IN those dark ages preceding the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Central Europe was seething4 with migrant nations dimly desirous of settling in some more favoured regions than the vast plains and dense5 forests whence they came. Among the divers6 races thus impelled7 were the Slavs. They came from what is now Southern Russia, from the banks of the Dnyepr, and penetrated8 far into the German Empire of the present day; traces of them have been found in Hanover, colonies of Slavs still live in that marshy9 part of Prussia called the “Lausitz,” and the people of East Prussia itself have a strong admixture of that non-Teuton race.
The Slavs are said to be descended10 from the ancient{278} Scythians, by some mistakenly held to have been Mongolians, but it is unlikely that they kept their racial purity before they set out on their wanderings, and were probably much mixed with Tartars and other Asiatics who had swarmed11 over their pastures and hunting-grounds.
The Hungarians, breaking into Europe along the left bank of the Danube, then settling in Hungary, drove a wedge in between the Slavs, separating them into two masses, which by environment and by mixing with other races gradually developed into distinctive12 nationalities. Systematic13 colonization14 by the Teutons pressed the northern Slavs back towards the east, the influx15 of the Bulgarians into Eastern Europe intercepted16 communication between the Slavs to north-eastward, and so helped to create that branch of the Slav race called the Serbs. They came in groups of families, so-called Zadrugs, out of the east, each group under its chief or Zupan, and settled in the country south of the Danube and westward17 of the Bulgarians some time in the beginning of the seventh century, and from that time called themselves Serbs.
To the Romans this country was known as Moesia Superior; they built here strong castles to shelter flourishing cities, Semendria, for instance, with its serried18 ranks of square towers. But the Romans had to make way to successive waves of savage19 Huns, fierce Osthro-Goths, and Langobardi, who left a wilderness20 behind them where they had passed. Emperor Justinian reclaimed21 this land and added it to his Empire in the sixth century, but the good he did was undone22 by the Avari, who broke in from the east and left desolation in their wake. The Serbs followed the Avari and spread beyond the Save into Bosnia and Montenegro.
The family groups united into clans23, and each of these rendered service to an elected head sometimes called the{279} Great Zupan or Kralj (King), or again Tsar (Emperor). The maintenance of discipline was no easy matter, and frequent dissensions among the turbulent tribesmen rendered the Serbs an easy prey24 to their stronger neighbours. Such was the state of affairs when Christianity was introduced in the eighth century and made the Serbs subject to the Eastern Empire.
From time to time the neighbouring Bulgarians would snatch Servia from Byzant, but when Bulgaria’s power was broken by the Emperor of the East, Servia again became subject to that Empire towards the end of the tenth century.
Nearly a century later Servia produced a strong man, Stephen Dobroslav, called Boistlav by the Greeks; he forced the other Zupans into submission26, assumed full power, and regained27 the independence of his country. His son Michael succeeded and was confirmed in the royal title of Kralj by Pope Gregory, whose aim was to lessen28 the power of Byzant. But herein he failed, for inner dissensions again broke out among the Serbs, the country was forced into the Eastern Empire again and suffered horribly until in 1165 another Stephen, Zupan of East Servia, reunited the scattered29 tribes.
This Stephen founded the Nemanya dynasty and welded the broken tribes into a strong Empire. It was called that of Rassia, after its capital Rasha, now in the Sandjak Novibazar. The House of Nemanya flourished, the Empire of Rassia overflowed30 its frontiers, and under Stephen Dushan, 1331-1355, included Macedonia, Albania, Thessaly, Epirus, and Bulgaria. Stephen took the title of Tsar. But with his son Stephen Urosh, a weakling, the House of Nemanya died out.
During the reign31 of this last Tsar dissensions had broken out again. Vukashin the Voivod rose in rebellion, rendering{280} his country an easy prey to a new foe32, more formidable than any the Serbs had yet encountered, the Turk.
Leaving the Emperor of the East trembling in his purple throne-room, Amurath I was moving over Eastern Europe with a vast, well-disciplined army, conquering where he went. On the Amselfeld at Kossovo the Serbs first met in battle this enemy whom they have frequently met since, whom they met again so recently, perhaps for the last time in the history of Europe.
In vain had the Greek Emperor appealed to Catholic Europe for assistance as the horns of the Crescent closed in upon Byzant. But the Serbs responded to the call. Reunited once more under Knjes Lazar, the chivalry33 of Servia, then of high repute, joined with Albanians, Bosnians, Bulgarians, to stem the full-flowing tide of Moslems. The armies met at Kossovo and battle raged with varying fortunes till evening, but the ranks of the Christian25 forces were thinning rapidly. Vukashin had fallen, Knjes Lazar was captured, and Amurath’s son Bajazet, called by his men Yilderim (Lightning) struck swift and sure. Milosh Kabilovitch, a Servian knight34, dashed out from among the hard-pressed chivalry and galloped35 forth36 as if deserting from the Servian ranks. He sought the presence of Amurath, alleging37 that he had important intelligence concerning the plans of the Allies. Kneeling before Amurath he suddenly leapt up and buried his dagger38 in the Sultan’s heart. His astounding39 strength and agility40 enabled him to reach the place where he had left his horse, but here he fell under the sabres of the Janissaries. Amurath survived but to the close of the battle; his last act was to order the death of Lazar, the Servian King, who, standing41 in chains, regaled the dying eyes of his conqueror42.
Bajazet succeeded to the throne of Othman on the field of battle and divided Servia, forced to pay tribute to the{281} Sultan and render military service, between Stephen, son of Lazar, and Vuk Brankovi?. The latter’s son George, assisted by Hungarians, made a last effort to restore Servia’s independence, and succeeded; the Peace of Szeggedin in 1444 gave Servia a few more years of freedom. But after fifteen years Mohammed the Conqueror marched through Servia and put an end to its existence as an independent kingdom for many centuries. The Osmanli forced the Serbs into subjection by all the cruelties their ingenuity43 in that direction suggested. Nearly all the best families were extirpated44, though a few managed to escape to Hungary and others took refuge among the Black Mountains, whence their descendants came down the other day, only a few weeks ago, to meet their old enemy the Turk.
The old nobility of Servia ceased to exist after Mohammed’s conquest, and those who were allowed to remain in time embraced Islam, without doing which no one under Turkish rule in those days need expect justice or chance of promotion45; of the common people two hundred thousand were sold into slavery by the Osmanli soldiery, and Servia became a Turkish province, a sandjak, a purely46 military terrain47 d’occupation.
There are still some ancient monuments left standing which tell of the days when Servian chivalry hastened to the rescue of Constantinople and the Cross. Semendria, called Smederovo by the Serbs, once the residence of George Brankovi?, who fought for freedom by the side of Hunyadi Janos. This old Roman castle, strengthened by the Servian champion, Semendria, throws the reflections of its ruined battlements on to the waters of swift-flowing Danube.
Some way further down the river yet another castle rises sheer above the banks where the mountains close in on either side to form the Pass of Kazan. The Danube narrows down to one-third its width on entering here, it{282} swirls48 round the base of a steep promontory49 from which the broken towers of Goluba? seem to grow as out of the living rock. Crumbling50 walls and towers, turrets51 tottering52 on the brink53 of a precipice54 above the swirling55 waters, such is Goluba?, the castle built by Vuk Brancovi? to guard the entrance to the Pass of Kazan. An important place, too, in its time, for it controlled the road hewn by Trajan’s orders out of the rock through this pass to the Iron Gates connecting Dacia Trajana with Moesia Superior.
For centuries these monuments to Servia’s former greatness stood awaiting the rise of Servia rejuvenated56, Goluba? tumbling into ruins, the road it guarded falling into neglect, Semendria a stronghold of the Osmanli. But during these centuries the Serbs lost neither faith nor language nor hope of freedom. Songs and epics57 kept fresh the memories of former days, while the Serbs went about their daily business, tilling the soil, watching their herds58 of swine, living in close family union despite the storms that tore over their land as the hosts of Othman pressed westward and towards the north into Hungary, up to Vienna, or returned flushed with victory or savage because of some defeat.
Help came at last, though slowly, and from the side of Hungary as it had done three centuries before.
The power of Turkey was already on the wane59, and the Treaty of Carlowitz had begun to curtail60 Othman conquests west and north of Belgrade. Later came the Peace of Passarowitz in 1718, which promised well for Servia, but in reality sowed the seeds of discord61 between that country and the House of Habsburg. A large part of Bosnia, formerly62 in the Kingdom of Greater Servia, was annexed63 to Austria. Austrian officials in the newly acquired territory failed to establish good relations between themselves and the Serbs, so the latter sided with the Turks when Emperor Charles VI began his unhappy{283} campaign against the Sultan in 1738. This service was repaid by the cruelty and excesses of the Janissaries, driving the Serbs to assist the Austrians when Emperor Joseph II and Catherine II of Russia went to war with Sultan Mustapha III. Again no advantage accrued64 to Servia, and it was not till 1804 and by her own exertions65 that freedom came nearer to this downtrodden country.
In that year, stung into action by increased oppression at the hands of the Turks, the Serbs rose in revolt led by George Petrovi?, commonly called Czrini or Czerny George (Kara George by the Turks); Belgrade was stormed on December 12th, and after some successful fights the country was swept clean of the Janissaries. The revolt continued, and as Austria had refused assistance in 1804 Servia called on Russia for help, promising66 to recognize that Empire’s suzerainty in return. The help offered by Russia was not very liberal and the Serbs gained many successes by their own unaided efforts in the years 1809 and 1810.
In spite of all their successful endeavours, the Serbs were unkindly treated by the Powers at the Treaty of Bucharest in 1812; they were granted a general amnesty and self-government of internal affairs, but continued to pay tribute to the Sultan and were made to surrender all captured fortresses67. As a special favour the Porte allowed all those who were discontented with the results to emigrate. Turkish troops entered Servia again and wore down the forces of Kara George till he gave up the struggle and crossed over into Austria.
The struggle was taken up by Milosh Obrenovi?, who defeated Ali Pasha and was eventually proclaimed hereditary69 Prince when Kara George had been murdered on returning to his country. The Porte acknowledged Milosh Obrenovi? and granted Servia independent jurisdiction,{284} free inner administration by the Treaty of Akkerman, which ended the Russo-Turkish war, and further confirmed the treaty at the Peace of Adrianople in 1829.
By bribery70 and corruption71 Milosh managed to obtain letters from the Porte in 1830 restoring six former districts to Servia. Then Milosh, feeling secure with a well-trained bodyguard72, chose to rule as despot, inflicting73 arbitrary punishment with many cruelties on those who displeased74 him. Already well used to revolts the Servians rose against their chosen ruler under Avram Petronijevi? and Thoma Vuci?, and obliged Milosh to grant a constitution. Milosh resigned in favour of his son Milan. Milan lived only a short time and was succeeded by his brother Michael Obrenovi?, who made himself unpopular by levying75 a tax on acorns76 when prepared as food for pigs. Pigs are still fortune-makers for the Serbs as they were in those days, so the people revolted again. Michael fled to Austria and a son of Kara George, Alexander Karageorgevi?, was elected in his stead.
Even Alexander, a peaceful sovereign, did not please the people for long; he had a leaning towards Austria, and for this reason was called upon to abdicate77. Instead of going quietly he appealed to the Porte, whereupon the Servian Parliament, the Skuptshina, recalled Milosh Obrenovi?, now seventy-eight years of age, and placed him on the unsteady throne of Servia for a second time.
Followed the son of Milosh, Michael III Obrenovi?; he reorganized the militia78 forces of Servia and forced the Turks to abandon the remaining fortresses they held in the land, Belgrade, Saba?, and Semendria, and by 1867 the last Osmanli had left the country. Yet there was dissatisfaction among the Serbs, for Michael III was murdered the following year in Topshida Park at Belgrade, his new capital.{285}
Milan Obrenovi? was then called to the throne and took sovereign rights and title in 1878, after Plevna fell and the Serbs had retrieved79 defeats suffered during that war against Turkey by taking Nish, Pirot, and Leskovo? from the already badly beaten Osmanli. Milan Obrenovi? became King in 1882 and sought to add to his dignity by invading Bulgaria what time that principality was occupied with a revolt in East Roumelia. The Serbs were very badly beaten at Slivni?a and Pirot, by a man who knew his business thoroughly80, Alexander von Battenberg, Prince of Bulgaria. This ill-success, possibly other motives81, led to the resignation of King Milan, who was succeeded by Alexander I, his son. Of that monarch’s personality, his life, and ghastly death, I decline to say anything; the papers in June, 1903, were full of it—too full of it.
It was left to another Karageorgevi?, Peter I, the present King, to march once more against the old oppressor of the Serbs, and to take lands, once part of Greater Servia, from the hands of those who had so long misruled them.
While the rest of Europe was comforting itself with the disproved statement that trouble in the Balkans is always deferred82 till the snow melts under the rays of a spring sun, the Balkan Kingdoms had entered into an alliance against their old enemy the Turk. Notwithstanding the fact that many of those whose business it is to know such things were well aware of the preparations made by the Allies, European diplomacy83 lulled84 itself to sleep by reiterated85 formul?, mumbling86 something about status quo. In the meantime Bulgaria, chief of the Allies, had for years been training its hardy87 sons to a winter campaign, and had, moreover, a most excellent secret intelligence department with its feelers all over Thrace and those parts of the peninsula likely to be immediately affected88 by a war. Servia had been carefully preparing for the grand coup{286} by reorganizing its military forces. Few people elsewhere in Europe took them seriously, remembering the ease with which Bulgaria defeated her ally some years ago, and also the ineffective clamour raised when Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina. Nevertheless it was made possible to extend the army of Servia from a peace footing of some 35,000 men to a field army of 160,000. This was accomplished89 out of a population of 3,000,000 inhabiting 18,800 square miles, and the total annual cost of that army is only ￡1,200,000. Compare this with Great Britain’s idea of insisting on her voice being heard among the armed nations of Europe on the Continent with an expeditionary force of 100,000 men out of a population of over 45,000,000! But then the Serbs have not yet had time to wax fat and indifferent to their country’s needs. Every Serb is obliged to serve his country and does so willingly. Thus the cadres of the Servian standing army swelled90 as townsmen and sturdy countrymen flocked to join the colours, singing as they marched out armed and eager, “Rado ide Srbin u voinike”—“Gaily the Serbs go to war.”
While Britons were enjoying the autumn holidays great things were preparing among the Balkan States, and they passed unnoticed. The tension always existent between the Allied91 Kingdoms and their former conqueror and master became acute in consequence of several incidents. Turkey, dimly realizing that the state of affairs was becoming more and more difficult, thought fit to seize some war material en route to Servia, via Saloniki and üsküb. Again, Turkey declined to punish those who had joined in the Kochana massacres93; Macedonia was roused to fury and its voice found echo in Sofia. Turkey also insisted on carrying out the man?uvres round Adrianople, planned by Field-Marshal von der Goltz, to show in{287} mimic94 warfare95 what shortly after happened in stern reality. Servia protested strongly, so did Bulgaria. Servia mobilized with astounding rapidity, Bulgaria was ready, as every one would suppose who knows that country, its strong ruler, and efficient people. Still Western Europe said, “It is all talk, let us enjoy our holiday,” till suddenly the world was made aware of the Balkan Alliance and heard of Turkey’s declaration of war against Bulgaria and Servia.
In the meantime another of the Allies, the smallest, probably fiercest of them, had begun the dance, the Montenegrins. For centuries these people have been longing96 to avenge97 former wrongs done them by the Turks. It was the Turks who drove the remnant of Slav nobility into the inaccessible98 Black Mountains when the hosts of Islam swarmed over the Danube lands, Servia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, murdering and plundering99, destroying an ancient civilization.
Secure among their mountains the Montenegrins remained untouched by those influences which have kept their neighbours the Albanians under the dominion100 of the Sultan. They held firmly to their religion, the Greek Orthodoxy, this kept them united against their enemy the Turk, and they developed along their own lines. Their princely family the Balshas kept Turks and Venetians at bay, and when that dynasty died out their quite natural quarrels were kept down by a line of priestly princes, Vladikas; the Prince-Bishop being celibate101 was less likely to be dragged into family feuds102. By degrees the sovereignty became hereditary, passing from uncle to nephew, until Danilo II relinquished103 the ecclesiastical side of his dignity. He was assassinated104 in 1860 and succeeded by Prince Nicholas, now King of Montenegro.
Montenegro soon found sufficient pretext105 for declaring{288} war, and did so in all solemnity on October 8th. Immediately after this act the sons of the mountains were pouring down from the heights over the Turkish border. By a series of sharp, well-contrived attacks they gained numerous advantages over their enemies, had joined hands with the Servian Army by October 25th in the Sandjak of Novi Bazar, had captured S. Giovanni di Medua by November 18th, then assisting General Yankovitch’s Servian division in an attack on the fortress68 of Alessio, which was captured after fierce fighting.
In the meantime Montenegro’s southern army was investing Scutari, assisted by the northern force moving down from Tuzi. Since the Young Turks came into power in 1908 the natural advantages for defence proper to Scutari have been greatly enhanced, for Hilmi Pasha made this the head-quarters of his action against the Albanians. The garrison106 of Scutari, computed107 at some ten thousand men, was well armed and well provided for, and has held out against superior odds108. It proposes to hold out till the end, whenever that may be, in spite of all the desperate attacks by night and day to which Montenegrin impetuosity subjects it. Scutari is still holding out, and so far the Montenegrins have poured out their blood before its strong defences in vain. The commander of the fortress absolutely declined to recognize the armistice109.
On October 17th the Porte issued a formal notification to the Powers that “a state of war exists to-day between the Turkish Empire and the Kingdoms of Bulgaria and Servia.” A revolt of Serbs in the districts of üsküb, Kumanovo, and others had already broken out during the first days of October, and fighting on the frontier was reported some days before the declaration of war at Vranja and near Ristova? on the Morava. Servia declared war{289} on Turkey on the same day as the Turkish notification was issued, Bulgaria and Greece did likewise; so four kings at the head of their armies crossed the borders of their realms to concentrate in an attack on their old enemy.
King Peter of Servia made Vranja his first head-quarters, and from here followed the progress of his armies. They marched down from the mountains in three columns, beating down fierce resistance, gaining victory on victory at enormous cost. By October 21st the Serbs had won a victory at Podujevo, and captured Nova Varosh in the Sandjak. At the same time the Second Army Corps110, under General Stephanovich, was forcing its way to Egri Palanka, capturing the important position of Carsko Selo and Sultan Tepe, marching towards üsküb, where the three armies were to meet eventually.
Servian arms were victorious111 elsewhere. Led by the Crown Prince in person, the Serbs attacked Kumanovo; the fighting lasted with varying fortunes for two days, the Turks offering desperate resistance and making furious counter-attacks. After hard fighting in the Teresh Pass, Prishtina fell to the Serbs, and shortly after the western column captured Mitrovitza, Vuchitra, and Gilan. The Serbs then marched on üsküb and took it, King Peter entered the town, once a royal residence of the Kraljs of Greater Servia, in solemn triumph, amidst the rejoicings of the populace. There was desperate fighting near Kossovo, on the Amselfeld, where Amurath broke the chivalry of ancient Servia in the fourteenth century, and with his dying eyes watched the death agonies of Knjes Lazar, King of the Serbs. Here on the Amselfeld, the scene of Milosh Kabilovitch’s daring deed, Young Servia vindicated112 its honour, and proved the metal of a nation united in arms to some great purpose, inspired by a high ideal.{290}
Then the Servian armies marched on towards Monastir, but were able at the same time to detach troops to reinforce their allies the Greeks, and the Bulgarians before Adrianople. Monastir was closely invested, and fell on November 19th. The Crown Prince held his solemn entry into the town, captured in face of many great obstacles. Besides Turkish regulars, the inhabitants of the town offered desperate resistance, the latter attacking with great ferocity. It was largely bayonet fighting, the Servian infantry113 carrying one position after another at pas de charge, sometimes wading114 through water breast-high. Finally the Turks attempted a desperate sortie, which ended in a complete rout92, during which many who escaped from the sabres of the pursuing Servian cavalry115 managed to make for Ochrida. This latter city, formerly a royal residence of the Serbo-Bulgarian Tsars, was captured by the Serbs on November 24th.
Tenedos An island close to the Asiatic side of the entrance to the Dardanelles. It served as a base for Greek torpedo-boat destroyers. Here one of these held up the ship I was sailing in.
Tenedos
An island close to the Asiatic side of the entrance to the Dardanelles. It served as a base for Greek torpedo-boat destroyers. Here one of these held up the ship I was sailing in.
Then the Serbs set out on yet another desperate venture, in pursuit of an ideal, a window on the Adriatic. Let us hope that a full account of this march of a Servian column over the mountains, from the Lake of Ochrida to Alessio, may be recorded in detail by some of those who took part in it, for the venture is reminiscent of Pizarro’s march across the Andes. Communications with head-quarters could only be maintained by means of couriers, and naturally became less frequent as the gallant116 column disappeared among the mountain passes. The way led along the edge of yawning chasms117, the track so narrow that pack animals, hardy mountain ponies118, could be loaded on one side only; then again, down some winding119 ravine, toiling120 ten miles to advance one; again, amid rocks and boulders121, over a pass swept by an icy wind, or through a valley two or three feet deep in snow. Guns and ammunition122 had to be dragged along, for though the heights were{291} generally deserted123, yet now and again hostile Albanians would have to be dispersed124 before an advance was possible. Rations2 were very short, yet in spite of hunger, fatigue125, and the enemy’s attention, the force won through with trifling126 losses until the waters of the Adriatic gleamed at their feet. And so the Serbs arrived on the sea-coast at Alessio, where they were met by their allies, the Montenegrins, who had taken S. Giovanni di Medua. At yet another point on the Adriatic, at Durazzo, the Serbs emerged from the mountains, to emphasize their claims to an outlet127 on the sea, while Austrian cruisers looked on jealously.
Thus by the end of November all Macedonia had been lost to the Ottoman Empire. Yet the people of Constantinople seemed, for the most part at least, indifferent to outside matters, and continued the even tenor128 of their way. Only in cafés, and places where men of leisure congregate129, would you hear the war discussed, or chiefly the rumours130 afloat about it, and from these many pot-valiant Turks deduced that, far from all being lost, the Osmanli armies were about to begin the war in earnest. The beaten remnant of Ottoman power in Europe, huddling131 behind the lines of Chatalja, was to emerge from hiding, march over the Bulgarians up the Valley of the Maritza, relieve famine-stricken Adrianople, and enter Sofia in triumph. Yet another Ottoman army was to march south through Thessaly, retake Saloniki, cross into Epirus, and dictate132 the Sultan’s terms to Greece in Athens. This has been told me seriously by several Turks, those who are interested in the war. What is more, they are firmly persuaded that this can and will happen. With such a people, the majority completely apathetic133, a minority wildly optimistic, it is difficult to see how anything like a common-sense view of matters is likely to obtain, and{292} without such common sense Turkey’s place in the comity134 of European nations will probably be filled by people with a better-adjusted sense of proportion.
Of course, reports of Servian excesses, atrocities, are spread about, chiefly disseminated135 by Continental136 papers. That soldiers flushed by victory are liable to break away from strict discipline is a lamentable137 fact. I know of few armies of which the same cannot be said with more or less justice. The Continental Press spread reports of this kind about the British army in South Africa, and lowered the status of journalism138 by these vicious falsehoods. It must also be borne in mind that many Continental papers are to a certain extent used by the Governments of their respective countries for the purpose of creating a tendency. This was distinctly the case during the South African war, when a strong organization poisoned the minds of European nations against Great Britain by means of the Press, in order to justify139 interference with our affairs. They were ably seconded by a section of the Press in this country. The movement failed of its result owing to the strength of Great Britain and the solidarity140 of the nation. It seems to be probable that much the same tendency inspired the recent recitals141 of Servian atrocities. On the whole the Press has not distinguished142 itself particularly during the Balkan war, and certainly the restrictions143 placed on war correspondents added to the difficulties of news-getting. Yet this is no reason for substituting fiction for facts, for there are many who still believe what they see in the papers, and among them were a number who suffered considerable anxiety when reading of the state of Constantinople during the last stage of the war. Some accounts were not even remotely connected with the truth.
Whatever the truth about Servian atrocities may be it is certain that the Servian Army did its work uncommonly{293} well. Thorough preparedness and good leadership enabled it not only to sweep the Turks out of Macedonia, but also to assist the other Allies, for instance, in detaching eighty thousand men to help the Bulgarians in the siege of Adrianople.
How many of those who read their daily paper realize the work done by the Servian Army? In a country where roads are few, and in wet weather only serve to indicate the general direction and not to carry heavy traffic, the Servian troops, especially the infantry, daily covered a surprising amount of ground; what is more, the transport managed to keep up with the marching columns. And it was not all simple marching; there was severe fighting to be done, and heavy ammunition trains had to keep up with the operations in progress.
Great credit is due to those who reorganized the Servian Army and fitted it for the task it took in hand. Their names have not been lauded144 by the Press, their portraits do not constantly figure in the illustrated145 papers, but they have served their country well, and helped to bring about lasting146 changes in the state of Europe, changes which will yet cause great anxiety to the people of those very superior Great Powers who sit in judgment147 on matters which many of them cannot understand.
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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marshy
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descended
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swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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distinctive
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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influx
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intercepted
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westward
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serried
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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21
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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22
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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23
clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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24
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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25
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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26
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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27
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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28
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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29
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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30
overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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31
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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32
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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33
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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34
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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35
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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36
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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37
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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38
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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39
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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40
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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41
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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42
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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43
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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44
extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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45
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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46
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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47
terrain
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| n.地面，地形，地图 | |
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48
swirls
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| n.旋转( swirl的名词复数 )；卷状物；漩涡；尘旋v.旋转，打旋( swirl的第三人称单数 ) | |
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49
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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50
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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51
turrets
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| （六角）转台( turret的名词复数 )； （战舰和坦克等上的）转动炮塔； （摄影机等上的）镜头转台； （旧时攻城用的）塔车 | |
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52
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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53
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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54
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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55
swirling
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| v.旋转，打旋( swirl的现在分词 ) | |
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56
rejuvenated
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| 更生的 | |
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57
epics
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| n.叙事诗( epic的名词复数 )；壮举；惊人之举；史诗般的电影（或书籍） | |
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58
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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59
wane
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| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
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60
curtail
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| vt.截短，缩短；削减 | |
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61
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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62
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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63
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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64
accrued
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| adj.权责已发生的v.增加( accrue的过去式和过去分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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65
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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66
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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67
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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68
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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69
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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70
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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71
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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72
bodyguard
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| n.护卫，保镖 | |
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73
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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74
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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75
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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76
acorns
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| n.橡子，栎实( acorn的名词复数 ) | |
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77
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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78
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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79
retrieved
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| v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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80
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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81
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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82
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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83
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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84
lulled
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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85
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
mumbling
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| 含糊地说某事，叽咕，咕哝( mumble的现在分词 ) | |
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87
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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88
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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89
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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90
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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91
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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92
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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93
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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94
mimic
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| v.模仿，戏弄；n.模仿他人言行的人 | |
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95
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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96
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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97
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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98
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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99
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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100
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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101
celibate
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| adj.独身的，独身主义的；n.独身者 | |
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102
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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103
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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104
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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105
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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106
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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107
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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109
armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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110
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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111
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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112
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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113
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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114
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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115
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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116
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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117
chasms
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| 裂缝( chasm的名词复数 )； 裂口； 分歧； 差别 | |
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118
ponies
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| 矮种马，小型马( pony的名词复数 )； ￡25 25 英镑 | |
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119
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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120
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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121
boulders
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| n.卵石( boulder的名词复数 )；巨砾；（受水或天气侵蚀而成的）巨石；漂砾 | |
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122
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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123
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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124
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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125
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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126
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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127
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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128
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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129
congregate
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| v.(使)集合，聚集 | |
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130
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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131
huddling
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| n. 杂乱一团, 混乱, 拥挤 v. 推挤, 乱堆, 草率了事 | |
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132
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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133
apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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134
comity
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| n.礼让，礼仪；团结，联合 | |
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135
disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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137
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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138
journalism
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| n.新闻工作，报业 | |
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139
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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140
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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141
recitals
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| n.独唱会( recital的名词复数 )；独奏会；小型音乐会、舞蹈表演会等；一系列事件等的详述 | |
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142
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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143
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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144
lauded
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| v.称赞，赞美( laud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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146
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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147
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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