Paul and his Oil Painting.
I was fortunate enough to have an early morning (5:30 a.m.) interview with President Kruger before he departed on what may probably be his last electioneering tour. As he was fully1 dressed in the usual black suit and little old-fashioned top hat, and smoking on the verandah of his house, the old President must have risen from bed an hour earlier at least, and though all the clocks in this region are fully thirty minutes behind time, 5 a.m. is a remarkably2 early hour to begin business. Two armed guards in the uniform of London police inspectors3 stood in the street barring the way to the house; but a mere4 look from the President sufficed to give us admission. His “Good-morning” in English slipped from him unconsciously, and after a shake hands he led the way to a spacious5 saloon, wherein the first thing that attracted my attention was a large and coarse oil painting of him. It happened that the seat shown to me placed Mr Kruger and his picture directly in a line, in front of me, and I was thus forced to compare the original with the copy. The history of the painting I do not know, but as it is permitted to be hung so prominently in the reception room, it is to be presumed that the President and his friends regard it as a faithful likeness6, and are consequently proud of it. This small fact proved to be the A B C of my study of the man of destiny of South Africa. It was clear that neither Kruger nor his friends knew anything of art, for the picture was an exaggerated reproduction of every defect in the President’s homely7 features, the low, narrow, unintellectual brow, over-small eyes, and heavy, massive expanse of face beneath. The man himself was almost beautiful in comparison with the monster on the canvas, and I really could not help pitying him for his innocent admiration8 of a thing that ought to be cast into the fire. But presently the President spoke9—a mouthful of strange guttural words—in a voice that was like a loud gurgle, and as the great jaws10 and checks and mouth heaved and opened, I stole a glance at the picture, and it did not seem to me then as if the painter had libelled the man. At any rate, the explosive dialect so expanded the cheeks and widened the mouth that I perceived some resemblance to the brutal11 picture.
The Transvaal “Sir Oracle12.”
I was told by my introducer, after the interview was over, that the President had already read a chapter in the Bible, and that it is his custom to do so every morning before appearing in public. I then understood the meaning and tone of his last words to me. Said he: “What I have said, shall be done.” He was alluding13 to the fact that the Dynamite14 Monopoly and Railway Rates were the children of the State, but they should be put into the hands of the Attorney-General, and if it were discovered that the terms of the concessions15 were in any way contravened16, reparation should be made. The manner of his last words reminded me of the Jovic way—“and what I will, is fate”—but when I learned how he had been engaged, I knew he had been infected with the style of the Pentateuch.
The “Humbug Pose.”
This humour of Mr Kruger’s is becoming more pronounced as he ages. He has fully arrived at that stage of life which made Mr Gladstone so impossible in the Cabinet. There is abundance of life and vitality17 in the President, but he is so choleric18 that he is unable to brook19 any opposition20. Any expression suggesting him to be mistaken in his views or policy rouses his temper, the thunderous gurgle is emitted, and the right arm swings powerfully about, while the eyes become considerably21 buried under the upper eyelids22. I suppose, from the photograph of him now on sale at Pretoria, which represents his eyes looking upward, he fancies this to be the impressive gaze. He receives a stranger with the air of a pedagogue23 about to impress his new pupil, and methodically starts to inculcate the principles of true statesmanship; but he soon heats himself with the dissertation24, and breaks out into the strong masterful style which his friends say is such a picturesque25 feature in his character, and which his critics call the “humbug pose.” If by the latter is meant the repetition of stale platitudes26, and the reiteration27 of promises which will never be carried out, I fear I must agree with the critics.
Look on this Picture and—
Had I been asked to describe Mr Kruger’s character as conceived by me from what I had read of him, I should have summed him up after the style of an old author, thus: “What can be more extraordinary than that a man of no education, no fortune, no eminent28 qualities of body, should have had the courage to attempt, and the happiness to succeed, in wresting29 back this splendid country from the tenacious30 grasp of one of the greatest powers of the earth? That he should have the pluck and skill to defeat a British general in the field, even while that general was flattering himself for his successful manoeuvre31, compel the British Government to relinquish32 what it had gained, and to reinstate the independence of his country by a Convention; and then upon second thoughts to cancel that Convention and substitute another which almost made his country a sovereign State; then, in flat opposition to the terms of that Convention, dare to disclose his vindictive34 hatred35 of the British race, among whom he was born and whom he often served, oppress so many thousands of his former fellow-subjects, curtail36 their guaranteed rights, trample37 upon them as he pleased, and spurn38 those who did not please his tastes, make every diplomatist who ventured to plead for them ridiculous for his failures; and while he dealt so hardly with those whom he characterised as his enemies, could make his friends understand that he was master, his burghers awe-stricken by his successes, at the same time make both friends and enemies give ready credence39 to his professions of justice and benevolence40, to mock three of the most powerful nations of Europe by turns, and compel each with equal facility to maintain its distance; to make his illiterate41 and rude burghers feared and courted by the Governors of the several Colonies around him, to make their Governors and Legislatures humbly42 thank and congratulate him, to make one sovereign State solicit43 a nearer connection with his own, to be the dictator of the colony wherein he was born, and its Government obsequious44 to his slightest wish, and lastly (for there is no end to all the particulars of his glory), have talented and educated men of the world visit him, and depart for home enchanted45 with his condescension46, enraptured47 with his humour and piety48, and overflowing49 with admiration for his greatness and many excellences51 of character; to be able to have himself elected President for a fourth time, compel his ministers, generals, and rivals to sing his praises in their election addresses, and keep his burghers firm in the belief that he alone is the saviour52 of his country, and the only true patriot53 whom they can trust—to do all this is, at any rate, to be extraordinary.”
On This.
That was my ideal picture of Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger before the interview; but since I have been permitted to see him face to face, I am lost in amazement54 at the ridiculous picture my fancy, fed by cowardly and designing men, had conjured55 up. That so many people should have united in singing this man’s praises can only be accounted for by the fact that they must have had some interest, political or pecuniary56, to serve, otherwise how is it that his “greatness” solely57 consists in my mind of what he has derived58 from the cowardice59 and weaknesses of others? “Many a mickle makes a muckle,” and hundreds of little advantages obtained over petitioners60 of all kinds, and by the follies61 and mistakes of others, constitute in the mind of the curious multitude what they have been pleased to term “greatness.” In appearance he is only a sullen62, brutal-looking concierge63, dressed in old-fashioned, ill-made black clothes. He appears to know absolutely nothing outside of burgherdom; he has neither manners nor taste; his only literature seems to be limited to the Bible, and a few treaties and documents about the Republic; he has no intrinsic excellence50 of character that should appeal to the admiration of the public; but what he does know, he knows well. He knows the simplicity64 of his rude and bearded brethren of the veld; he can play upon their fears, and their creed65, with perfect effect, and it is in the nature of his ill-conditioned personality to say “no.” All the rest has fallen to him because he is so stubborn, so unyielding, and others so vacillating and so pitifully weak.
Kruger’s “Strength.”
I do not suppose there are any people in the world so well represented by a single prominent man as the Boers of South Africa are represented by Mr Kruger. He is pre-eminently the Boer of Boers in character, in intellect, and in disposition66, and that is one reason why he has such absolute control over his people. His obstinacy—and no man with a face like his could be otherwise than obstinate67—his people call strength. Age and its infirmities have intensified68 it. His reserve—born of self-pride, consciousness of force—limited ambitions, and self-reliance, they call a diplomatic gift. His disposition, morose69 from birth, breeding, isolation70 fostered by contact with his kind, is unyielding and selfish, and has been hardened by contempt of the verbose71 weaklings who have measured themselves against him.
“Dense72, Ignorant, and Impenetrable.”
This is the man whom the Johannesburgers hope to weary with their prayers and petitions; but they never will do it. Nor will they convince him by their arguments, for he is too dense, ignorant and impenetrable. This is the man our new High Commissioner73 hopes to soften74 with his cultured letters and amiable75 allusions76 to the possibilities of restoring concord77 in South Africa. I feel a reluctance78 to say it, but his labour will be in vain. This is the man to whom the accomplished79 and lovable British Agent at Pretoria has been sent with a view to obliterate80 the memory of Jameson’s raid, and smooth the way to a kindly81 and humane82 consideration of his countrymen’s grievances83; but he cannot make any impression on an unimpressible nature like Kruger’s.
The Efforts to Educate Kruger.
But the singular thing is that despite repeated, nay84 constant, rebuffs, all who have any dealings with Mr Kruger persist in hoping that he will relent in the end, and may genially85 try to exercise his authority for the termination of the existing unpleasantness. I spoke with all sorts and conditions of men at Johannesburg, and I only met one man who expressed his convictions that it was utterly86 impossible to induce the President to alter, or modify, his views. The rest, so often defeated and humbled87, still continue to entertain a lively hope that things will improve. They are mostly clever and highly educated men, but whether it is that they have no time to study the disposition of the man, in whose hand lie their destinies, or their faith in themselves is so great, I know not, but it is certain that no sooner are they baffled in one attempt, than a new project has captivated their fancy, and enlisted88 their enthusiasm. They have tried to shame Kruger by their ill-considered demonstration89 in favour of Sir Henry Loch. The National union has published its solemn declarations of uitlander claims and rights, they have had a Jameson raid, they have had the benefit of Lord Rosmead’s diplomacy90, they have resorted to giving indiscriminate backsheesh, they have made much of the Progressive party, they have had an Industrial Commission, Chamber91 of Mines gatherings92 and speeches, but they are not a whit93 further advanced, and if to-morrow it is suggested that the mines should be closed, I suppose they would adopt that course or any other with equal belief in its efficacy.
Mr Chamberlain and the President.
Mr Chamberlain again, despite his better sense, and possibly his inclinations94 to try different methods, has—judging from the blue books which contain his letters—come round to the belief that the old methods of diplomacy are best, and now conscientiously95 exchanges courtesies in the blandest96 and most amiable fashion, as though there were no burning questions unsettled. He professes97 to cherish a profound belief in the integrity of Mr Kruger, and assumes an assurance that everything will be done by him according to the spirit of the London Convention. Sir Alfred Milner has been also heard to say that it is all “humbug and nonsense” to express a doubt of good relations being restored, and probably Mr Greene in the first flush of his coming has written in equally strong terms of the approaching pacification98 of South Africa. I wish I could share in this buoyant feeling, but the spirit of the Boer, as it has impressed itself on my mind, since I crossed the Vaal, forbids me to believe that while Kruger lives there can be any amelioration in the condition of the Johannesburger. The Boers have endowed Kruger with almost absolute power, and if up to seventy-two years of age Kruger has been the incarnation of hostility99 to England, it would be a miracle indeed if in his extreme old age he should be converted.
Paul’s Spoof100.
It strikes me with wonder also that with all our astuteness102, our experience, and our knowledge of human nature, we should be so credulous103 of these many professions of amity104 from the Transvaal. I am fresh from my visit to Mr Kruger. It was but yesterday I heard the many dismal105 complaints of Johannesburg; I have but now come in from a look at the fortified106 heights of Pretoria. I open the last blue book and extract the following from the Boer despatches:—
1. “No unfriendliness is intended by Volksraad. It would be unfair to interpret it as such.”
2. “This Government also can give the assurances that it has no other than peaceable intentions.”
3. “This Government again expresses its opinion that through friendly co-operation, the confidence so rudely shaken, as well as peace and prosperity, will be restored.”
9. “The Government readily gives the assurances that there is no intention on its part of infringing107 its obligations.”
5. “This Government need hardly assure Her Majesty’s Government that it will comply with its obligations as soon as It is in a position to do so.”
6. “His Honour the President requests me to assure you that there is no intention on his part to depart from the terms of the London Convention, and that he is anxious to act throughout in conformity108 with those assurances, etc.”
“A Boer Machiavelli.”
One who knows anything of the conditions under which the Johannesburgers live need not come to Pretoria to know how hollow and insincere these and countless109 other professions are; but when read at Pretoria with those four forts constructed at lavish110 expense commanding the approaches to the capital from the Johannesburg direction, the mendacity of the writer seems appalling111. Take these in conjunction with the many promises President Kruger has uttered to interviewers, to casual English visitors, to deputations or in public speeches, in relation to his intentions to adhere strictly112 to the terms of the Convention of 1884, and one cannot but conclude that, though the President reads the Bible daily, he must have overlooked the sentences that apply to liars113. If, despite the cordiality, conciliatoriness, and numerous expressions of goodwill114, that are visible in Mr Chamberlain’s despatches, and the entreaties115, remonstrances116, and the continual patient efforts of the uitlanders to soften the asperities117 of Boer rule, President Kruger and his burghers, while writing in the style of the above quotations118, build these great forts at Pretoria and Johannesburg, it is evident that English people have wholly failed to understand this man, and that their ideal of a “goodish sort of man, kindly and a little old-fashioned, a little slow perhaps, and stubborn after the Dutch type,” never existed since Pretoria was founded. On the contrary, the real Kruger is a Boer Machiavelli, astute101 and bigoted119, obstinate as a mule120, and remarkably opinionated, vain and puffed121 up with the power conferred on him, vindictive, covetous122 and always a Boer, which means a narrow-minded and obtuse123 provincial124 of the illiterate type.
How the Convention was Contravened.
“Go and tell your people,” said he once to a deputation from the uitlanders, “that I will never change my policy.”
For once he spoke the truth, and having seen him I feel convinced he never will, but he has persuaded so well and spoken so fairly, that I doubt if a Colonial Office official will abandon hope of him.
I recall to mind the last portion of Article 14 of the London Convention, which refers to those persons other than natives who may enter the South African Republic. “They shall not be subject, in their persons or property, commerce or industry, to any taxes, local or general, other than those which are or may be imposed on citizens of the South African Republic.”
How does that agree with a fourpenny tax on a four-pound loaf of bread? Or a shilling tax for every four pounds of meat, or a shilling tax on every four pounds of potatoes, or a sixpence for every half-pound of butter eaten at breakfast by a miner and his family?
The Racial War Bogey125.
People at home do not stoop to consider what such details mean. They have probably more in their minds the general effect of a racial war in South Africa, and see red ruin in place of the peace and content that ought to prevail here. But what have we to do with racial war and its horrors? Our business is to look at the immediate126 present, and not anticipate events which need not take place. We have to abide127 by the Convention; why should not the other party also abide by it? It was a fair understanding. Kruger himself drew up the terms, and they were mutually agreed to, and it is scarcely common sense to suggest that the party which seeks to maintain the Convention instigates128 a racial war, while the party that has broken the Convention repeatedly should be held innocent and blameless.
The Laws of “A Choleric, Obstinate Old Man.”
There is another point in this article which has attracted my attention here. The first part of Article 14 says, “All persons other than natives, conforming themselves to the laws of the South African Republic, will have full liberty to enter, travel, or reside in any part of the South African Republic.” I am curious to know what laws were meant here. Were they any laws which the sacred twenty-four members of the First Raad might choose to impose, or were they such laws as might be made conformable to civilised countries? If the laws were made by the people of the Transvaal, we, of course, should not hear so much of grievances, but the existing laws of the South African Republic have mostly been proposed by President Kruger, and obsequiously129 enacted130 by the twenty-four members of the First Raad without reference to the people, and consequently they could not fail to be intolerable to the larger number. The Grondwet throws a light upon the character of the laws that were meant when the fourteenth Article of the Convention was framed. Its first chapter declares that the Government shall be Republican, that the territory of the Transvaal shall be free to all foreigners, and that there shall be liberty of the Press. Then I think that, as Her Majesty’s Ministers admitted and sanctioned the terms of the fourteenth Article, they understood the “Laws of the South African Republic” to mean the Constitution, and such other laws as obtain in civilised countries, for it is scarcely credible131 that they would have signed the Convention had they understood that Englishmen could not be admitted into the rights of burghership until after fifteen years’ residence, or if poverty was to be a barrier to that “full liberty” sanctioned by the Grondwet and the fourteenth Article. We may also rest assured that the British Commissioners132 would not have signed the Convention if that “full liberty” did not include free speech and a free Press, the full use of one’s native language, the full exercise of every faculty133 according to custom prevailing134 in all civilised countries, or if certain British individuals who happened to misconduct themselves were liable to receive excessive punishments, or if for writing a market note in English a 5 pound fine was to be imposed, or if for grumbling135 an Englishman was to be expelled from the country, or if for considering himself as being a little better than a Kaffir he should be compelled to wear a badge that marked him as inferior to a Boer. I think it may be taken for granted also that no British Commissioner would have attached his name to a Convention had he guessed that the Laws of the Republic might mean any odd or fantastic whim136 that might enter into the head of a choleric, obstinate old man like the present President for instance.
Uitlanders’ Rights secured by a Solemn Convention.
Far from deserving the title of great which some English visitors have bestowed137 upon Mr Kruger, it seems to be that the most fitting title would be “little.” The gifts the gods have given his State he resolutely138 refuses. His sole purpose and object seems to be to make the South African Republic the China of South Africa. He declines to admit men who are in every way qualified139 to the burghership, though every other new country is competing for such men. The Americans welcomed every able-bodied incomer as a fresh ally, and valued each workman as being worth 200 pounds to the State. Thirty years ago citizenship140 depended upon nativity, and could never be abandoned. The idea was a relic141 of the Middle Ages, and was traceable to tribal142 superstition143 of prehistoric144 times, but as nearly every country in the civilised world has consented to admit people of all races to citizenship after a probationary145 period of from three to five years, the South African Republic only marks its own retrogression to barbarism by extending the term to fifteen years. Mr Kruger, instead of granting to foreigners common rights which were sealed to them by a Solemn Convention, for which let it be always remembered the independence of the State was assured, prefers to keep 80,000 uitlanders outside the pale of citizenship, to irritate them by onerous146 laws passed by an oligarchy147 of twenty-four men, and to grind them with taxes. If he made them burghers his country would be the premier148 State in South Africa, and he might then do almost what he liked, except invade his neighbours’ territories. The worst that could befall a Boer is that some candidate might be thwarted149 in his hopes of the Presidency150, but the inviolability of the Republic and its Independence would be placed beyond danger.
What Kruger’s Policy will Lead to.
Mr Kruger professes to seek the prosperity and progress of the State, but I will simply mention the dynamite and other monopolies, of which we have heard so much lately, and point out that it is only a Boer audience that could be persuaded to believe in him. The resources of the State are forbidden to be exploited, the Minister of Mines refuses to proclaim new gold fields; the taxation151 on those in operation is so heavy that only a few of the richest mines on the main reef can be profitably worked. The expenditure152 of the State is extravagant—quite 40 per cent, could be saved, I am told. The reforms lately mentioned by the Industrial Commission, if granted, would reduce the cost of working expenses by 4 shillings per ton, and be the means of re-opening mines which were closed as being unprofitable, as well as bringing several miles of the reef into the payable153 degree. But Mr Kruger’s idea of increasing the prosperity of the State is by raising the taxes on the mines that continue to pay dividends154, in order to compensate155 the Treasury156 for the loss of revenue incurred157 from the collapse158 of the poorer mines. If, as one mine after another succumbs159 to the burden of taxation, he increases the taxes on the richer mines, every mine must become closed, because no gold mine was ever discovered that did not cost much money and high-priced labour to extract the gold from it.
Those who Pay the Piper.
Mr Kruger’s ideas of government are to divide the people into two classes—those who get their living from the surface soil and those who get it underground. He himself favours the former. According to him they only are entitled to have any voice in the Government, and to be considered as citizens of the Republic. As for the other class, they have no rights, and the country would be relieved if they departed. Yet, according to the last Budget, I find 3,799,913 pounds of the State’s revenue were derived from the class who labour underground, while only 1,086,586 pounds were obtained from the other class.
Kruger’s Cant160.
But if we wish to know and realise Mr Kruger thoroughly161, we should pay attention to his last election address, issued about a week ago. He says: “As I have before told you, I aim, as instructed by the Scriptures162, at justice and righteousness to all men—to by down on our political territory the eternal principles of God as the foundation of our State. The taking to heart of the lessons of that Word enables us to be certain under all our difficulties. These lead us to a recognition of our absolute dependence33, not on the great ones and power holders163 of the world, but upon Him who sent that Word to us.”
“Burghers and fellow-countrymen, the times are such that a wise and judicious164 development of our sources of aid requires the most earnest consideration. Therefore these must be protected and advanced, and while we lend a helping165 hand to the mining industry we must not lose sight of the agriculture and cattle farming, so that prosperity and progress may be brought to the doors, not of some only, but of all. That will be my earnest endeavour. Many of you have sustained almost irreparable losses through rinderpest, and you know what has been done in order to help you to tide over these hard times. I desire to proceed in this direction everywhere that such assistance may be required, to the end that many of the very pith of the people, at present bowed under the yoke166 of adversity and misery167, may be helped and heartened by the strengthening of the feeble knees.”
I do not think I need quote any more. As will be seen by the first paragraph, Mr Kruger takes the Scriptures as his guide in matters of policy, and, as he considers the Boers to be the chosen people, we may infer what the miserable168 Canaanites who dwell along the Raad may expect from the course adopted by Joshua towards their ancient prototypes. The second paragraph is more secular169, but the policy of Mr Kruger is just as distinctly indicated. The “very pith of the people,” the Boers, must be helped and heartened by the strengthening of the feeble knees, which means money must be taken from those who did not suffer in their flocks and herds170, viz., the miners, and distributed amongst those that sustained almost “irreparable loss through rinderpest.”
Mr Chamberlain’s Lost Opportunity.
Mr Chamberlain has led us to believe that he has a policy which will set these matters right. He has great faith in Sir Alfred Milner and Mr Greene; he has also faith in himself. In brief, his policy consists of conciliatoriness and firmness combined. If I have succeeded in this letter to properly express my convictions and the grounds for them, it will not surprise anyone if, with all my belief in Mr Chamberlain’s genius, I utterly decline to share this faith. Time was, and that not many months back, when he might by other methods, not war, nor necessarily leading to war, have broken down Kruger’s obduracy171, and made him more sensible; but that time has passed. It is now too late. Time was, and that not long ago, when the Johannesburgers might have imposed terms on Kruger and, unassisted by outsiders, have rectified172 matters themselves; but the opportunity was lost through Jameson’s interference.
Force no Remedy.
The Press has frequently suggested other means of bringing Mr Kruger to reason, the author of “Boers and Little Englanders” has stated what he thinks ought to be done, the Johannesburgers themselves are brimful of suggestions, but I think that, though some are partially173 right, I have not come across any which seems to meet the complex case entirely174. We have the sentiments of the Colonies to consider as well as the sentiments of the people of Great Britain, and the whole of Europe in fact. Therefore forcible measures in cold blood are out of the question, because from what I heard I doubt that the people of Johannesburg themselves would be grateful if we resorted to them.
Salvation175 Lies in a United Johannesburg, Passively Resisting Tyranny.
I quite agree that it is the duty of Her Majesty’s Government to strengthen our forces in South Africa to show the Boers that we are serious, and that power is at hand in case of necessity, but as long as our forces remain inactive their effect will wear away, and the Boers will soon fall back again to their sullen and vindictive attitude. What, then, is to be done? Nothing, absolutely nothing, until the Johannesburgers themselves prove to us that they are serious, united, and firm, and make the first move. It will be said, however, that they have no arms. No arms are needed of any kind, but the will to suffer and the courage to endure. Their lives will be safe in any case, for even Boers do not shoot unarmed and unresisting men, but if they all say that the taxes are ruinous, that their property is confiscated176 by these legal exactions—why pay the taxes, why continue to pay bribes177 to those in authority for trifling178 relaxations179, why assist in any way to perpetuate180 the “corrupt and rotten” Government of which they complain so bitterly? It amounts to this. The Boers have a right to administer their country as they think best, but if their administration is unjust and oppressive, surely the oppressed have the right of passive resistance, for it is in human nature to resist injustice181. The consequence of passive resistance will be imprisonment183. But when a sparsely184 populated State is obliged to imprison182 some score of thousands of non-taxpayers, and to feed them, bankruptcy185 is not far off. If any die in prison from starvation, or blood is shed, or general confiscation186 of property takes place, we then shall have a legitimate187 cause for action. I do not say that this policy of waiting upon Johannesburg is a noble one, but as we have been so indifferent to the obligations of the Convention, as we have closed every sense to our countrymen’s complaints, as we have been the slaves of every petty circumstance, as South Africa is so contentious188 and fault-finding, as the English uitlanders themselves have threatened to lift their rifles against us if we move to exert pressure on the Boers, it seems to me that we must wait upon Johannesburg and let the people of that city point the way. Every civilised people in Europe can furnish instances of how to resent injustice and defeat oppression. England, Ireland, Wales, France, Spain, Italy, Germany, etc., all have their examples of what courage can do when nerved by despair, and I think, if it is really serious, it is the turn of Johannesburg to show what it can do; otherwise we must wait until Mr Kruger’s nature changes, which will be “Never, no, never.”
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remarkably
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inspectors
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spacious
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likeness
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17
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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18
choleric
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| adj.易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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19
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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20
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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21
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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22
eyelids
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| n.眼睑( eyelid的名词复数 )；眼睛也不眨一下；不露声色；面不改色 | |
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23
pedagogue
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| n.教师 | |
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24
dissertation
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| n.（博士学位）论文，学术演讲，专题论文 | |
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25
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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26
platitudes
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| n.平常的话，老生常谈，陈词滥调( platitude的名词复数 )；滥套子 | |
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27
reiteration
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| n. 重覆, 反覆, 重说 | |
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28
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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29
wresting
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| 动词wrest的现在进行式 | |
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30
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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31
manoeuvre
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| n.策略，调动；v.用策略，调动 | |
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32
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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33
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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34
vindictive
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|
| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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35
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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36
curtail
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|
| vt.截短，缩短；削减 | |
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37
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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38
spurn
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| v.拒绝，摈弃；n.轻视的拒绝；踢开 | |
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39
credence
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|
| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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40
benevolence
|
|
| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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41
illiterate
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|
| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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42
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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43
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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44
obsequious
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|
| adj.谄媚的，奉承的，顺从的 | |
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45
enchanted
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|
| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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46
condescension
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|
| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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47
enraptured
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| v.使狂喜( enrapture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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49
overflowing
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|
| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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50
excellence
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|
| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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51
excellences
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|
| n.卓越( excellence的名词复数 )；（只用于所修饰的名词后）杰出的；卓越的；出类拔萃的 | |
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52
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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53
patriot
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|
| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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54
amazement
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|
| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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55
conjured
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|
| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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56
pecuniary
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|
| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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57
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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58
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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59
cowardice
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|
| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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60
petitioners
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| n.请求人，请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 )；离婚案原告 | |
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61
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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62
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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63
concierge
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| n.管理员；门房 | |
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64
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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65
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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66
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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67
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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68
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
morose
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|
| adj.脾气坏的，不高兴的 | |
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70
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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71
verbose
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|
| adj.用字多的；冗长的；累赘的 | |
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72
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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73
commissioner
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|
| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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74
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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75
amiable
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|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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76
allusions
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|
| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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77
concord
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|
| n.和谐；协调 | |
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78
reluctance
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|
| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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79
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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80
obliterate
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|
| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
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81
kindly
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|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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82
humane
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|
| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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83
grievances
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|
| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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84
nay
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|
| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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85
genially
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|
| adv.亲切地，和蔼地；快活地 | |
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86
utterly
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|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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87
humbled
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|
| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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88
enlisted
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|
| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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89
demonstration
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|
| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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90
diplomacy
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|
| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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91
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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92
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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93
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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94
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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95
conscientiously
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|
| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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96
blandest
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|
| adj.（食物）淡而无味的( bland的最高级 )；平和的；温和的；无动于衷的 | |
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97
professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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98
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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99
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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100
spoof
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| n.诳骗，愚弄，戏弄 | |
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101
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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102
astuteness
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| n.敏锐；精明；机敏 | |
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103
credulous
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|
| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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104
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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105
dismal
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|
| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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106
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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107
infringing
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|
| v.违反（规章等）( infringe的现在分词 )；侵犯（某人的权利）；侵害（某人的自由、权益等） | |
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108
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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109
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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110
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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111
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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112
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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113
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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114
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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115
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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116
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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117
asperities
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| n.粗暴( asperity的名词复数 )；（表面的）粗糙；（环境的）艰苦；严寒的天气 | |
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118
quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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119
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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120
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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121
puffed
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| adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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122
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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123
obtuse
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| adj.钝的；愚钝的 | |
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124
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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125
bogey
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| n.令人谈之变色之物；妖怪，幽灵 | |
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126
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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127
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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128
instigates
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| n.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的名词复数 )v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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129
obsequiously
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130
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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132
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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133
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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134
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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135
grumbling
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| adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
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136
whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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137
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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139
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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140
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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141
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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142
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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143
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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144
prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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145
probationary
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| 试用的，缓刑的 | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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147
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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149
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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payable
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| adj.可付的，应付的，有利益的 | |
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dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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156
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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159
succumbs
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的第三人称单数 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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170
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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obduracy
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| n.冷酷无情，顽固，执拗 | |
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172
rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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relaxations
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| n.消遣( relaxation的名词复数 )；松懈；松弛；放松 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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181
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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182
imprison
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| vt.监禁，关押，限制，束缚 | |
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183
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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184
sparsely
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| adv.稀疏地；稀少地；不足地；贫乏地 | |
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185
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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186
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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187
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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188
contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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