowell, (H.M. 16th Lancers and the 3rd Native Cavalry,) who had continued to advance until they had become a target on which the Sikh artillerymen had hitherto practised with impunity49. The bold approach of the Sikh Goorcheras on the British left, soon altered the aspect of affairs in this part of the field. A squadron of the 3rd Native Cavalry,[Pg 171] supported by one from H.M. 16th Lancers, were detached to check the operations of these Sikh Goorcheras. The Native Cavalry advanced through the trees towards the Goorcheras, but, finding them in considerable force, retreated, when the left squadron of the 16th Lancers advancing and wheeling to the left, charged through the grove of trees, breaking and putting to flight a band of Goorchera horse, who, whilst retiring at full speed, wheeled round in their saddles, and fired their matchlocks at their pursuers, but with trifling50 effect.
Returning from their charge, this squadron suddenly found that a regiment of Aeen infantry had advanced from Boondree to secure Runjoor Singh's new change of front, and were in possession of the ground over which the squadron had recently passed. The Sikh infantry hastily formed square, and a sharp rattle51 of musketry emptied several saddles, but "Charge!" from the squadron leader soon put the cavalry at full speed, and, although[Pg 172] interrupted by a small grove of trees in their course, they tore like a whirlwind through the enemy's ranks, hurling52 numbers to the earth, and putting the whole in a state of hopeless confusion.
On the other side of the square, the fourth squadron joined the third, which was returning from a similar charge made on a square of Aeen infantry,[42] and with similar success, though the cavalry had suffered severely53, owing to the isolated54 charges they had been fated to accomplish.
At this juncture55 two guns of the Horse Artillery, under Lieut. Bruce, dashing to the front, sent a flight of shrapnel whizzing amongst the enemy's disordered masses, which diversion was seconded by the 3rd brigade of infantry, who hastened, by a flank movement, to the[Pg 173] scene of action, and followed the enemy through the village of Boondree, in which they would otherwise have made a stand.
Just before these operations had taken place, on the extreme left of the British line, the right wing of the 16th Lancers, having stood exposed to the fire of a galling56 battery in their direct front, were advanced to the attack under the directions of their gallant leader Major J.R. Smyth,[43] commanding the regiment. The two squadrons, moving forward in compact and beautiful order, charged home, and captured every gun under a storm of fire, for the Sikh artillerymen and musketeers stood their ground and fought with desperate bravery and resolution. Venting57 their unconquerable hatred58 in savage59 yells of abuse, the swarthy warriors cast away their discharged muskets60, and rushed sword in hand, to meet their abhorred62 opponents, preferring death to retreat;[Pg 174] but no efforts of despair could now restore the day to the Khalsas, for their line had been doubled back and penetrated63 in several places, and the greater part of their artillery captured or abandoned.
The Khalsa army, hurled64 from the ridge on which they had taken up their position, now directed their retreat on the nearest fords of the Sutlej below the entrenched camp.
Sir Harry Smith, ordering the artillery forward, and still keeping his forces in compact order, descended65 from the ridge towards the retreating enemy, saluted66 by the deafening67 cheers of each regiment as the gallant and victorious68 general rode past them. One such day is worth years of repose69 and inactivity to the soldier, and Aliwal has inscribed70 the name of Sir Harry Smith on the deathless scroll71 of British conquerors72.
The Sikh general had conducted his retreat with such precipitation, that when the British forces approached the bank of the river the greater part of the Sikh army had crossed, though many, losing the fords or trampled73 by[Pg 175] the cavalry, had been swept down the Sutlej and drowned.
A few shots were fired, on our advance, from some pieces of cannon on our side of the river, but they were the last those guns were destined to fire against the British army, as the enemy were compelled to abandon them, and provide for their own safety on the further shore.
Our artillery, having formed on the bank, opened a fire of shrapnel on the retreating masses upon the further shore, who soon dispersed74, some taking refuge in villages near the river, and others directing their retreat towards the fortress75 of Philore, which is nearly opposite Loodiana.
As the sun sunk beneath the horizon, the whole British force, drawn76 up in line on the bank of the Sutlej, rested on their arms for the first time since the morning's dawn had lighted their path to victory.
The enemy's deserted77 camp on the river, protected by a semicircular entrenchment17, had long been in the hands of our Native Cavalry,[Pg 176] and when our brigade arrived at their bivouac, at nightfall, it was found most effectually stripped,[44] and I did not hear of any of the Buddewal sufferers recovering as much as a stable jacket from the wreck78. A few books and other trifles of which the Sikhs could make no use, found their way back to the original proprietors79; but the newspaper-report, that we had enriched ourselves with Sikh precious stones and metals is, unfortunately, quite devoid80 of foundation. Those who had carried away any Sikh metals usually found them more troublesome than useful.
Camels, laden81 with tents, strayed in different directions over the plain; but most of them were furnished with owners in the course of the night, although our camp followers remained huddled82 together in their den38 of safety at Buddewal. Enormous quantities of ammunition83 had been collected in the Sikh camp,[Pg 177] to carry on the long operations they meditated84 against the British forces, and the cartridges85, which were packed in large wooden cases, continued to explode during the night. Large portions were collected by our parties sent out for the purpose, and, when fired, shook the earth as with an earthquake, and lit up the surrounding country, causing our horses to break loose from their pickets86, when, conceiving that they had not been sufficiently87 worked during the day, they galloped88 wildly through our bivouac.
The day of slaughter89 was certainly followed by a night of confusion; but the Sikh army had been beaten, and few in our camp gave much thought to anything beyond the exploits of the day. Covered with such fragments of tents, or Sikh horse clothing as we could lay our hands upon, or rolled in our cloaks, (the few happy men to whom Buddewal had left such a garment,) we clustered together and discussed the day's proceedings90. Most of those who had escaped unwounded were splashed with the blood of their comrades or enemies, and the field where we lay was amply spotted91 with[Pg 178] ghastly looking corpses93, which would have afforded valuable subjects for newspaper tales of horror; yet few, if any, of our numerous party complained of their night's slumbers94 being interrupted or haunted by such apparitions95.
The human organ of destructiveness requires exercise for its development, and with those advantages it becomes, with many, one of the most engrossing96 of earthly passions. I have seen instances in many veterans of men whose eye never brightened with such radiance at any prospect97 as that of returning to their old gory98 pastime; ay, and amongst that number were examples of warm-heartedness and benevolence99, which it would puzzle the metaphysician to reconcile with their destructive propensities100. Ambition is perhaps the best cause or palliative for these inconsistencies; and I trust, from the examples above alluded101 to, it may be deduced that war does not necessarily harden the heart, though it nourishes the ambition of its votary102. I will never admit that worldly distinction is sought invariably[Pg 179] on selfish motives103; for the gratification of one who is prized more than life is a sufficient inducement, and I do not envy the soldier without some such guiding star.
At daylight, on the morning of the 29th, orders were issued to change ground from our bivouac, to the neighbourhood of Aliwal, a short distance higher up on the same bank of the river, whilst parties were detached to inter43 the bodies of the soldiers who had fallen the preceding day.
A field-hospital had been established at a village on the ridge whence we first descended into the plain of Aliwal, before the action. Parties from each regiment, when the battle was over, took the wounded to this place.
At daylight, on the morning of the 29th, so industrious104 had been the plunderers accompanying the army, that scarcely a soldier's corpse92 remained unstripped, with the exception of those whose numerous and deep gashes106 had rendered any article they wore unserviceable.
The plunderers had the prudence107 to accom[Pg 180]plish their desecrations under the cover of night; had they been detected in the daylight, a short shrift and an ounce of lead would have been their well-merited reward; and, for my own part, I would rather have bestowed108 the contents of my pistols on one of them, than on the most fanatic109 Alkali in the whole Sikh army.
It was not easy to determine whence the miscreants110 had come, for the Sikh villages were all deserted, and the camp-followers, who must have heard the firing until nightfall, were not the most likely people to venture forth ten miles on such an errand. Some of the natives in the field-hospital, doubtless, assisted in the undertaking111, but the task was too laborious112 to be completed by them alone.
The amount of losses on our part were, in killed, wounded, and missing, five hundred and eighty-nine men, and three hundred and fifty-three horses. The enemy's loss, by their own statement, exceeded three thousand. Many went to their homes, after the defeat, dis[Pg 181]heartened, and laid aside the profession of arms against the British as an unprofitable business.
The ordnance113 captured amounted to sixty-seven guns, mortars114, and howitzers, and forty swivel guns,[45] which were destroyed as an incumbrance.
During the 29th and 30th of January, cartloads of captured ammunition were taken to the enemy's forts in the neighbourhood, all of which were deserted, and continual explosions told far into the Punjaub the tale of their destruction. These forts belonged to the troublesome Ladwa Rajah, who had instigated115 the recent expedition across the Sutlej, mainly in order to carry off the most valuable portion of his moveable property in the protected Sikh states, which feat2 having been performed more easily than he expected, he was emboldened116 to act on the offensive.
The announcement of Buddewal having become a blackened heap of ruins, was gene[Pg 182]rally received with a savage degree of satisfaction, and the very name of the place became a convenient resource and by-word for all stray articles. Our native servants made it answer their purpose as a receptacle for every valuable article afterwards missing, until the end of the campaign, or an inventory117 checked the useful excuse.
A deserter from the Bengal Horse Artillery (John Porter, by name) fell into our hands during the enemy's retreat, and was recognised by some of his former associates. He had been some time in the Sikh service, and had been instrumental in directing the fire of the light guns upon his countrymen, for which employment he would have been speedily consigned118 to the tender mercies of the kites and vultures, had not the soldiers who captured him been restrained from carrying their resentment119 to such lengths, and the political agent, hoping to make some use of the renegade, saved his life. Mr. John Porter had apparently imbibed120 a strong predilection121 for his adopted country, and maintained that it would be im[Pg 183]possible to subdue122 the Sikhs with the present forces which the British Government had assembled on the north-western frontier; but his opinion on this and other matters was hardly of sufficient value to have saved his life.
This man was more fortunate than another Englishman in the Sikh ranks at Ferozeshuhur, who, during the storm of the works by the British infantry, fell amongst the assailants, crying aloud—"Spare me, lads! I am an Englishman, and belonged to the old 44th!" His appeal was answered by several bayonets and execrations.
On the afternoon of the 29th of January, the field-hospital, with the wounded men, was removed into Loodiana. I rode over to see a brother-officer who had been seriously wounded, and shall never forget the sad scene of human suffering presented to view. Outside the hospital tents were lain the bodies of those who had recently died; many in the contorted positions in which the rigid123 hand of death had fixed124 them; others, more resembling sleep[Pg 184] than death, had calmly passed away, struck down in full vigour125 and robust126 bodily health, when the human frame, it was natural to suppose, would have struggled more fiercely with its arch enemy; but the groans127 of the sufferers undergoing painful surgical128 operations were more grievous to the senses than the sight of those who needed no mortal aid. Pain, in all its degrees and hideous129 varieties was forcibly portrayed130 on every square yard of earth which surrounded me; and, passing from sufferer to sufferer, I felt, or fancied I felt, each patient's eye following wistfully the movements of such fortunate visitants as were exempted131 from the services of the knife or lancet, and sometimes dwelling132 reproachfully on the useless spectator of their sufferings. I felt it was almost a sacrilege to remain in such a place without being useful; but the medical officers and hospital-assistants so zealously133 fulfilled every minute detail for the relief of their patients, that sympathy was the only offering we could present to our stricken comrades.
Whilst raising the canvas door of a dark[Pg 185] tent which I was entering, I stumbled, and nearly fell over the leg of some one stretched across the entrance. When I turned to make apologies to the owner, I found it had none, but, on a pallet beside it, lay its former possessor, who had just undergone amputation134; beyond him lay a dead artilleryman; and further on, amongst stumps135 of arms protruding136 from the pallets, lay my wounded brother-officer, who appeared to suffer much more from the surrounding objects than from his own severe personal injuries. But the attention bestowed on those wounded at Aliwal, differed much from a preceding occasion,[46] where the hospital stores and conveniencies had been so far outmarched, that only two rush-lights were procurable137 to illuminate138 the hospital.
In the course of the 29th, at Loodiana, better shelter was afforded; and its proximity139 to the sanatorium in the mountains gave a cheering prospect for the approaching hot season to[Pg 186] those who were not qualified140 to become food for powder.
On the evening of the 29th, the remains141 of all the officers who had fallen in action were interred142 in front of the standard guards, and amongst them were many deeply regretted by their comrades. All were young, and most had fallen in their first field; but a soldier's grave has, from the earliest records of mankind, been deemed the most honourable143, and often the most desirable passage from this scene of trial. No mourning group of relatives surround the couch of the attenuated144 sufferer, to aggravate145 the grief of parting—no lingering shaft146 of fate reduces the vigour of manhood to pitiful imbecility, but the winged messenger or the flashing steel summons the victim, and amidst the roar of battle's thunder, he bows to the destroying angel. The warrior's grave, dug on the field of strife147, and his bier shrouded148 by the proud flag of his country, and surrounded by war-worn veterans and faithful comrades, are funeral obsequies befitting the close of the soldier's career. The hearse be[Pg 187]decked with lugubrious149 trappings and nodding plumes150, which conveys the remnants of frail151 mortality to the sepulchre, the train of hired mourners, with their insignia of office and the pompous152 mockery of woe153, have always been, to my mind, objects of peculiar18 disgust. Why should we seek to dress out death in such fantastic guise154, when the ceremonial can only be calculated to harrow the feelings of suffering relatives by protracted155 mummery? The active scene of the undertaker's solemnities closes with the church portals upon the retiring crowd; but the mouldering156 corpse has yet to undergo the sculptor's operations; and the carved sarcophagus tells to posterity157, as far as time will permit, how great and good a worm has crawled out its allotted158 course on this scene of trial; and wondering acquaintances are often astonished to read, after death, a catalogue of virtues159 which they had failed to discover during a life of apparent uselessness. I never could comprehend the object of these strange, but not uncommon160, deceptions161. Friends and acquaintances must have formed[Pg 188] their own estimates before the closing scene, and can hardly be deceived by an epitaph; the opinion of strangers must be a matter of indifference162; and the recommendations of a monument can hardly be expected to pass current as an introduction to the invisible world. I cannot think otherwise than that—
"Praises on tombs are trifles vainly spent;
A man's good name is his best monument."
But the poet and the cynic appear to have railed at, and ridiculed163 the custom in vain, for the stone-mason continues to flourish with unabated vigour.
The operations of Sir Harry Smith's division of the army afford interesting matter for consideration, in a military point of view, both on account of the enemy's embarrassing man?uvres against the weakly-defended points on the upper line of the Sutlej, and also because the Sikhs ventured to fight for the first time on the open plain: the light entrenchments, thrown up to cover partially164 the working of their guns, will hardly obstruct165 the use of that term.
[Pg 189]
It will be remembered, that when Sir Harry Smith was first detached from Hureeka, the intention was merely to re-open the communication with Loodiana, brushing away such foraging166 or predatory bands as were supposed to infest167 the intervening country. Dhurrumkote, about twenty-six miles distant from army head-quarters, and an insignificant168 fort, had refused an entrance, but three or four shrapnel speedily induced the garrison30 to sue for terms, and a small detachment of native troops were established in the place, which was hastily put under repair.
In progress from that place, it was first ascertained169 that the enemy were in greater force than was before supposed; and no sooner did reinforcements move to join Sir Harry Smith, than a column of dust, extending from the Sikh camp up the river, announced a corresponding movement on the enemy's side, and the reports of our spies soon corroborated170 the supposition.[Pg 190][47]
I think it hardly admits of a doubt, that the enemy's flank movement at Loodiana, besides a predatory excursion, was intended to act against our siege train, on its arrival at or near Bussean; for on the approach of Sir Harry Smith's division, the Sikhs advanced to Buddewal, retreating again only to cover the passage of their reinforcements, and again moving forwards towards Jugraon (as it was supposed), on the morning of the 28th of January, when Sir Harry Smith fortunately met them on their march.
Sir Harry has been violently assailed171 by the Indian press for the operations in the neighbourhood of Buddewal; but it must be remembered that his authority for the enemy occupying that position rested solely172 on the report of a spy on the line of march; nor did he make any report as to the batteries being[Pg 191] manned and ready to open on us; the General, therefore, saw no reason to suppose that it was more than an advanced post, as had been intimated to him the preceding day.
The order for the march, on the morning of the 21st, had already provided for that measure; and a party of irregular horse had been directed "to watch the small fortress occupied by the enemy."
Our gallant General frequently expressed himself in the strongest terms hostile to credulity in rumours173, and doubtless acted on this principle on the 21st of January. Had he decided174 to halt that morning, when the enemy were first discovered, there was an excellent position beyond the reach of their batteries, where the troops might have been assembled, and the march towards Loodiana resumed over the open plain, and out of reach of the Sikhs' heavy artillery.
Sir Harry had resolved upon reaching Loodiana that day, according to the orders for the march; and when it became apparent that[Pg 192] the enemy was in full strength, and had unmasked his batteries, the British General immediately perceived the disadvantages under which he must have suffered had a general action ensued, and withdrew his forces with a masterly hand, although the Sikhs exhibited an equally masterly one over our baggage.
Few military men will venture to blame Sir Harry Smith for declining an action with the enemy on the 21st of January, when it is taken into consideration—firstly, that Colonel Godby's force, taking another line of country, had not arrived when the Sikhs were upon us; secondly176, that our infantry were nearly exhausted177 by fatigue178, and scarcely able to make their way through the deep sand, whilst the enemy were quite fresh; and, lastly, that the Sikhs could have compelled us to attack them under cover of their batteries in Buddewal, for which operations we had no sufficient ordnance.
When also a great disparity of numbers exists, as on the occasion in question, there can be no doubt of its being incumbent179 on the General to bring the lesser180 body at least fresh[Pg 193] upon the field, where so much activity is required to counterbalance the opposing force; and in the open plain the Sikhs so far outflanked our line, that Sir Harry was compelled to make a defensive change of front when threatened by a demonstration181 made by Runjoor Singh against the British left.
The want of heavy guns, and the paucity182 of our numbers compared to the Sikhs, caused the attack of their post to be deferred183, after our bivouac at Loodiana, until the arrival of reinforcements from head-quarters. After the enemy had evacuated184 their position at Buddewal, and our expected reinforcements had arrived, many were strongly of opinion that no attack could in prudence be attempted until guns of heavier metal were procurable. Sir Harry Smith, however, wisely foresaw the evil effect which must have ensued, should it be promulgated185 throughout India that the right wing of the British forces had been checked by the Sikhs, and continued inactive at Loodiana, apparently unable to commence offensive operations.
[Pg 194]
The news of a daring conspiracy[48] at Patna had, at this juncture, reached the Governor-general's camp; and an immediate175 and decisive blow was especially necessary, to convince the people of India that the British resources were sufficient to crush the invaders186 and to punish domestic sedition187. The whole province of Bengal having been nearly denuded188 of British troops, any internal disaffection being allowed to develop itself might have led to most disastrous189 consequences; but this was happily discovered, and repressed in due season.
Had the Sikhs retreated across the Sutlej after the skirmish at Buddewal, carrying off their booty unmolested, the result of Sir Harry Smith's expedition would have been far from satisfactory; but, fortunately for that gallant officer, the enemy had been inspired with so much confidence, that they not only remained on the left bank, but actually came out of their[Pg 195] entrenched camp, and gave him battle on the very day and hour he desired to bring on the engagement.
To so high a pitch had Sikh confidence risen since the operations of the 21st of January, that there appears every reason to suppose that their movement on the morning of the 28th was intended as much to intercept45 us from the main column, as to threaten the siege train advancing from Delhi. Had the Sikhs been in earnest in this man?uvre, and gained Jugraon by a forced march, the character of the subsequent operations must have undergone a material change, the fort of that town being of solid masonry190, and capable of standing191 a siege; and there is little doubt that they would have gained an acquisition of force when in the protected Sikh states, by so bold an advance. But such a movement must ultimately have proved fatal to their interest, when cut off from the river, and placed between the two British columns.
It was reserved for the issue of the battle of Aliwal to teach our enemies how rapid a defeat[Pg 196] the best of their troops must suffer when opposed in the open plain to a well organized British army, directed by an experienced, brave, and intelligent leader.
In manning the position they had assumed, much had been neglected on the part of the Sikhs. The fortified village of Aliwal, which covered their left flank, and would have insured a most galling fire on our advancing line, if resolutely193 defended by an effective garrison, was occupied by an insufficient194 body of irregular troops, and defended only by two or three pieces of ordnance, which were carried with little resistance. Such an oversight195 must be attributed to surprise; for, if the enemy were actually on their march towards Jugraon on the morning of the 28th, they certainly had not time to throw a sufficient force, with heavy guns, into the village (which held an advanced position) before Sir Harry Smith was upon them.
When Aliwal was once carried, the only resource left was that which was readily adopted by Runjoor Singh, namely, changing[Pg 197] front left back, thus endeavouring to throw his left into the entrenched camp on the Sutlej, whilst his right rested on Boondree. But even this man?uvre was almost desperate, for the extent of front along this new position was so great, that ere the movement could be effected, his flanks were doubled up and his line pierced in several places, nor were the Sikhs a sufficiently disciplined army to man?uvre steadily under fire. When driven at every point from their well chosen position, the Aeen battalions196 fell doggedly198 back, but never condescended199 to fly, though plied200 with musketry and shrapnel. They retreated, maintaining the character they had earned, and facing about at intervals201 to check their pursuers by a retreating fire. Those troops, the pupils of Avitabile, did credit that day to themselves and their master; and, however we may abhor61 their treachery and thirst of blood, displayed in the revolutionary annals of the Punjaub since the death of the old Lion of Lahore, we must at least bear witness to their resolute192 courage and soldierlike bearing.
[Pg 198]
The Goorcheras and Irregular Infantry (as we were subsequently informed) had not the same heart in the cause as the Aeen battalions, of whom war was the profession and livelihood202, and plunder105 and assassination203 the pastime.
It has been asserted that Sir Harry Smith might, without difficulty, have crossed the Sutlej with his victorious army after the battle of Aliwal, and seized on or destroyed the fortress of Philoor, which had been the harbour of assemblage for the Sikhs whilst threatening Loodiana; but it must be taken into consideration that the British general's directions were only to clear the left bank of the enemy, and that our forces were not equipped for an incursion into the Sikh territories. Had such a measure been deemed prudent204, it would have called for extensive commissariat arrangements. To have crossed merely to destroy the innocent fort of Philoor, and then to retire, would have been useless and undignified.
But there were stronger reasons even than these. Sir Harry Smith had no authority to cross the Sutlej. The Sikhs were playing our[Pg 199] game so industriously205 on our own side of the river, in crossing and occupying in force their most inexplicable206 position near Hureeka, that the final act of the tragedy was at hand, for which it was necessary to concentrate the whole British strength.
[Pg 200]
RETURN OF KILLED AND WOUNDED AT THE BATTLE OF ALIWAL, JAN. 28TH, 1846.
KILLED. WOUNDED.
Officers. Non-
commissioned
officers. Trumpeters,
Drummers,
Rank & File. Officers. Non-
commissioned
officers. Trumpeters,
Drummers,
Rank & File. Missing.
Cavalry Division—
1st Brigade:
H.M. 16th Lancers 2 56 6 77 1
3rd Light Cavalry 2 27 1 21
4th Irregulars 1 2
2nd Brigade:
Body-Guard
1st Cavalry 9 2 14
5th ditto 1 1 8
Shekawattee Cavalry 1 2 12
Artillery 3 15 5
Infantry—
1st Brigade:
H.M. 31st Regt. 1 1 14
24th Native Infantry 1 5 7
47th ditto 1 9
2nd Brigade:
H.M. 50th Regt. 1 9 10 59 4
48th Native Infantry 1 9 4 1 36
Sirmoor Battalion197 9 1 39
3rd Brigade:
H.M. 53rd Regt. 3 8 2
30th Native Infantry 4 24 1
4th Brigade:
36th Native Infantry 3 1 10 1
Nusseeree Battalion 6 16
Shekawattee Infantry 2 13 4
Total 4 3 144 25 6 382 25
Horses killed 177
" wounded 79
" missing 97
Total killed, wounded, and missing, 589 men,
" " 353 horses.
[Pg 201]
Nominal207 Roll of Officers Killed and Wounded at the Battle of Aliwal, 28th Jan. 1846.
Killed.
1st Cavalry Brigade—
H.M. 16th Lancers Lieut. Swetenham.
" Cornet G.B. Williams.
4th Irreg. Cavalry Lieut. and Adjutant Smalpage.
2nd Infantry Brigade—
H.M. 50th Regt. Lieut. Grimes.
Wounded.
1st Cavalry Brigade—
H.M. 16th Lancers Major Smyth, severely.
" Capt. E. Bere.
" Capt. L. Fyler, severely.
" Lieut. W.K. Orme, ditto.
" Lieut. T. Pattle.
" Lieut. W. Morris.
2nd Cavalry Brigade—
1st Light Cavalry Cornet Farquhar, mortally.
" Cornet Beatson, slightly.
1st Infantry Brigade—
H.M. 31st Regt. Lieut. Atty, slightly.
24th N.I. Lieut. Scott.
2nd Infantry Brigade—
H.M. 50th Regt. Capt. O'Hanlon, badly.
" Capt. Knowles, dangerously.
" Capt. Wilton, severely.
" Lieut. Frampton, dangerously.
" Lieut. R.H. Bellers, slightly.
[Pg 202] " Lieut. W.P. Elgree, slightly.
" Lieut. A.W. White, severely.
" Lieut. W.C. Vernett, ditto.
" Lieut. T. Purcell, ditto.
" Lieut. W. Farmer, ditto.
48th N.I. Capt. Troup, slightly.
" Capt. Palmer, ditto.
" Lieut. and Adjutant Wall, severely.
" Ensign Marshall, slightly.
4th Infantry Brigade—
36th N.I. Ensign Bagshaw.
Return of Ordnance captured from the Enemy in action at Aliwal, by the 1st Division of the Army of the Sutlej, under the personal command of Major-General Sir Harry Smith, K.C.B., on the 28th Jan. 1846.
Camp, Aliwal, 30th Jan.
13 Howitzers:
8 inch, brass208, 2ft. 9in., serviceable.
24 pounder, 3ft. 11in., do.
13 pounder, copper209, 3ft. 9in., do.
12 pounder, brass, 4ft. 9in., do.
12 pounder, do. do. do.
7 pounder, do., 3ft. 5-1/2in., unserviceable.
12 pounder, copper, 3ft. 9in., serviceable.
12 pounder, do. do. do.
12 pounder, do. do. do.
[Pg 203]12 pounder, brass, 3ft. 9in., highly ornamented210, serviceable.
9 pounder, copper, 3ft. 11in., do. do.
9 pounder, do., 2ft. 9-1/2in., do.
12 pounder, do., 3ft. 4-1/2in., do.
4 Mortars:
10 inch, brass, 2ft. 3in., mounted, and field carriage, serviceable.
8? inch, copper, 1ft. 9in., do. do.
6 inch, brass, 1ft. 4-1/2in., a curious old piece, with highly carved and ornamented carriage, do.
4? inch, brass, 1ft. 4-1/2in., do. do.
52 Guns:
1. 8 pounder, brass, 10ft. 2in., ornamented with dolphin
and rings, apparently a French battering211
gun, heavy metal, serviceable.
2. 8 pounder, copper, 4ft. 11-3/4in., do.
3. 8 pounder, brass, 4ft. 11in., do.
4. 8 pounder, brass, 5ft. 1in., do.
5. 7 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., heavy metal, do.
6. 7 pounder, do., 4ft. 3-1/2in., do. do.
7. 6? pounder, copper, 5ft. 1in., do.
8. 6 pounder, brass, 5ft., do.
9. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 1in., do.
10. 6 pounder, copper, 5ft. 3-1/2in., do.
11. 6 pounder, brass, 5ft. 5-1/2in., heavy metal, unserviceable.
12. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., do., serviceable.
13. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 10in., inscription212 in English
[Pg 204]characters—Owner, King Runjeet Sing; Commander,
Meg Sing Kakur; Maker213, Rai Sing;
Lahore, 1833, No. 1, serviceable.
14. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 8in., do.
15. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11-1/4in., highly ornamented carriage, do.
16. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., do., same as No. 13, do.
17. 6 pounder, 4ft. 8in., Persian inscription, do.
18. 6 pounder, do., 5ft., do.
19. 6 pounder, copper, do. do.
20. 6 pounder, brass, 4ft. 10-1/2in., do.
21. 6 pounder, do. do. do.
22. 6 pounder, copper, 4ft. 11in., highly ornamented
carriage, inlaid with brass and steel, do.
23. 6 pounder, do. do. do. do.
24. 6 pounder, brass, do. do. do.
25. 6 pounder, 4ft. 9-1/2in., do. do.
26. 6 pounder, copper, 4ft. 10-3/4in., do. do.
27. 6 pounder, gun metal, 4ft. 10-1/2in., apparently a
capital gun, do.
28. 5? pounder, brass, 5ft. 7in., Persian inscription, do.
29. 5? pounder, 5ft. 9in., heavy metal, would ream out
to a 9 pounder, do.
30. 4 pounder, 4ft. 7in., heavy metal, do.
31. 3 pounder, copper, 3ft., Persian inscription, do.
32. 3? pounder, brass, 4ft. 7in., heavy metal, do.
33. Unknown, sunk in the Sutlej.
34. Do. do.
35. Do. do.
36. Do. do.
37. Do., spiked214 on opposite bank.
38. Do. do.
[Pg 205]39. 6 pounder, brass, do., taken possession of in the fort of Gungrana.
40. 9 pounder, do., do., do.
41. 6 pounder, 4ft. 11? in., serviceable.
42 to 52. Unknown, sunk in the Sutlej, or since brought in.
Abstract of Captured Ordnance:
Serviceable, 12 howitzers, 4 mortars, 33 guns.
Unserviceable, 1 howitzer, 2 guns.
Sunk and spiked, 13 guns.
Since brought in, 2 guns.
Grand total, 67 guns.
Forty swivel camel guns also captured, which have since been destroyed.
(Signed) W. Barr,
Lt. and Bt. Capt. II. Artillery,
Adjt. Artillery Division.
(Signed) G. Lawrenson,
Major 2nd Brigade H.A.,
Commanding Artillery 1st Divn.
Army of the Sutlej.
N.B.—The quantity of ammunition captured with the artillery, and found in the camp of the enemy, is beyond accurate calculation, consisting of shot, shell, grape, and small-arm ammunition of every description, and for every calibre. The powder found in the limbers and wagons215 of the guns, and in the magazines of the entrenched camp, has been destroyed, to prevent accidents. Six large hackery216 loads have also been appropriated to the destruc[Pg 206]tion of forts in the neighbourhood. As many of the shot and shell as time would admit of being collected, have been brought into the park. The shells, being useless, have been thrown into the river. The shot will be appropriated to the public service.
(Signed) G. Lawrenson,
Major 2nd Brigade H.A.,
Commanding Artillery 1st Divn.
Army of the Sutlej.
(Signed) W. Barr,
1st Lieut. and Bt. Capt. Adjt.
Artillery Division.
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1
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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2
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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3
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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4
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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5
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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6
bugle
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| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
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7
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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8
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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9
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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10
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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11
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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12
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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13
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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14
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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15
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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16
grove
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| n.林子，小树林，园林 | |
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17
entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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18
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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19
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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20
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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21
deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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22
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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23
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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24
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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25
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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26
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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27
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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28
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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29
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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30
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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31
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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32
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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33
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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34
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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35
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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36
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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37
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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38
den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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39
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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40
writhing
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的现在分词 ) | |
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41
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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42
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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43
inter
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| v.埋葬 | |
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44
intercepting
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| 截取（技术），截接 | |
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45
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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46
pivot
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| v.在枢轴上转动；装枢轴，枢轴；adj.枢轴的 | |
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47
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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48
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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49
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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50
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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51
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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52
hurling
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| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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53
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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54
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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55
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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56
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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57
venting
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| 消除； 泄去； 排去； 通风 | |
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58
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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59
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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60
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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61
abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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62
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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63
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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64
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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65
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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66
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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67
deafening
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| adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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68
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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69
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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70
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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71
scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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72
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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73
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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74
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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75
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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76
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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77
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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78
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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79
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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80
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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81
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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82
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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83
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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84
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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85
cartridges
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| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
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86
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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87
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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88
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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89
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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90
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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91
spotted
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| adj.有斑点的，斑纹的，弄污了的 | |
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92
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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93
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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94
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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95
apparitions
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| n.特异景象( apparition的名词复数 )；幽灵；鬼；（特异景象等的）出现 | |
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96
engrossing
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| adj.使人全神贯注的，引人入胜的v.使全神贯注( engross的现在分词 ) | |
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97
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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98
gory
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| adj.流血的；残酷的 | |
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99
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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100
propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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101
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
votary
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| n.崇拜者；爱好者；adj.誓约的，立誓任圣职的 | |
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103
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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104
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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105
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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106
gashes
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| n.深长的切口（或伤口）( gash的名词复数 )v.划伤，割破( gash的第三人称单数 ) | |
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107
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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108
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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110
miscreants
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| n.恶棍，歹徒( miscreant的名词复数 ) | |
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111
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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112
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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113
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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114
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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115
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
inventory
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| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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118
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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119
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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120
imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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121
predilection
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| n.偏好 | |
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122
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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123
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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124
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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125
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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126
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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127
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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128
surgical
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| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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129
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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130
portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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131
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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133
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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134
amputation
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| n.截肢 | |
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135
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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136
protruding
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| v.（使某物）伸出，（使某物）突出( protrude的现在分词 )；凸 | |
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137
procurable
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| adj.可得到的，得手的 | |
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138
illuminate
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| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
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139
proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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140
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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141
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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142
interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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144
attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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145
aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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146
shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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147
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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148
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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149
lugubrious
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| adj.悲哀的，忧郁的 | |
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150
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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151
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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152
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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153
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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154
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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155
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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156
mouldering
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| v.腐朽( moulder的现在分词 )；腐烂，崩塌 | |
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157
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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158
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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159
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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160
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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161
deceptions
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| 欺骗( deception的名词复数 )； 骗术，诡计 | |
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162
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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163
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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165
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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166
foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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167
infest
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| v.大批出没于；侵扰；寄生于 | |
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168
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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169
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170
corroborated
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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171
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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172
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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173
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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174
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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175
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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176
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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177
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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178
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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179
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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180
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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181
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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182
paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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183
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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184
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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185
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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186
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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187
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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188
denuded
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| adj.[医]变光的，裸露的v.使赤裸( denude的过去式和过去分词 )；剥光覆盖物 | |
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189
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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190
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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191
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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192
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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193
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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194
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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195
oversight
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| n.勘漏，失察，疏忽 | |
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196
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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197
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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198
doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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199
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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200
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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201
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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202
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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203
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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204
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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205
industriously
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206
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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207
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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208
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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209
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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210
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
battering
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| n.用坏，损坏v.连续猛击( batter的现在分词 ) | |
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212
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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213
maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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214
spiked
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| adj.有穗的；成锥形的；有尖顶的 | |
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215
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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216
hackery
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| n.两轮牛车 | |
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