“Per mezzo Toscana si spazia
Un fiumicel che nasce in Falterona
E cento miglia di corso nol sazia.”
(Purg. 14, 18 ff.)
As one wandered about the palace and the streets of Poppi, the thought arose if and under what circumstances Dante stayed here. He is known to have come into the Casentino during the early part of his exile—that is, about the year 1305; he was here again in March and April of 1311, as is proved by the letters he wrote and dated from here. One of these contains the fierce invective1 against Florence, the other expresses the fears which the poet apprehended2 from the Emperor’s delay. They are dated “on the confines of Tuscany near the springs of the Arno,” and on the strength of this expression the strongholds of Poppi, Romena and Porciano, besides Pratovecchio, claim to have harboured the poet.
These different strongholds, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, were still in the possession of different branches of the Guidi family. The castle of Pratovecchio was owned by Count Guido Selvatico, who belonged to{114}
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CHURCH OF ROMENA (CASENTINO)
the branch of the family which embraced Guelf sympathies. He fought on the side of the Guelfs at Campaldino, at Florence he afterwards joined the Neri, and his sympathies were therefore akin3 to those of Dante. Boccaccio tells us that Dante enjoyed the hospitality of Guido Selvatico, and this would be during the early part of his exile. The wife of Guido Selvatico was Manessa, the daughter of Buonconte, who perished at Campaldino, and it is generally supposed that Dante’s relation to Manessa caused him to introduce{115} the account of Buonconte’s flight into the Comedy.
There is extant a letter of Dante, in which he describes how, after setting foot by the streams of the Arno, he made the acquaintance of a woman whom he thought in all respects suited to his inclination4, his character and his fortunes. This lady so inspired him that he gave up his resolve to keep aloof5 from women and from songs about women. He composed a canzone in her praise, a copy of which he appended to the letter. But the lady’s name and her whereabouts have always remained a mystery.
From which of the other strongholds Dante dated the letters of 1311 is difficult to decide. The expression “Capo d’Arno” may well refer to Poppi, which is the first place reached coming over the hills from Florence by the old road. Its castle, as we have seen, was owned at this time by the younger Count Guido of Battifolle, who, after his uncle’s death, was called Guido Novello, and who, after re-building the castle, quietly dwelt there. He was comparatively peace-loving, and lived on friendly terms with his cousin of Pratovecchio; their sons too were friends. When the Emperor, in 1312, summoned the Guidi to join him in his march on Florence, Guido Novello the younger did not respond to the call, but sent troops in aid of{116} the city. He became podestà of Florence a few years later, and it was during the term of his rule that the proposal was tendered to Dante to return to Florence, but on terms which the poet felt unable to accept.
Villani tells us that this Count Guido caused a large part of the Palazzo Vecchio to be rebuilt on the plan of his palace at Poppi. Perhaps this act caused his portrait to be introduced in a fresco6 of the Capella degli Spagnuoli, one of the greatest monuments of fourteenth-century art. The Count, who stands as a beardless youth on the staircase at Poppi, is here represented in manhood. He is seen in profile, forming one of a group which includes Cimabue, Boccaccio, Petrarch and Laura.
The wife of this Count Guido was Gherardesca, the daughter of Count Ugolino, who with his sons died of starvation at Pisa. The description of their sufferings is among the most terrible of the Divine Comedy. Several letters have recently come to light addressed by Gherardesca to Margaret, the consort7 of the Emperor, and, partly because these letters are preserved with the letters of Dante, partly because of certain peculiarities8 in their style, the opinion has been advanced that they were drafted by Dante. One of them is of the year 1311 and is dated from Poppi.
Among the Novelle, or short stories, which{117} Sacchetti put into writing in the fourteenth century, one (nr. 179) tells what befell one day when Countess Gherardesca of Poppi, and Countess Manessa of Pratovecchio, were crossing Campaldino together. It is intended to illustrate10 the sharp tongue and ready wit of the female sex. Gherardesca was a proud lady, and she attracted her companion’s attention to the promising11 state of the harvest. With reference to the defeat of the Ghibellines there, among whom Buonconte, Manessa’s father, had fought, she remarked that the corn no doubt stood so high in consequence of the blood that had been spilt there. But Manessa met her in the same spirit. Alluding12 to the death by starvation of Ugolino, the father of Gherardesca, she replied that they would no doubt enjoy a fine harvest provided they did not die of starvation before it was ripe. Gherardesca pretended not to understand, and so they continued their walk together in peace.
While Dante’s relations with the owner of Poppi leave room for conjecture13, his connection with the Counts of Romena rests on a firm foundation. The stronghold of Romena, judging by the position and extent of its ruins, was the most imposing14 castle of the Casentino.
There was a Count Alessandro of Romena who was a leader of the Guelfs of Tuscany against the Ghibellines in 1288. He afterwards{118} joined the Bianchi and was expelled from Florence. Later we find him captain of the exiles at Arezzo. He led the attack on Florence which ensued, and died shortly afterwards. Dante then addressed a letter of condolence to his nephews, the Counts Oberto and Guido of Romena, in which he deplored15 the death of one who had such greatness of soul, and added much to his praise. He would have come to the funeral but that, being an exile, he was deprived of the necessary horses and arms.
The idea has been accepted by some scholars and rejected by others that this Count Alessandro was identical with the Count of Romena of the same name, who, with Guido and another brother, employed the forger16 Adamo of Brescia to coin false florins at Romena. The reader of Dante is familiar with the figure of Adamo, whom the poet found in Hell, suffering from dropsy and terrible thirst. He told him how he was burnt alive for his acts at Romena, and how he longed for the sight of those who employed him—one of the counts, he has heard, is already in Hell. Falsified florins were discovered in 1281; a cairn on the road above Romena is popularly held to mark the spot where Adamo was burnt. It is locally known as the “Maccia del Uomo Morto,” and travellers not many years back were wont17 to throw a stone on it in passing. The genealogy18 of the owners of Romena, how{119}ever, remains19 a matter of dispute. On the face of it, it seems improbable that Dante thought well of the abettor of a forger, or relegated20 a man he admired to Hell. Still these were stirring times of changing sympathies, and though the view has been advanced that there were two Counts Alessandro, uncle and nephew, the evidence brought forward by Passerini, who argues that there was but one, has never been conclusively21 disproved.
Above Romena, at the head of the valley, lie the ruins of Porciano, and the expression “Capo d’Arno,” if taken literally22, would apply to it. But Dante’s relation with its counts is based on legend only. They were a set of lawless, changeful men. There was a Count Guido of Porciano who was condemned23 in 1282 by the city of Florence to pay five thousand lire for murder, theft and arson24. He had eight sons, and several of them were fined in 1291 for waylaying25 and robbing a merchant from Ancona. In 1311 five of the brothers received the ambassadors of the Emperor at San Godenzo and swore fealty26 to the Imperial cause, but four of them afterwards deserted27 it. If Dante thought favourably28 of those of Porciano for their Imperial sympathies, it cannot have lasted. For in describing the sources of the Arno in the Comedy he says that the river takes its rise among “foul hogs29 more worthy30 of galls31 than of any food{120} made for the use of man,” with obvious reference to the meaning of the word porci as contained in the place-name Porciano.
A tradition is preserved, according to which the poet was kept prisoner at Porciano, possibly after the battle of Campaldino. An anecdote32 intended to illustrate his ready wit is localised here. The poet, we are told, had left the castle and was walking down the hill when he met some men from Florence, who were sent to take him into custody33. They did not recognise him, and asked if Dante were at Porciano, and he replied, “He was there while I was!”
There seemed no end to the stories associated with Dante which were localised in this neighbourhood. Palmieri, a writer of the early fifteenth century, described an incident, which he says befell Dante on Campaldino. The poet and the triumphant34 Guelfs after the battle pursued the enemy as far as Bibbiena and beyond it, and on the third day they returned to look for their friends and to bury the dead. Dante found a friend, who either “was not quite dead or else suddenly revived,” and who proceeded to describe what he had seen during these days of Hell and Purgatory35, words through which the whole plan of the Comedy was revealed to Dante. The account contains expressions which recall Dante’s description, still it is sufficiently36 distinct. It{121} rambles37 on over about half a dozen pages in print without definite plan or purpose.
It was with a feeling of regret that we left Poppi, which played so important a part in the history of the district. We left it early one morning and crossed Campaldino, now, as six hundred years ago, green with sprouting38 corn. Beyond it the driving road over the Consuma begins its steady ascent39 along a mountain spur which is formed by the Arno and its tributary40 the Solano. The old road branched off, following the course of the Solano, and up this we went to explore.
I presume that foreigners carrying knapsacks for their convenience do not often walk in these parts. We had been accosted41 before and asked what our roba was, and women especially joined us along the road in hopes of driving a bargain in needles and scissors. In the valley of the Solano our appearance brought concern to the heart of a professional pedlar, who eyed us askance. When we came down the valley again in the afternoon we were met by a woman, who told us she had been looking out for us ever since we went past in the morning; might she see our wares42? She too looked upon us as rivals of the pedlar.
We found the narrow, tortuous43 valley of the Solano oppressive and unattractive, and we did not penetrate44 much beyond Strada San{122} Niccolo, a town of high houses built close between the mountain sides. Here too the history of many centuries lay condensed, as it were, in a nutshell. The ancient church near the castle, now deserted—the ruins of the castle itself, long a stronghold of the Guidi, which the growing Commune destroyed in the fifteenth century—the modern city with its manufactories—each represented a special phase in the history of growing civilisation45.
The city of Borgo-alla-Collina on the Consuma road, to which we returned, bore a very different character. Situated46 on a breezy height, its wide streets were grass-grown, and its low, rambling47 houses looked desolate48. Here Christofero Landini, the author of the Conversations of Camaldoli, spent the last years of his life. He had been the teacher of Lorenzo the Magnificent; he afterwards became Chancellor49 of the Republic of Florence, and a palace at Borgo was given him in acknowledgment of his services. Ampère, in his Voyages dantesques, tells an amusing incident which happened to him here. A priest offered to show him the uncorrupted body of a saint, and he showed Ampère a dried mummy in a sarcophagus. But when Ampère looked at the inscription50 on the sarcophagus he saw that the holy man here displayed was none other than Landini.
We did not stay to see the wonderful relic51.{123}
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CASTEL SAN NICCOLO
{125}{124}
The crispness of the air outside and the panorama52 of the hills had greater attractions. The road above Borgo commanded a wide field of view, and the eye was free to roam across the valley where the Arno flowed fed by many streams, and to the heights around. The valley was closed in by the Falterona, which is the highest mountain of this part of the Apennines; it rises to an elevation53 of 5434 ft.
After an hour’s walk we deviated54 to Romena, where we spent some time in the ancient church which flanks the hill. We greatly admired the old column capitals, one of which bears the date 1152. Beni’s guide-book says that the church also possesses an ancient bell, with the date 1186, and the words “Mentem Sanctam Deo Placentem.”
From Romena we left the road and descended55 by a path to Pratovecchio, a large rambling place, which seemed to have no special attraction. We then pushed on to Stia, which lies at the confluence56 of the Arno and the Staggia; above it rise the ruins of the castle of Porciano.
Stia is a picturesque57 city. Its market-place, set on rising ground, with houses jutting58 out from both sides, suggested the arrangements of scene decoration. Its ancient church is unattractive from outside, but beautiful within. Stia is a convenient centre for walks, but we{126} thought badly of its Albergo Alpina, and would give the preference another time to the inn at Pratovecchio, the situation of which is quite as convenient. The Falterona is usually ascended59 from Stia, but the snow that had recently fallen made the ascent impossible. We were even prevented from penetrating60 to the fir woods which have been planted in honour of Dante near the sources of the Arno, a spot to which the expression “Capo d’Arno” is now currently applied61. Our walks were limited to the valleys and the lower heights, but we thereby62 saw more of the people than we should have done otherwise. They were courteous63 and friendly and charmed us by their unaffected ways. In Dante’s ears the speech of the inhabitants of the Casentino sounded harsh and ugly; to us their Italian seemed correct and clear, and we were struck more than once by their conversational64 ease.
With pleasure we recalled a homestead on the road to San Godenzo, in which seemed to linger that unaffected rusticity65 of classic times which the Georgics of Virgil have preserved for us. We were sheltering from a shower in an outhouse when the woman of the farm came out and invited us in. We entered a long low room with a window at each end, the further one looking out into the distance of the hills. The room seemed dark at first, but{127} as one’s power of vision readjusted itself to the mellow66 light, the wide hearth67 stood forth68 with its glowing embers with the children hanging round. Earthenware69 pots and plates shone bright from shelves against the wall; and the board and the benches, all rounded and polished with use, also caught the reflection from the glow. One of the children threw on some crackling sticks; two others, dark-haired and red-cheeked, came and clung about their mother. Rickety chairs were placed for us near the hearth, then the woman resumed her low seat and went on winding70 her yarn71. In her rough homespun, with her little ones about her, she looked a picture of health and vigour73. She readily talked of her home and the children’s varying ways, and of the mill at Stia to which she was sending the yarn which she had spun72. Presently the husband too came in, a figure such as one associates with the hills, tall and well-made. He began cleaning his gun, and with the same friendliness74 talked of the hares he had shot, and of the sport still in store for him. They seemed a happy family, making us welcome with the simple dignity which is so marked a feature in the Italian peasant, and speeding us on our way with the wish that for our sake the weather might improve.
Yet another interior remains with me, the{128} workshop of a cobbler below Porciano. Here a number of houses stood huddled75 together against the slope of the hill. The word vino, roughly painted in red on a wall that faced the road at an angle, attracted our attention, for we were thirsty, as one often is in a country where one feels suspicious of the water, and we entered. The hale, white-haired cobbler rose from his stool and motioned us to a seat with a certain formality. He then reached two glasses and a huge straw-covered flagon from the shelf, drew out the bit of tow that closed its mouth, and flicked76 on the floor the drops of oil that floated on the wine, and a little of the wine itself. Here was a reasonable basis for the offer of a libation! Then he filled our glasses, and resuming his work spoke77 of a son in America, and of the love of change and the growing desire for travel in the younger generation. We too were travelling: whence had we come, whither were we bound? His caustic78 aptness of speech recalled the saying that the smell of leather sharpens a man’s wits. We had been puzzled that day by a roadside shrine79 dedicated80 to a saint Mona Giovanna, and I asked about her, hazarding the remark that his trade was known to go with love of reading. He seemed pleased, and pointing to a small store of books he said he could oblige us, and drew forth the story of the saint in the cheap form in which{129} these stories circulate among the peasantry. In this case it was the question of a woman whose claim to holiness the folk endorsed81, while the clergy82 refused to accept it. Finally the bells at Stia tolled83 of their own accord as she entered the town, and the candle she was carrying to the shrine was miraculously84 set alight. In the pantheon of the saints Giovanna has found a place in connection with Bagno on the further side of the hills, but the cobbler was sure about the miracle happening at Stia, and the book confirmed his belief.
This was one of several occasions on which I engaged in conversation with the people on their local saints. Many of the stories which have been worked into legends, and now go to swell85 the bulk of the Acta Sanctorum, are fresh in the mind of the folk, and a question or two draws from them an account of most wondrous86 wonders which happened in these districts. The incidents are related in sober earnest, but sometimes the narrator ends with a smile and a shrug87 of the shoulders. “This is what they say, as to when it happened, chi lo sa?” The chief saint of the district, of whom many wonders are told, is St Torello, the saint of Poppi, whose image faces that of the abbot Fedele of Strumi in the chief church of the place. The wonders worked by Torello chiefly refer to wolves, his{130} power over them was such, that he succeeded in taming one and turning him practically into a dog. In our British Isles88 the wonder of taming the wolf and setting him to guard the sheep, “which he does to this present day,” is attributed to the woman saint Modwen who came into England from Ireland. Torello seems to have been content to have the wolf as his companion, and those who called upon him against wolves henceforth found protection. The learned editors of the Acta Sanctorum suggested that Torello lived in the eleventh century, but his legend, as it was put into writing by an inhabitant of Poppi, contains lingering pre-Christian superstitions89. The great wolf locally called “Moninus,” whom he put under a ban, seems to be unknown except in this district. Torello is also called upon by the people to protect them against famine and the plague.
The driving road over the Consuma to Florence is a well planned road, which rises to a height of 3435 ft. On the day when we crossed the mountains the weather gave a peculiar9 grandeur90 to the wildness of the surroundings. We joined the road above Romena and cast a farewell look back on the Casentino. It stretched away in a sunny morning haze91, with the hills of Poppi and Bibbiena just visible, and{131} the heights of La Verna overshadowed by clouds. The road went steadily92 rising through scenery which became more and more bleak93 and desolate. We passed Casaccia, a solitary94 inn, since turned into a private house, and appropriated to some society. After passing Casaccia the road wound in and out at about the same height till a gap in the hills was reached, down which one looked down into the valley of the Solano; the old path here joined the new road. In this valley a storm was brewing95. Clouds came rolling up, but they could not prevail against the strong wind which blew from the pass. It was grand to see the masses of blue and purple and black, rolled back on each other in the valley, more and more densely96 packed. Every now and then a streak97 of cloud escaped and ran under shelter of a rock till it met the wind, which seized it and scattered98 it and dashed it towards us in the form of blinding snow. On the further side of the pass the weather was settled and fine. The sun shone clear and a blue sky spanned the distant view towards the Mediterranean99. This view was limited in the north only by the distant mountains of Carrara; in the south it embraced Florence and all the hills around it, spreading away to the flatness of the distant coast. And in the glow of the late afternoon sun we once{132} more caught sight of the Arno in the near distance. We had left it a rushing mountain stream at Stia; we now beheld100 it again a broad, shining river, flowing beneath the city of Florence.
The End
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1 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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2 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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3 akin | |
adj.同族的,类似的 | |
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4 inclination | |
n.倾斜;点头;弯腰;斜坡;倾度;倾向;爱好 | |
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5 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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6 fresco | |
n.壁画;vt.作壁画于 | |
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7 consort | |
v.相伴;结交 | |
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8 peculiarities | |
n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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9 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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10 illustrate | |
v.举例说明,阐明;图解,加插图 | |
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11 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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12 alluding | |
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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13 conjecture | |
n./v.推测,猜测 | |
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14 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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15 deplored | |
v.悲叹,痛惜,强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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16 forger | |
v.伪造;n.(钱、文件等的)伪造者 | |
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17 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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18 genealogy | |
n.家系,宗谱 | |
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19 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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20 relegated | |
v.使降级( relegate的过去式和过去分词 );使降职;转移;把…归类 | |
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21 conclusively | |
adv.令人信服地,确凿地 | |
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22 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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23 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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24 arson | |
n.纵火,放火 | |
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25 waylaying | |
v.拦截,拦路( waylay的现在分词 ) | |
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26 fealty | |
n.忠贞,忠节 | |
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27 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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28 favourably | |
adv. 善意地,赞成地 =favorably | |
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29 hogs | |
n.(尤指喂肥供食用的)猪( hog的名词复数 );(供食用的)阉公猪;彻底地做某事;自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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30 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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31 galls | |
v.使…擦痛( gall的第三人称单数 );擦伤;烦扰;侮辱 | |
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32 anecdote | |
n.轶事,趣闻,短故事 | |
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33 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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34 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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35 purgatory | |
n.炼狱;苦难;adj.净化的,清洗的 | |
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36 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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37 rambles | |
(无目的地)漫游( ramble的第三人称单数 ); (喻)漫谈; 扯淡; 长篇大论 | |
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38 sprouting | |
v.发芽( sprout的现在分词 );抽芽;出现;(使)涌现出 | |
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39 ascent | |
n.(声望或地位)提高;上升,升高;登高 | |
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40 tributary | |
n.支流;纳贡国;adj.附庸的;辅助的;支流的 | |
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41 accosted | |
v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的过去式和过去分词 );跟…搭讪;(乞丐等)上前向…乞讨;(妓女等)勾搭 | |
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42 wares | |
n. 货物, 商品 | |
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43 tortuous | |
adj.弯弯曲曲的,蜿蜒的 | |
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44 penetrate | |
v.透(渗)入;刺入,刺穿;洞察,了解 | |
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45 civilisation | |
n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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46 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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47 rambling | |
adj.[建]凌乱的,杂乱的 | |
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48 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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49 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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50 inscription | |
n.(尤指石块上的)刻印文字,铭文,碑文 | |
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51 relic | |
n.神圣的遗物,遗迹,纪念物 | |
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52 panorama | |
n.全景,全景画,全景摄影,全景照片[装置] | |
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53 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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54 deviated | |
v.偏离,越轨( deviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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56 confluence | |
n.汇合,聚集 | |
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57 picturesque | |
adj.美丽如画的,(语言)生动的,绘声绘色的 | |
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58 jutting | |
v.(使)突出( jut的现在分词 );伸出;(从…)突出;高出 | |
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59 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60 penetrating | |
adj.(声音)响亮的,尖锐的adj.(气味)刺激的adj.(思想)敏锐的,有洞察力的 | |
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61 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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62 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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63 courteous | |
adj.彬彬有礼的,客气的 | |
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64 conversational | |
adj.对话的,会话的 | |
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65 rusticity | |
n.乡村的特点、风格或气息 | |
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66 mellow | |
adj.柔和的;熟透的;v.变柔和;(使)成熟 | |
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67 hearth | |
n.壁炉炉床,壁炉地面 | |
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68 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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69 earthenware | |
n.土器,陶器 | |
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70 winding | |
n.绕,缠,绕组,线圈 | |
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71 yarn | |
n.纱,纱线,纺线;奇闻漫谈,旅行轶事 | |
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72 spun | |
v.纺,杜撰,急转身 | |
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73 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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74 friendliness | |
n.友谊,亲切,亲密 | |
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75 huddled | |
挤在一起(huddle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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76 flicked | |
(尤指用手指或手快速地)轻击( flick的过去式和过去分词 ); (用…)轻挥; (快速地)按开关; 向…笑了一下(或瞥了一眼等) | |
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77 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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78 caustic | |
adj.刻薄的,腐蚀性的 | |
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79 shrine | |
n.圣地,神龛,庙;v.将...置于神龛内,把...奉为神圣 | |
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80 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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81 endorsed | |
vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 );在(尤指支票的)背面签字;在(文件的)背面写评论;在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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82 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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83 tolled | |
鸣钟(toll的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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84 miraculously | |
ad.奇迹般地 | |
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85 swell | |
vi.膨胀,肿胀;增长,增强 | |
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86 wondrous | |
adj.令人惊奇的,奇妙的;adv.惊人地;异乎寻常地;令人惊叹地 | |
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87 shrug | |
v.耸肩(表示怀疑、冷漠、不知等) | |
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88 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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89 superstitions | |
迷信,迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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90 grandeur | |
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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91 haze | |
n.霾,烟雾;懵懂,迷糊;vi.(over)变模糊 | |
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92 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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93 bleak | |
adj.(天气)阴冷的;凄凉的;暗淡的 | |
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94 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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95 brewing | |
n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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96 densely | |
ad.密集地;浓厚地 | |
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97 streak | |
n.条理,斑纹,倾向,少许,痕迹;v.加条纹,变成条纹,奔驰,快速移动 | |
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98 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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99 Mediterranean | |
adj.地中海的;地中海沿岸的 | |
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100 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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