The Government of Massachusetts Bay under the Long Parliament, the Commonwealth1, and Cromwell.
Charles the First ceased to rule after 1640, though his death did not take place until January, 1649. The General Court of Massachusetts Bay, in their address to the King's Commissioners2 in September, 1637, professed4 to offer "earnest prayers for long life and prosperity to his sacred Majesty5 and his royal family, and all honour and welfare to their Lordships;" but as soon as there was a prospect6 of a change, and the power of the King began to decline and that of Parliament began to increase, the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay transferred all their sympathies and assiduities to the Parliament. In 1641, they sent over three agents to evoke7 interest with the Parliamentary leaders—one layman8, Mr. Hibbins, and two ministers, Thomas Weld and Hugh Peters, the latter of whom was as shrewd and active in trade and speculations9 as he was ardent10 and violent in the pulpit. He made quite a figure in the civil war in England, and was Cromwell's favourite war chaplain. Neither he nor Weld ever returned to New England.
As the persecution11 of Puritans ceased in England, emigration to New England ceased; trade became depressed12 and property greatly depreciated13 in value; population became stationary14 in New England during the whole Parliamentary and Commonwealth rule in England, from 1640 to 1660—more returning from New England to England than emigrating thither15 from England.
The first success of this mission of Hugh Peters and his colleagues soon appeared. By the Royal Charter of 1629, the King encouraged the Massachusetts Company by remitting16 all taxes upon the property of the Plantations17 for the space of seven years, and all customs and duties upon their exports and imports, to or from any British port, for the space of twenty-one years, except the five per cent. due upon their goods and merchandise, according to the ancient trade of merchants; but the Massachusetts delegates obtained an ordinance19 of Parliament, or rather an order of the House of Commons, complimenting the colony on its progress and hopeful prospects20, and discharging all the exports of the natural products of the colony and all the goods imported into it for its own use, from the payment of any custom or taxation21 whatever.
On this resolution of the Commons three remarks may be made: 1. As in all previous communications between the King and the Colony, the House of Commons termed the colony a "Plantation18," and the colonists23 "Planters." Two years afterwards the colony of Massachusetts Bay assumed to itself (without Charter or Act of Parliament) the title and style of "a Commonwealth." 2. While the House of Commons speaks of the prospects being "very happy for the propagation of the Gospel in those parts," the Massachusetts colony had not established a single mission or employed a single missionary24 or teacher for the instruction of the Indians. 3. The House of Commons exempts26 the colony from payment of all duties on articles exported from or imported into the colony, until the House of Commons shall take further order therein to the contrary,—clearly implying and assuming, as beyond doubt, the right of the House of Commons to impose or abolish such duties at its pleasure. The colonists of Massachusetts Bay voted hearty27 thanks to the House of Commons for this resolution, and ordered it to be entered on their public records as a proof to posterity28 of the gracious favour of Parliament.
The Massachusetts General Court did not then complain of the Parliament invading their Charter privileges, in assuming its right to tax or not tax their imports and exports; but rebelled against Great Britain a hundred and thirty years afterwards, because the Parliament asserted and applied29 the same principle.
The Puritan Court of Massachusetts Bay were not slow in reciprocating30 the kind expressions and acts of the Long Parliament, and identifying themselves completely with it against the King. In 1644 they passed an Act, in which they allowed perfect freedom of opinion, discussion, and action on the side of Parliament, but none on the side of the King; the one party in the colony could say and act as they pleased (and many of them went to England and joined Cromwell's army or got places in public departments); no one of the other party was allowed to give expression to his opinions, either "directly or indirectly31," without being "accounted as an offender32 of a high nature against this Commonwealth, and to be prosecuted34, capitally or otherwise, according to the quality and degree of his offence."
The New England historians have represented the acts of Charles the First as arbitrary and tyrannical in inquiring into the affairs of Massachusetts Bay, and in the appointment of a Governor-General and Commissioners to investigate all their proceedings36 and regulate them; and it might be supposed that the Puritan Parliament in England and the General Court of Massachusetts Bay would be at one in regard to local independence of the colony of any control or interference on the part of the Parent State. But the very year after the House of Commons had adopted so gracious an order to exempt25 the exports and imports of the colony from all taxation, both Houses of Parliament passed an Act for the appointment of a Governor-General and seventeen Commissioners—five Lords and twelve Commoners—with unlimited40 powers over all the American colonies. Among the members of the House of Commons composing this Commission were Sir Harry41 Vane and Oliver Cromwell. The title of this Act, in Hazard, is as follows:
"An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament: whereby Robert Earl of Warwick is made Governor-in-Chief and Lord High Admiral of all those Islands and Plantations inhabited, planted, or belonging to any of his Majesty the King of England's subjects, within the bounds and upon the coasts of America, and a Committee appointed to be assisting unto him, for the better government, strengthening[Pg 89] and preservation42 of the said Plantations; but chiefly for the advancement43 of the true Protestant religion, and further spreading of the Gospel of Christ among those that yet remain there, in great and miserable44 blindness and ignorance."
This Act places all the affairs of the colonies, with the appointment of Governors and all other local officers, under the direct control of Parliament, through its general Governor and Commissioners, and shows beyond doubt that the Puritans of the Long Parliament held the same views with those of Charles the First, and George the Third, and Lord North a century afterwards, as to the authority of the British Parliament over the American colonies. Whether those views were right or wrong, they were the views of all parties in England from the beginning for more than a century, as to the relations between the British Parliament and the colonies. The views on this subject held and maintained by the United Empire Loyalists, during the American Revolution of 1776, were those which had been held by all parties in England, whether Puritans or Churchmen, from the first granting of the Charter to the Company of Massachusetts Bay in 1629. The assumptions and statements of American historians to the contrary on this subject are at variance45 with all the preceding facts of colonial history.
Mr. Bancroft makes no mention of this important ordinance passed by both Houses of the Long Parliament; nor does Hutchinson, or Graham, or Palfrey. Less sweeping46 acts of authority over the colonies, by either of the Charters, are portrayed47 by these historians with minuteness and power, if not in terms of exaggeration. The most absolute and comprehensive authority as to both appointments and trade in the colonies ordered by the Long Parliament and Commonwealth are referred to in brief and vague terms, or not at all noticed, by the historical eulogist of the Massachusetts Bay Puritans, who, while they were asserting their independence of the royal rule of England, claimed and exercised absolute rule over individual consciences and religious liberty in Massachusetts, not only against Episcopalians, but equally against Presbyterians and Baptists; for this very year, says Hutchinson, "several persons came from England in 1643, made a muster48 to set Presbyterian government under the authority of the Assembly of Westminster; but the New England Assembly, the General Court, soon put them to the rout49."[82] And in the following year, 1644, these "Fathers of American liberty" adopted measures equally decisive to "rout" the Baptists. The ordinance passed on this subject, the "13th of the 9th month, 1644," commences thus: "Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully50 and often proved that since the first arising of the Anabaptists, about one hundred years since, they have been the incendaries of the Commonwealths52 and the infectors of persons in main matters of religion, and the troubles of churches in all places where they have been, and that they who have held the baptizing of infants unlawful, have usually held other errors or heresies54 therewith, though they have (as other heretics used to do) concealed55 the same till they spied out a fit advantage and opportunity to vent39 them by way of question or scruple," etc.: "It is ordered and agreed, that if any person or persons within this jurisdiction57 shall either openly condemn58 or oppose the baptizing of infants, or go about secretly to seduce59 others from the approbation60 or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the congregation at the ministration of the ordinance, or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy, or their lawful53 right and authority to make war, or to punish the outward breakers of the first Table, and shall appear to the Court to continue therein after the due time and means of conviction, shall be sentenced to banishment61."
In the following year, 1646, the Presbyterians, not being satisfied with having been "put to the rout" in 1643, made a second attempt to establish their worship within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts Bay. Mr. Palfrey terms this attempt a "Presbyterian cabal62," and calls its leaders "conspirators63." They petitioned the General Court or Legislature of Massachusetts Bay, and on the rejection64 of their petition they proposed to appeal to the Parliament in England. They were persecuted65 for both acts. It was pretended that they were punished, not for petitioning the local Court, but for the expressions used in their petition—the same as it had been said seventeen years before, that the Messrs. Brown were banished66, not because they were Episcopalians, but because, when called before Endicot and his councillors, they used offensive expressions in justification67 of their conduct in continuing to worship as they had done in England. In their case, in 1629, the use and worship of the Prayer Book was forbidden, and the promoters of it banished, and their papers seized; in this case, in 1646, the Presbyterian worship was forbidden, and the promoters of it were imprisoned69 and fined, and their papers seized. In both cases the victims of religious intolerance and civil tyranny were men of the highest position and intelligence. The statements of the petitioners71 in 1646 (the truth of which could not be denied, though the petitioners were punished for telling it) show the state of bondage72 and oppression to which all who would not join the Congregational Churches—that is, five-sixths of the population—were reduced under this system of Church government—the Congregational Church members alone electors, alone eligible73 to be elected, alone law-makers and law administrators74, alone imposing75 taxes, alone providing military stores and commanding the soldiery; and then the victims of such a Government were pronounced and punished as "conspirators" and "traitors76" when they ventured to appeal for redress77 to the Mother Country. The most exclusive and irresponsible Government that ever existed in Canada in its earliest days never approached such a despotism as this of Massachusetts Bay. I leave the reader to decide, when he peruses78 what was petitioned for—first to the Massachusetts Legislature, and then to the English Parliament—who were the real "traitors" and who the "conspirators" against right and liberty: the "Presbyterian cabal," as Mr. Palfrey terms the petitioners, or those who imprisoned and fined them, and seized their papers. Mr. Hutchinson, the best informed and most candid79 of the New England historians, states the affair of the petitioners, their proceedings and treatment, and the petition which they presented, as follows:
"A great disturbance80 was caused in the colony this year [1646] by a number of persons of figure, but of different sentiments, both as to civil and ecclesiastical government, from the people in general. They had laid a scheme for petition of such as were non-freemen to the courts of both colonies, and upon the petitions being refused, to apply to the Parliament, pretending they were subjected to arbitrary power, extra-judicial81 proceedings, etc. The principal things complained of by the petitioners were:
"1st. That the fundamental laws of England were not owned by the Colony, as the basis of their government, according to the patent.
"2nd. The denial of those civil privileges, which the freemen of the jurisdiction enjoyed, to such as were not members of Churches, and did not take an oath of fidelity82 devised by the authority here, although they were freeborn Englishmen, of sober lives and conversation, etc.
"3rd. That they were debarred from Christian83 privileges, viz., the Lord's Supper for themselves, and baptism for their children, unless they were members of some of the particular Churches in the country, though otherwise sober, righteous, and godly, and eminent84 for knowledge, not scandalous in life and conversation, and members of Churches in England.
"And they prayed that civil liberty and freedom might be forthwith granted to all truly English, and that all members of the Church of England or Scotland, not scandalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the Churches of New England; or if these civil and religious liberties were refused, that they might be freed from the heavy taxes imposed upon them, and from the impresses made of them or their children or servants into the war; and if they failed of redress there, they should be under the necessity of making application to England, to the honourable86 Houses of Parliament, who they hoped would take their sad condition, etc.
"But if their prayer should be granted, they hoped to see the then contemned87 ordinances88 of God highly prized; the Gospel, then dark, break forth85 as the sun; Christian charity, then frozen, wax warm; jealousy89 of arbitrary government banished; strife90 and contention92 abated93; and all business in Church and State, which for many years had gone backward, successfully thriving, etc.
"The Court, and great part of the country, were much offended at this petition. A declaration was drawn94 up by order of the Court, in answer to the petition, and in vindication95 of the Government—a proceeding35 which at this day would not appear for the honour of the supreme96 authority. The petitioners were required to attend the Court. They urged their right of petitioning. They were told they were not accused of petitioning, but of contemptuous and seditious expressions, and were required to find sureties for their good behaviour, etc. A charge was drawn up against them in form; notwithstanding which it was intimated to them, that if they would ingenuously98 acknowledge their offence, they should be forgiven; but they refused, and were fined, some in larger, some in smaller sums, two or three of the magistrates100 dissenting103, Mr. Bellingham, in particular, desiring his dissent102 might be entered. The petitioners[Pg 96] claimed an appeal to the Commissioners of Plantations in England; but it was not allowed. Some of them resolved to go home with a complaint. Their papers were seized, and among them was found a petition to the Right Honourable the Earl of Warwick, etc., Commissioners, from about five and twenty non-freemen, for themselves and many thousands more, in which they represent that from the pulpits they had been reproached and branded with the names of destroyers of Churches and Commonwealths, called Hamans, Judases, sons of Korah, and the Lord entreated104 to confound them, and the people and magistrates stirred up against them by those who were too forward to step out of their callings, so that they had been sent for to the Court, and some of them committed for refusing to give two hundred pounds bond to stand to the sentence of the Court, when all the crime was a petition to the Court, and they had been publicly used as malefactors, etc.
"Mr. Winslow, who had been chosen agent for the colony to answer to Gorton's complaint, was now instructed to make defence against these petitioners; and by his prudent106 management, and the credit and esteem107 he was in with many members of the Parliament and principal persons then in power, he prevented any prejudice to the colony from either of these applications."
Mr. (Edward) Winslow, above mentioned by Mr. Hutchinson, had been one of the founders109 and Governors of the Plymouth colony; but twenty-five years afterwards he imbibed110 the persecuting111 spirit of the Massachusetts Bay colony, became their agent and advocate in London, and by the prestige which he had acquired as the first narrator and afterwards Governor of the Plymouth colony, had much influence with the leading men of the Long Parliament. He there joined himself to Cromwell, and was appointed one of his three Commissioners to the West Indies, where he died in 1655. Cromwell, as he said when he first obtained possession of the King, had "the Parliament in his pocket;" he had abolished the Prayer Book and its worship; he had expurgated the army of Presbyterians, and filled their places with Congregationalists; he was repeating the same process in Parliament; and through him, therefore (who was also Commander-in-Chief of all the Parliamentary forces), Mr. Winslow had little difficulty in stifling112 the appeal from Massachusetts Bay for liberty of worship in behalf of both Presbyterians and Episcopalians.
But was ever a petition to a local Legislature more constitutional, or more open and manly113 in the manner of its getting up, more Christian in its sentiments and objects? Yet the petitioners were arraigned114 and punished as "conspirators" and "disturbers of the public peace," by order of that Legislature, for openly petitioning to it against some of its own acts. Was ever appeal to the Imperial Parliament by British subjects more justifiable115 than that of Dr. Child, Mr. Dand, Mr. Vassal116 (progenitor117 of British Peers), and others, from acts of a local Government which deprived them of both religious rights of worship and civil rights of franchise118, of all things earthly most valued by enlightened men, and without which the position of man is little better than that of goods and chattels119? Yet the respectable men who appealed to the supreme power of the realm for the attainment120 of these attributes of Christian and British citizenship121 were imprisoned and heavily fined, and their private papers seized and sequestered122!
In my own native country of Upper Canada, the Government for nearly half a century was considered despotic, and held up by American writers themselves as an unbearable123 tyranny. But one Church was alleged124 to be established in the country, and the government was that of a Church party; but never was the elective franchise there confined to the members of the one Church; never were men and women denied, or hailed before the legal tribunals and fined for exercising the privilege of Baptism, the Lord's Supper, or public worship for themselves and families according to the dictates125 of their own consciences; never was the humblest inhabitant denied the right of petition to the local Legislature on any subject, or against any governmental acts, or the right of appeal to the Imperial Government or Parliament on the subject of any alleged grievance127. The very suspicion and allegation that the Canadian Government did counteract128, by influences and secret representations, the statements of complaining parties to England, roused public indignation as arbitrary and unconstitutional. Even the insurrection which took place in both Upper and Lower Canada in 1837 and 1838 was professedly against alleged partiality and injustice129 by the local Government, as an obstruction130 to more liberal policy believed to be desired by the Imperial Government.
But here, in Massachusetts, a colony chartered as a Company to distribute and settle public lands and carry on trade, in less than twenty years assumes the powers of a sovereign Commonwealth, denies to five-sixths of the population the freedom of citizenship, and limits it to the members of one Church, and denies Baptism, the Lord's Supper, and worship to all who will not come to the one Church, punishes petitioners to itself for civil and religious freedom from those who were deprived of it, and punishes as "treason" their appeal for redress to the English Parliament. Though, for the present, this unprecedented132 and unparalleled local despotism was sustained by the ingenious representations of Mr. Winslow and the power of Cromwell; yet in the course of four years the surrender of its Charter was ordered by the regicide councillors of the Commonwealth, as it had been ordered by the beheaded King Charles and his Privy134 Council thirteen years before. In the meantime tragical135 events in England diverted attention from the colonies. The King was made prisoner, then put to death; the Monarchy136 was abolished, as well as the House of Lords; and the Long Parliament became indeed Cromwell's "pocket" instrument.
It was manifest that the government of Massachusetts Bay as a colony was impossible, with the pretensions137 which it had set up, declaring all appeals to England to be "treason," and punishing complainants as "conspirators" and "traitors." The appointment by Parliament in 1643 of a Governor-General and Commissioners had produced no effect in Massachusetts Bay Colony; pretensions to supremacy138 and persecution were as rife91 as ever there. Dr. Child and his friends were punished for even asking for the administration that appointed the Governor-General and those Commissioners; and whether the Government of England were a monarchy or republic, it was clear that the pretensions to independence of the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay must be checked, and their local tyranny restrained. For this purpose the Long Parliament adopted the same policy in 1650 that King Charles had done in 1637; demanded the surrender of the Charter; for that Parliament sent a summons to the local Government ordering it to transmit the Charter to England, to receive a new patent from the Parliament in all its acts and processes.
This order of Parliament to Massachusetts Bay Colony to surrender its Charter was accompanied by a proclamation prohibiting trade with Virginia, Barbadoes, Bermuda, and Antigua, because these colonies continued to recognize royal authority, and to administer their laws in the name of the King. This duplicate order from the Long Parliament was a double blow to the colony of Massachusetts Bay, and produced general consternation139; but the dexterity140 and diplomacy141 of the colony were equal to the occasion. It showed its devotion to the cause of the Long Parliament by passing an Act prohibiting trade with the loyal, but by them termed rebel colonies; and it avoided surrendering the Charter by repeating its policy of delay and petition, which it had adopted on a similar occasion[Pg 101] in 1638 to King Charles; and its professions of loyalty142 to Charles, and prayers for the Royal Family, and the success of the Privy Council, it now repeated for the Long Parliament and its leaders, supporting its petition by an appeal to its ten years' services of prayers and of men to the cause of the Long Parliament against the King. I will, in the first place, give in a note Mr. Bancroft's own account of what was claimed and ordered by the Long Parliament, and the pretensions and proceedings of the Legislature of Massachusetts Bay, and then will give the principal parts of their petition to the Long Parliament in their own words. The words and statements of Mr. Bancroft involve several things worthy143 of notice and remembrance: 1. The Congregational Church rulers of Massachusetts Bay denied being British subjects, admitting no other allegiance to England than the Hanse Towns of Northern Germany to the Empire of Austria, or the Normandy ducal kings of England to the King of France; or, as Mr. Palfrey says, "the relations which Burgundy and Flanders hold to France." 2. Mr. Bancroft calls the petitioners "disturbers of the public security," and Mr. Palfrey calls them "conspirators"—terms applied to the Armenian remonstrants against the persecuting edicts of the Synod of Dort—terms applied to all the complainants of the exclusive and persecuting policy of the Tudor and Stuart kings of England—terms applied to even the first Christians144—terms now applied to pleaders of religious and civil freedom by the advocates of a Massachusetts Government as intolerant and persecuting as ever existed in Europe. The petition of these impugned145 parties shows that all they asked for was equal religious and civil liberty and protection with their Congregational oppressors. Opprobrious146 names are not arguments; and imputations of motives147 and character are not facts, and are usually resorted to for want of them. 3. Mr. Bancroft designates as "usurpations of Parliament" the proceedings of the Long Parliament in appointing a Governor-General and Commissioners for the colonies, and in exercising its right to receive and decide upon appeals from the colonies; and terms the support of the Parliament in the colony "domestic treachery;" and the one member of the Legislature who had the courage to maintain the supremacy of the Mother Country is called the "faithless deputy," who was forthwith turned out of the House,[Pg 102] which then proceeded, "with closed doors," to discuss in secret conclave149 its relations to England, and concluded by declaring "against any assertion of paramount150 authority" on the part of the English Parliament. This was substantially a "Declaration of Independence;" not, indeed, against an arbitrary king, as was alleged sixteen years before, and a hundred and thirty years afterwards, but against a Parliament which had dethroned and beheaded their King, and abolished the House of Lords and the Episcopal Church! All this Mr. Bancroft now treats as maintaining the Charter, of which he himself had declared, in another place, as I have quoted above: "The Charter on which the freemen of Massachusetts succeeded in erecting151 a system of independent representative liberty did not secure to them a single privilege of self-government, but left them as the Virginians had been left, without any valuable franchise, at the mercy of the Corporation within the realm." Who then were the "usurpers," and had been for twenty years, of power which had not been conferred on them—the new Church and the persecuting Government of Massachusetts Bay, or the supreme authority of England, both under a King and under a professed republican commonwealth? 4. Mr. Bancroft says: "Had the Long Parliament succeeded in revoking153 the patent of the Massachusetts Bay, the tenor154 of American history would have been changed." I agree with him in this opinion, though probably not in his application of it. I believe that the "tenor of American history" would have led to as perfect an independence of the American States as they now enjoy—as free, but a better system of government, and without their ever having made war and bloodshed against Great Britain.
The facts thus referred to show that there were Empire Loyalists in America in the seventeenth, as there were afterwards in the eighteenth century; they then embraced all the colonies of New England, except the ruling party of Massachusetts Bay; they were all advocates of an equal franchise, and equal religious and civil liberty for all classes—the very reverse of the Massachusetts Government, which, while it denied any subordination to England, denied religious and civil liberty to all classes except members of the Congregational Churches.
It is a curious and significant fact, stated by Mr. Bancroft, that these intolerant and persecuting proceedings of the Massachusetts Bay Legislature were submitted to the Congregational ministers for their approval and final endorsement155. The Long Parliament in England checked and ruled the Assembly of Westminster divines; but in Massachusetts the divines, after a day's consideration, "approved the proceedings of the General Court." No wonder that such divines, supported by taxes levied156 by the State and rulers of the State, denounced all toleration of dissent from their Church and authority.
Before leaving this subject, I must notice the remarks of Mr. Palfrey,—the second, if not first in authority of the historians of New England.
Mr. Palfrey ascribes what he calls "the Presbyterian Cabal" to Mr. William Vassal, who was one of the founders and first Council of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, whose brother Samuel had shared with Hampden the honour of having refused to pay ship-money to Charles, and who was now, with the Earl of Warwick,[91] one of the Parliamentary Commissioners for the colonies. It appears that Mr. Vassal opposed from the beginning the new system of Church and proscriptive157 civil government set up at Massachusetts Bay, and therefore came under Mr. Bancroft's category of "disturbers of the public security," and Mr. Palfrey's designation of "conspirators;" but was in reality a liberal and a loyalist, not to King Charles indeed, but to the Commonwealth of England. I give Mr. Palfrey's statements, in his own words, in a note.
The spirit and sentiments of Mr. Palfrey are identical with those which I have quoted of Mr. Bancroft; but while Mr. Bancroft speaks contemptuously of the authors of the petition[Pg 105] for equal civil and religious rights, Mr. Palfrey traces the movement to Mr. William Vassal, one of the founders and first Council of the Massachusetts Colony, and progenitor of the famous Whig family of Holland House. Nor does Mr. Palfrey venture to question the doctrine158 or one of the statements of the petitioners, though he calls them "conspirators."
Mr. Palfrey—very unfairly, I think—imputes to the petitioners a design to subvert159 the Congregational worship and establish the Presbyterian worship in its place; and to give force to his imputations says that a numerous party in the[Pg 106] English Parliament "were bent160 on setting up Presbytery as the established religion in England and its dependencies." There is not the slightest ground for asserting that any party in the Long Parliament, any more than in Massachusetts, designed the setting up of Presbytery as the established worship in the "dependencies of England." King Charles the First, on his first sitting in judgment161 on complaints against the proceedings of the Massachusetts Bay Council, declared to his Privy Council, in 1632, that he had never intended to impose the Church ceremonies, objected to by the Puritan clergy162 of the time, upon the colonists of Massachusetts. Charles the Second, thirty years afterwards, declared the same, and acted upon it during the quarter of a century of his reign131. The Long Parliament acted upon the same principle. There is not an instance, during the whole sixty years of the first Massachusetts Charter, of any attempt, on the part of either King or Commonwealth, to suppress or interfere38 with the Congregational worship in New England; all that was asked by the King, or any party in Massachusetts, was toleration of other forms of Protestant worship as well as that of the Congregational. The very petition, whose promoters are represented as movers of sedition163, asked for no exclusive establishment of Presbyterianism, but for the toleration of both the Episcopal and Presbyterian worship, and the worship of other Protestant Churches existing in England; and their petition was addressed to a Legislature of Congregationalists, elected by Congregationalists alone; and it was only in the event of their reasonable requests not being granted by the local Legislature that they proposed to present their grievances164 to the Imperial Parliament. The plea of fear for the safety of Congregational worship in Massachusetts was a mere165 pretence166 to justify167 the proscription168 and persecution of all dissent from the Congregational establishment. The spirit of the local Government and of the clergy that controlled it was intolerance. Toleration was denounced by them as the doctrine of devils; and the dying lines of Governor Dudley are reported to have been—
"Let men of God, in Court and Church, watch
O'er such as do a toleration hatch."
There is one other of Mr. Palfrey's statements which is of special importance; it is the admission that a majority of the population of Massachusetts were excluded from all share in the Government, and were actually opposed to it. Referring to the petition to the local Legislature, he says: "The demand was enforced by considerations which were not without plausibility169, and were presented in a seductive form. It was itself an appeal to the discontent of the numerical majority not invested with a share in the government."
It is thus admitted, and clear from indubitable facts, that professing170 to be republicans, they denied to the great majority of the people any share in the government. Professing hatred171 of the persecuting intolerance of King Charles and Laud172 in denying liberty of worship to all who differed from them, they now deny liberty of worship to all who differ from themselves, and punish those by fine and imprisonment173 who even petition for equal religious and civil liberty to all classes of citizens. They justify even armed resistance against the King, and actually decapitating as well as dethroning him, in order to obtain, professedly, a government by the majority of the nation and liberty of worship; and they now deny the same principle and right of civil and religious liberty to the great majority of the people over whom they claimed rule. They claim the right of resisting Parliament itself by armed force if they had the power, and only desist from asserting it, to the last, as the salus populi did not require it, and for the sake of their "godly friends in England," and to not afford a pretext174 for the "rebellious175 course" of their fellow-colonists in Virginia and the West Indies, who claimed the same independence of Parliament that the Government of Massachusetts claimed, but upon the ground which was abhorrent176 to the Congregational Puritans of Massachusetts—namely, that of loyalty to the king.
I will now give in a note, in their own words, the principal parts of their petition, entitled "General Court of Massachusetts Bay, New England, in a Petition to Parliament in 1651,"[97][Pg 109] together with extracts of two addresses to Cromwell, the one enclosing a copy of their petition to Parliament, when he was Commander-in-Chief of the army, and the other in 1654, after he had dismissed the Rump Parliament, and become absolute—denying to the whole people of England the elective franchise, as his admiring friends in Massachusetts denied it to the great majority of the people within their jurisdiction. Chalmers says they "outfawned and outwitted Cromwell." They gained his support by their first address, and thanked him for it in their second. Having "the Parliament in his pocket" until he threw even the rump of it aside altogether, Cromwell caused Parliament to desist from executing its own order.
It will be seen in the following chapter, that ten years after these laudatory177 addresses to Parliament and Cromwell, the same General Court of Massachusetts addressed Charles the Second in words truly loyal and equally laudatory, and implored178 the continuance of their Charter upon the ground, among other reasons, that they had never identified themselves with the Parliament against his Royal father, but had been "passive" during the whole of that contest. Their act against having any commerce with the colonies who adhered to the King indicated their neutrality; and the reader, by reading their addresses to the Parliament and Cromwell, will see whether they did not thoroughly179 identify themselves with the Parliament and Cromwell against Charles the First. They praise Cromwell as raised up by the special hand of God, and crave180 upon him the success of "the Captain of the Lord's hosts;" and they claim the favourable181 consideration of Parliament to their request upon the ground that they had identified themselves with its fortunes to rise or fall with it; that they had aided it by their prayers and fastings, and by men who had rendered it valuable service. The reader will be able to judge of the agreement in their professions and statements in their addresses to Parliament and Cromwell and to King Charles the Second ten years afterwards. In their addresses to Parliament and Cromwell they professed their readiness to fall as well as rise with the cause of the Parliament; but when that fell, they repudiated182 all connection with it.
In the year 1651, and during the very Session of Parliament to which the General Court addressed its petition and narrated183 its sacrifices and doings in the cause of the Parliament, the latter passed the famous Navigation Act, which was re-enacted184 and improved ten years afterwards, under Charles the Second, and which became the primary pretext of the American Revolution. The Commonwealth was at this time at war with the Dutch republic, which had almost destroyed and absorbed the shipping185 trade of England. Admiral Blake was just commencing that series of naval186 victories which have immortalized his name, and placed England from that time to this at the head of the naval powers of the world. Sir Henry Vane, as the Minister of the Navy, devised and carried through Parliament the famous Navigation Act—an Act which the colony of Massachusetts, by the connivance187 of Cromwell (who now identified himself with that colony), regularly evaded188, at the expense of the American colonies and the English revenue.[98] Mr. Palfrey says:
"The people of Massachusetts might well be satisfied with their condition and prospects. Everything was prospering189 with them. They had established comfortable homes, which they felt strong enough to defend against any power but the power of the Mother Country; and that was friendly. They had always the good-will of Cromwell. In relation to them, he allowed the Navigation Law, which pressed on the Southern colonies, to became a dead letter, and they received the commodities of all nations free of duty, and sent their ships to all the ports of continental190 Europe."
But that in which the ruling spirits of the Massachusetts General Court—apart from their ceaseless endeavours to monopolise trade and extend territory—seemed to revel191 most was in searching out and punishing dissent from the Congregational Establishment, and, at times, with the individual liberty of citizens in sumptuary matters. No Laud ever equalled them in this, or excelled them in enforcing uniformity, not only of doctrine, but of opinions and practice in the minutest particulars. When a stand against England was to be taken, in worship, or inquisition into matters of religions dissent, and woman's apparel, Endicot became Governor (according to the "advice of the Elders" in such matters), and Winthrop was induced to be Deputy Governor, although the latter was hardly second to the former in the spirit and acts of religious persecution. He had been a wealthy man in England, and was well educated and amiable192; but after his arrival at Massachusetts Bay he seems to have wanted firmness to resist the intolerant spirit and narrow views of Endicot. He died in 1649. Mr. Palfrey remarks: "Whether it was owing to solicitude193 as to the course of affairs in England after the downfall of the Royal power, or to the absence of the moderating influence of Winthrop, or to sentiments engendered194, on the one hand by the alarm from the Presbyterians in 1646, and on the other by the confidence inspired by the Synod in 1648, or to all these causes in their degree, the years 1650 and 1651 appear to have been some of more than common sensibility in Massachusetts to danger from Heretics."
In 1650, the General Court condemned195, and ordered to be publicly burnt, a book entitled "The Meritorious196 Price of our Redemption, Justification, etc., Clearing of some Common Errors," written and published in England, by Mr. Pynchion, "an ancient and venerable magistrate101." This book was deficient197 in orthodoxy, in the estimation of Mr. Endicot and his colleagues, was condemned to be burnt, and the author was summoned to answer for it at the bar of the inquisitorial court. His explanation was unsatisfactory; and he was commanded to appear a second time, under a penalty of one hundred pounds; but he returned to England, and left his inquisitors without further remedy.
"About the same time," says Mr. Palfrey, "the General Court had a difficulty with the Church of Malden. Mr. Marmaduke Matthews having 'given offence to magistrates, elders, and many brethren, in some unsafe and unsound expressions in his public teaching,' and the Church of Malden having proceeded to ordain198 him, in disregard of remonstrances200 from 'both magistrates, ministers, and churches,' Matthews was fined ten pounds for assuming the sacred office, and the Church was summoned to make its defence" (Massachusetts Records, III., 237); which[Pg 114] "failing to do satisfactorily, it was punished by a fine of fifty pounds—Mr. Hathorne, Mr. Leverett, and seven other Deputies recording201 their votes against the sentence." (Ibid. 252; compare 276, 289.)
But these reputed fathers of civil and religious liberty not only held inquisition over the religious writings and teachings of magistrates and ministers, and the independence of their Congregational Churches, but even over the property, the income, and the apparel of individuals; for in this same year, 1651, they passed a Sumptuary Act. Mr. Holmes justly remarks: "This sumptuary law, for the matter and style, is a curiosity." The Court, lamenting202 the inefficacy of former "Declarations and Orders against excess of apparel, both of men and women," proceed to observe: "We cannot but to our grief take notice, that intolerable excess and bravery hath crept in upon us, and especially among people of mean condition, to the dishonour204 of God, the scandal of our profession, the consumption of estates, and altogether unsuitable to our poverty. The Court proceed to order, that no person whose visible estate should not exceed the true and indifferent sum of £200, shall wear any gold or silver lace, or gold and silver buttons, or have any lace above two shillings per yard, or silk hoods205 or scarves, on the penalty of ten shillings for every such offence." The select men of every town were required to take notice of the apparel of any of the inhabitants, and to assess such persons as "they shall judge to exceed their ranks and abilities, in the costliness206 or fashion of their apparel in any respect, especially in wearing of ribbands and great boots," at £200 estates, according to the proportion which some men used to pay to whom such apparel is suitable and allowed. An exception, however, is made in favour of public officers and their families, and of those "whose education and employment have been above the ordinary degree, or whose estates have been considerable, though now decayed."
It will be recollected207 by the reader that in 1644 the Massachusetts Bay Court passed an act of banishment, etc., against Baptists; that in 1643 it put to "the rout" the Presbyterians, who made a move for the toleration of their worship; that in 1646, when the Presbyterians and some Episcopalians petitioned the local Court for liberty of worship, and in the event of refusal expressed their determination to appeal to the English Parliament, they were punished with fines and imprisonment, and their papers were seized. The above acts of censorship over the press, and private opinions in the case of Mr. Pinchion, and their tyranny over the organization of new Churches and the ordinations208 of ministers—fining both Church and ministers for exercising what is universally acknowledged to be essential to independent worship—are but further illustrations of the same spirit of intolerance. It was the intolerance of the Massachusetts Bay Government that caused the settlement of Connecticut, of New Haven209, as well as of Rhode Island. The noble minds of the younger Winthrop, of Eaton, no more than that of Roger Williams, could shrivel themselves into the nutshell littleness of the Massachusetts Bay Government—so called, indeed, by courtesy, or by way of accommodation, rather than as conveying a proper idea of a Government, as it consisted solely210 of Congregationalists, who alone were eligible to office and eligible as electors to office, and was therefore more properly a Congregational Association than a civil government; yet this association assumed the combined powers of legislation, administration of government and law, and of the army—absolute censorship of the press, of worship, of even private opinions—and punished as criminals those who even expressed their griefs in petitions; and when punished they had the additional aggravation211 of being told that they were not punished for petitioning, but for what the petitions contained, as if they could petition without using words, and as if they could express their griefs and wishes without using words for that purpose. Yet under such pretexts212 was a despotism established and maintained for sixty years without a parallel in the annals of colonial history, ancient or modern; under which five-sixths of the population had no more freedom of worship, of opinion, or of franchise, than the slaves of the Southern States before the recent civil war. It is not surprising that a Government based on no British principle, based on the above principle of a one Church membership, every franchise under which was granted, or cancelled, or continued at the pleasure of Elders and their Courts—such a Government, un-British in its foundation and elements, could not be expected to be loyal to the Royal branch of the constitution.
It is not surprising that even among the Puritan party themselves, who were now warring against the King, and who were soon to bring him to the block, such unmitigated despotism and persecutions in Massachusetts should call forth, here and there, a voice of remonstrance199, notwithstanding the argus-eyed watchfulness213 and espionage214 exercised by the Church government at Massachusetts Bay over all persons and papers destined215 for England, and especially in regard to every suspected person or paper. One of these is from Sir Henry Vane, who went to Massachusetts in 1636, and was elected Governor; but he was in favour of toleration, and resisted the persecution against Mrs. Anne Hutchinson and her brother, Mr. Wheelwright. The persecuting party proved too strong for him, and he resigned his office before the end of the year. He was succeeded as Governor by Mr. Winthrop, who ordered him to quit Massachusetts. He was, I think, the purest if not the best statesman of his time; he was too good a man to cherish resentment216 against Winthrop or against the colony, but returned good for evil in regard to both in after years. Sir Henry Vane wrote to Governor Winthrop, in regard to these persecutions, as follows:
"Honoured Sir,—
"I received yours by your son, and was unwilling217 to let him return without telling you as much. The exercise of troubles which God is pleased to lay upon these kingdoms and the inhabitants in them, teaches us patience and forbearance one with another in some measure, though there be no difference in our opinions, which makes me hope, that from the experience[Pg 117] here, it may also be derived218 to yourselves, lest while the Congregational way amongst you is in its freedom, and is backed with power, it teach its oppugners here to extirpate219 it and roote it out, and from its own principles and practice. I shall need say no more, knowing your son can acquaint you particularly with our affairs.
"&c., &c.,
H. Vane.
June 10, 1645."
Another and more elaborate remonstrance of the same kind was written by Sir Richard Saltonstall, one of the original founders, and of the first Council of the Company—one who had appeared before the King in Council in 1632, in defence of Endicot and his Council, in answer to the charges of Church innovation, of abolishing the worship of the Church of England, and banishing220 the Browns on account of their adhering to the worship which all the emigrants221 professed on their leaving England. Sir R. Saltonstall and Mr. Cradock, the Governor of the Company, could appeal to the address of Winthrop and his eleven ships of emigrants, which they had delivered to their "Fathers and Brethren of the Church of England" on their departure for America, as to their undying love and oneness with the Church of England, and their taking Church of England chaplains with them; they could appeal to the letter of Deputy Governor Dudley to Lady Lincoln, denying that any innovations or changes whatever had been introduced; they could appeal to the positive statements of the Rev22. John White, "the Patriarch of Dorchester," a Conformist clergyman, and the first projector222 of the colony, declaring that the charges of innovations, etc., were calumnies223. Doubtless all these parties believed what they said; they believed the denials and professions made to them; and they repeated them to the King's Privy Council with such earnestness as to have quite captivated the Judges, to have secured even the sympathies of the King, who was far from being the enemy of the colony represented by his enemies. Accordingly, an order was made in Council, January 19, 1632, "declaring the fair appearances and great hopes which there then were, that the country would prove beneficial to the kingdom, as profitable to the particular persons concerned, and that the adventurers might be assured that if things should be carried as was pretended when the patents were granted, and according as by the patent is appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply anything further which might tend to the good government, prosperity, and comfort of the people there." According to the statement of some of the Privy Council, the King himself said "he would have severely224 punished who did abuse his Governor and Plantation."
Mr. Palfrey well observes: "Saltonstall, Humphrey, and Cradock appeared before a Committee of the Council on the Company's behalf, and had the address or good fortune to vindicate225 their clients." It was certainly owing to their "address or good fortune," and not to the justice of their case, that they succeeded in deceiving the King and Council. The complainants had unwisely mixed the charge of disloyal speeches, etc., with Church innovations. It was to parry the former, by assuming the statements to be ex parte, and at any rate uttered by private individuals, who should be called to account for their conduct, and for whose words the Company could not be justly held responsible. On the main charge of Church innovations, or Church revolution, and proscription of the worship of the Church of England, positive denials were opposed—the profession of Winthrop with his company and chaplains on leaving England, the positive statement of the "Patriarch of Dorchester," and that of Deputy Governor Dudley, who went to Massachusetts with Winthrop, and wrote to the Countess of Lincoln the year after his arrival, denying that any innovations had been made. To all this the complainants had only to oppose their own words—their papers having been seized. They were overwhelmed by the mass of authority arrayed against them. But though they were defeated for the time, they were not silenced; and the following two years were productive of such a mass of rumours226 and statements, all tending to prove the Church revolutionary and Church proscriptive proceedings of the Massachusetts Corporation, that the King and Council found it necessary to prosecute33 those inquiries227 which they had deferred228 in 1632, and to appoint a Royal Commission to proceed to Massachusetts Bay and inquire into the disputed facts, and correct all abuses, if such should be found, on the spot. This was what the Massachusetts Bay persecutors most dreaded229. As long as the inquiry230 should be conducted in London, they could, by intercepting231 papers and intimidating232 witnesses, and with the aid of powerful friends in England—one or two of whom managed to retain their place in office and in the Privy Council, even when Charles ruled without a Parliament—with such advantages they could laugh to scorn the complaints of the persecuted, and continue their proscriptions and oppressions with impunity233. But with a Royal Commission sitting on the spot, these acts of concealment234 and deception235 would be impossible. They therefore changed their ground; they now denied the right of the King to inquire into their proceedings; they invoked236, as was their wont237, the counsel of their ministers, or "Elders," who preached warlike sermons and gave warlike advice—"to resist if they were strong enough;" but if not strong enough to fight, "to avoid and delay." For the former purpose they forthwith raised £800 to erect152 a fort to protect the entrance of their harbour, and organized and armed companies; and in pursuance of the latter, they delayed a year even to acknowledge the receipt of the Royal orders to answer the charges preferred against them, and then, when a more imperative238 and threatening Royal demand was sent, they pleaded for another year to prepare for their defence, and thus "avoided and delayed" from time to time, until the King, getting so entangled239 with his Scottish subjects and Parliament, became unable to pursue his inquiries into the proceedings of the Massachusetts Bay Plantation; and the Congregational Church rulers there had, for more than twenty years, the luxury of absolute rule and unrestricted persecution of all that dissented240 from their newly set up Church polity and worship.
Sir Richard Saltonstall, as well as Sir Henry Vane, and doubtless many others of the Puritan party in England, could not endure in silence the outrageous241 perversions243 of the Charter, and high-handed persecutions by the Congregational rulers of Massachusetts Bay. Sir R. Saltonstall therefore wrote to Cotton and Wilson, who, with Norton, were the ablest preachers among the "Elders," and were the fiercest persecutors. The letter is without date, but is stated by Mr. Hutchinson, in his Collection of Massachusetts State Papers, to have been written "some time between 1645 and 1653." Sir R. Saltonstall's indignant and noble remonstrance is as follows:
"Reverend and deare friends, whom I unfaynedly love
and respect:
"It doth not a little grieve my spirit to heare what sadd things are reported day by day of your tyranny and persecutions in New England as that you fine, whip and imprison70 men for their consciences. First, you compell such to come to your assemblys as you know will not joyne, and when they show their dislike thereof or witness against it, then you stirre up your magistrates to punish them for such (as you conseyve) their publicke affronts244. Truly, friends, this your practice of compelling any in matters of worship to do that whereof they are not fully51 persuaded, is to make them sin, for so the apostle (Rom. xiv. 23) tells, and many are made hypocrites thereby245, conforming in their outward man for feare of punishment. We pray for you and wish you prosperity every way; we hoped the Lord would have given you so much light and love there, that you might have been eyes to God's people here, and not to practise those courses in the wilderness246, which you went so far to prevent. These rigid247 ways have laid you very lowe in the hearts of the saints. I do assure you I have heard them pray in the public assemblies that the Lord would give you meeke and humble126 spirits, not to strive so much for uniformity as to keepe the unity56 of the spirit in the bond of peace."
Addressed: "For my reverend and worthyly much esteemed248 friends, Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson, preachers to the Church which is at Boston, in New England."
It is seen that Sir R. Saltonstall's letter was addressed to the two principal Congregational ministers of Boston. It has been shown that the preachers were the counsellors and prompters of all violent measures against dissenting Baptists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and Quakers—a fact further illustrated249 and confirmed by Mr. Bancroft, who, under the date of 1650 and 1651, says: "Nor can it be denied, nor should it be concealed, that the Elders, especially Wilson and Norton, instigated250 and sustained the Government in its worst cruelties."
During this first thirty years of the Massachusetts Bay Government, it evinced, in contrast with all the other British American colonies, constant hostility251 to the authorities in England, seizing upon every possible occasion for agitation252 and dispute; perverting253 and abusing the provisions of the Royal Charter to suppress the worship of the Church of England, and banishing its adherents254; setting up a new Church and persecuting, by whipping, banishment and death, those who refused to conform to it; seeking its own interests at the expense of the neighbouring colonies; sacrificing the first principles of civil and religious liberty in their legislation and government; basing eligibility255 to office, and even the elective franchise, upon the condition of membership in a Congregational Church—a condition without a precedent133 or a parallel in any Protestant country.
I cannot better conclude this review of the first three decades of the Massachusetts Bay Puritan Government, than in the words of the celebrated256 Edmund Burke, who, in his account of the European settlements in America, after describing the form of government established at Massachusetts Bay, remarks that: "From such a form as this, great religious freedom might, one would have imagined, be well expected. But the truth is, they had no idea at all of such freedom. The very doctrine of any sort of toleration was so odious257 to the greater part, that one of the first persecutions set up here was against a small party which arose amongst themselves, who were hardy258 enough to maintain that the civil magistrate had no lawful power to use compulsory259 measures in affairs of religion. After harassing260 these people by all the vexatious ways imaginable, they obliged them to fly out of their jurisdiction." "If men, merely for the moderation of their sentiments, were exposed to such severe treatment, it was not to be expected that others should escape unpunished. The very first colony had hardly set its foot in America, when, discovering that some amongst them were false brethren, and ventured to make use of the Common Prayer, they found means to make the country so uneasy to them, that they were glad to fly back to England. As soon as they began to think of making laws, I find no less than five about matters of religion; all contrived261, and not only contrived, but executed in some respects with a rigour that the persecution which drove the Puritans out of England, might be considered lenity and indulgence in the comparison. For, in the first of these laws, they deprive every man who does not communicate with their Established Church, of the right to his freedom, or a vote in the election of their magistrates. In the second, they sentence to banishment any who should oppose the fourth commandment, or deny the validity of infant baptism, or the authority of the magistrates. In the third, they condemn Quakers to banishment, and make it capital for them to return; and not stopping at the offenders262, they lay heavy fines upon all who should bring them into the province, or even harbour them for an hour. In the fourth, they provide banishment, and death in case of return, for Jesuits and Popish priests of every denomination263. In the fifth, they decree death to any who shall worship images. After they had provided such a complete code of persecution, they were not long without opportunities of reading bloody264 lectures upon it." "In short, this people, who in England could not bear to be chastised265 with rods, had no sooner got free from their fetters266 than they scourged267 their fellow-refugees with scorpions268; though the absurdity269 as well as injustice of such proceeding in them might stare them in the face!"
Mr. Palfrey observes, that "the death of the Protector is not so much as referred to in the public records of Massachusetts." If this silence even as to the fact of Cromwell's death was intended to disclaim270 having had any connection or sympathy with the Protector, it was a deception; if it was intended as preparatory to renouncing271 the worship of the setting sun of Cromwell, and worshipping the rising sun of Charles the Second, it was indeed characteristic of their siding with the stronger party, if they could thereby advance their own interests. But I think every candid man in this age will admit, that there was much more dignity of sentiment and conduct of those loyal colonies who adhered to their Sovereign in his adversity as well as in his prosperity, who submitted to compulsory subjection to the Cromwell power without acknowledging its legitimacy272, and were the first to recognize and proclaim the restored king.
The reader will be better able to appreciate the professions of the Massachusetts Bay Government, in regard to the restored king, after reviewing its professions and relations to the Government of the Long Parliament and of Cromwell.
It has been shown above, that when obstinate273 silence could not prevent the inquiry by a Royal Commission into the oppressive and disloyal proceedings complained of, and that resistance was fruitless, the Massachusetts Bay Government, September 1638, transmitted to the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies a petition in which it professed not to question the authority of their Lordships' proceedings, but only to open their griefs; that if they had offended in anything, they prostrated274 themselves at the foot of authority. They begged for time to answer, before condemnation275, professed loyalty to the King and prayers for his long life, and the happiness of his family, and for the success of the Lords of his Council. Two years after, when the King's power began to wane276, the Massachusetts Bay Government sent home a Commission, headed by the notorious Hugh Peters, to conciliate the support of the leading members of the Commons against the King's commission, and to aid the opposition277 to the King. In 1644, the General Court of Massachusetts Bay enacted, "that what person so ever shall draw a party to the King, against the Parliament, shall be accounted a high offender against this Commonwealth, and shall be punished capitally." (See this Act, quoted at large in a previous page.) This proceeding was as decisive as possible against the King and all who adhered to the monarchy.
Again, in the Massachusetts General Court's address to Parliament, in 1651, occur the following words:
"And for our carriage and demeanour to the honourable Parliament, for these ten years, since the first beginning of your differences with the late king, and the war that after ensued, we have constantly adhered to you, not withdrawing ourselves in your weakest condition and doubtfullest times, but by our fasting and prayers for your good success, and our thanksgiving after the same was attained278, in days of solemnity set apart for that purpose, as also by our over-useful men (others going voluntarily from us to help you), who have been of good use and done good acceptable service to the army, declaring to the world hereby that such was the duty and love we bear unto the Parliament that we were ready to rise and fall with them; for which we have suffered the hatred and threats of other English colonies, now in rebellion against you, as also the loss of divers279 of our ships and goods, taken by the King's party that is dead, by others commissioned by the King of Scots [Charles II.] and by the Portugalls."
An address of the same General Court, in the same year, 1651, and on the same occasion (against the order of Parliament to recall the old and grant the new Charter), to Oliver Cromwell, concludes in the following words:
"We humbly280 petition your Excellence281 to be pleased to show us what favour God shall be pleased to direct you unto on our behalf, to the most honourable Parliament, unto whom we have now presented a petition. The copy of it, verbatim, we are bold to send herewith, that if God please, we may not be hindered in our comfortable work of God here in this wilderness. Wherein, as for other favours, we shall be bound to pray, that the Captain of the host of Israel may be with you and your whole army, in all your great enterprises, to the glory of God, the subduing282 of his and your enemies, and your everlasting283 peace and comfort in Jesus Christ."
Likewise, August 24th, 1654, after Cromwell had not only put the King to death, but abolished the House of Lords, excluded by his soldiers 154 members of Parliament, then dismissed the remaining "rump" of the Parliament itself and become sole despot, the General Court of Massachusetts Bay concluded an address to him as follows:
"We shall ever pray the Lord, your protector in all your dangers, that hath crowned you with honour after your long service, to lengthen284 your days, that you may long continue Lord Protector of the three nations, and the Churches of Christ Jesus."
The documentary evidence which I have adduced, shows, I think, beyond reasonable doubt, that the rulers of Massachusetts Bay Colony were disaffected285 to the King from the beginning, and so displayed that feeling on every occasion except one, in 1638, when they professed humiliation287 and loyalty in order to avert288 the investigation289 which they dreaded into their proceedings; that the King, whatever may have been his misdoings towards his subjects in England, treated his subjects in the colonies, and especially in Massachusetts Bay, with a kindness and consideration which should have secured their gratitude290; that the moment, in the matters of dispute between the King and his Parliament (and in which the colonies had no concern), the scale appeared to turn in favour of the Parliament, the rulers of Massachusetts Bay renounced291 their allegiance to the King, and identified themselves as thorough partizans of the war against the King—that they suppressed, under the severest penalties, every expression of loyalty to the King within their jurisdiction—offered prayers for and furnished men in aid of the Parliamentary army—denounced and proscribed292 all recognition, except as enemies, the other American colonies who adhered to their oaths of allegiance to the King; that when Cromwell had obliterated293 every landmark294 of the British constitution and of British liberty—King, Lords, and Commons, the freedom of election and the freedom of the press, with the freedom of worship, and transformed the army itself to his sole purpose—doing what no Tudor or Stuart king had ever presumed to do—even then the General Court of Massachusetts Bay bowed in reverence295 and praise before him as the called and chosen of the Lord of hosts.
But when Cromwell could no longer give them, in contempt to the law of Parliament, a monopoly of trade against their fellow-colonists, and sustain them in their persecutions; when he ceased to live, they would not condescend296 to record his demise297, but, after watching for a while the chances of the future, they turned in adulation to the rising sun of the restored Charles the Second.
The manner in which they adjusted their denials and professions to this new state of things, until they prevailed upon the kind-hearted King not to remember their past transgressions298, and to perpetuate299 their Charter on certain conditions; how they evaded those conditions of toleration and administering the government, and resumed their old policy of hostility to the Sovereign and of persecution of their Baptist and other brethren who differed from them in worship, and in proscribing300 them from the elective franchise itself, will be treated in the following chapter.
FOOTNOTES:
Neal says: "Certainly never was country more obliged to a man than New England to Archbishop Laud, who by his cruel and arbitrary proceedings drove thousands of families out of the kingdom, and thereby stocked the Plantations with inhabitants, in the compass of a very few years, which otherwise could not have been done in an age." This was the sense of some of the greatest men in Parliament in their speeches in 1641. Mr. Tienns (afterwards Lord Hollis) said that "a certain number of ceremonies in the judgment of some men unlawful, and to be rejected of all the churches; in the judgment of all other Churches, and in the judgment of our own Church, but indifferent; yet what difference, yea, what distraction301 have those indifferent ceremonies raised among us? What has deprived us of so many thousands of Christians who desired, and in all other respects deserved, to hold communion with us? I say what has deprived us of them, and scattered302 them into I know not what places and corners of the world, but these indifferent ceremonies."—(Several other speeches to the same effect are quoted by Neal.)—History of New England, Vol. I., pp. 210-212.
"Veneris, 10 March, 1642:
"Whereas the plantations in New England have, by the blessing303 of the Almighty304, had good and prosperous success, without any public charge to the State, and are now likely to prove very happy for the propagation of the gospel in those parts, and very beneficial and commodious306 to this nation. The Commons assembled in Parliament do, for the better advancement of those plantations and the encouragement of the planters to proceed in their undertaking307, ordain that all merchandising goods, that by any person or persons whatsoever308, merchant or other, shall be exported out of the kingdom of England into New England to be spent or employed there, or being of the growth of that kingdom [colony], shall be from thence imported thither, or shall be laden309 or put on board any ship or vessel310 for necessaries in passing to and fro, and all and every the owner or owners thereof shall be freed and discharged of and from paying and yielding any custom, subsidy311, taxation, or other duty for the same, either inward or outward, either in this kingdom or New England, or in any port, haven, creek312 or other place whatsoever, until the House of Commons shall take further order therein to the contrary."—Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., pp. 114, 115.
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., p. 114.
The following is the Act itself, passed in 1644: "Whereas the civil wars and dissensions in our native country, through the seditious words and carriages of many evil affected286 persons, cause divisions in many places of government in America, some professing themselves for the King, and others for the Parliament, not considering that the Parliament themselves profess3 that they stand for the King and Parliament against the malignant313 Papists and delinquents314 in that kingdom. It is therefore ordered, that what person whatsoever shall by word, writing, or action endeavour to disturb our peace, directly or indirectly, by drawing a party under pretence that he is for the King of England, and such as join with him against the Parliament, shall be accounted as an offender of a high nature against this Commonwealth, and to be proceeded with, either capitally or otherwise, according to the quality and degree of his offence." (Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., pp. 135, 136.)
It was not until three years after this, and three years after the facts of the banished Roger Williams' labours in Rhode Island (see note V. below), that the first mission among the Indians was established by the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay—seventeen years after their settlement there; for Mr. Holmes says: "The General Court of Massachusetts passed the first Act (1646) to encouraging the carrying of the Gospel to the Indians, and recommended it to the ministers to consult on the best means of effecting the design. By their advice, it is probable, the first Indian Mission was undertaken; for on the 28th of October [1646] Mr. John Eliot, minister of Roxbury, commenced those pious315 and indefatigable316 labours among the natives, which procured318 for him the title of The Indian Apostle. His first visit was to the Indians at Nonantum, whom he had apprised319 of his intention." (Annals of America, Vol. I., p. 280.)
Hazard, Vol. I., pp. 533, 534. The provisions of this remarkable320 Act are as follows:
"Governours and Government of Islands in America.—November 2nd, 1643:
"I. That Robert Earl of Warwick be Governour and Lord High Admirall of all the Islands and other Plantations inhabited, planted, or belonging unto any of his Majestie's the King of England's subjects, or which hereafter may be inhabited, planted, or belonging to them, within the bounds and upon the coasts of America.
"II. That the Lords and others particularly named in the Ordinance shall be Commissioners to joyne in aid and assistance of the said Earl, Chief Governour and Admirall of the said Plantations, and shall have power from Time to Time to provide for, order, and dispose of all things which they shall think most fit and advantageous321 for the well governing, securing, strengthening and preserving of the sayd Plantations, and chiefly for the advancement of the true Protestant Religion amongst the said Planters and Inhabitants, and the further enlarging and spreading of the Gospel of Christ amongst those that yet remain there in great Blindness and Ignorance.
"III. That the said Governour and Commissioners, upon all weighty and important occasions which may concern the good and safety of the Planters, Owners of Lands, or Inhabitants of the said Islands, shall have power to send for, view, and make use of all Records, Books, and Papers which may concern the said Plantations.
"IV. That the said Earl, Governour in Chief, and the said Commissioners, shall have power to nominate, appoint, and constitute, as such subordinate Commissioners, Councillors, Commanders, Officers, and Agents, as they shall think most fit and serviceable for the said Islands and Plantations: and upon death or other avoidance of the aforesaid Chief Governour and Admirall, or other the Commissioners before named, to appoint such other Chief Governour or Commissioners in the roome and place of such as shall be void, as also to remove all such subordinate Governours and Officers as they shall judge fit.
"V. That no subordinate Governours, Councillors, Commanders, Officers, Agents, Planters, or Inhabitants, which now are resident in or upon the said Islands or Plantations, shall admit or receive any new Governours, Councillors, Commanders, Officers, or Agents whatsoever, but such as shall be allowed and approved of under the hands and seals of the aforesaid Chief Governour and High Admirall, together with the hands and seals of the said Commissioners, or six of them, or under the hands of such as they shall authorize322 thereunto.
"VI. That the Chief Governour and Commissioners before mentioned, or the greater number of them, are authorized323 to assign, ratifie, and confirm so much of their aforementioned authority and power, and in such manner, to such persons as they shall judge fit, for the better governing and preserving the said Plantations and Islands from open violence and private distractions324.
"VII. That whosoever shall, in obedience325 to this Ordinance, do or execute any thing, shall by virtue326 hereof be saved harmless and indemnified."
In 1646 the Parliament passed another ordinance, exempting327 the colonies for three years from all tollages, "except the excise," provided their productions should not be "exported but only in English vessels328." While this Act also asserted the parliamentary right of taxation over the Colonial plantations, it formed a part of what was extended and executed by the famous Act of Navigation, first passed by the Puritan Parliament five years afterwards, in 1651, as will be seen hereafter.
Mr. Bancroft must have been aware of the existence of this ordinance, for he makes two allusions329 to the Commission appointed by it. In connection with one allusion330 to it, he states the following interesting facts, illustrative of Massachusetts exclusiveness on the one record, and on the other the instruments and progress of religious liberty in New England. "The people of Rhode Island," says Mr. Bancroft, "excluded from the colonial union, would never have maintained their existence as a separate state, had they not sought the interference and protection of the Mother Country; and the founder108 of the colony (Roger Williams) was chosen to conduct the important mission. Embarking331 at Manhattan [for he was not allowed to go to Boston], he arrived in England not long after the death of Hampden. The Parliament had placed the affairs of the American Colonies under the Earl of Warwick, as Governor-in-Chief, assisted by a Council of five peers and twelve commoners. Among these commoners was Henry Vane, a man who was ever true in his affections as he was undeviating in his principles, and who now welcomed the American envoy333 as an ancient friend. The favour of Parliament was won by his [Roger Williams'] incomparable 'printed Indian labours, the like whereof was not extant from any part of America;' and his merits as a missionary induced both houses of Parliament to grant unto him and friends with him a free and absolute charter[84] of civil government for those parts of his abode334.' Thus were the places of refuge for 'soul-liberty' on the Narragansett Bay incorporated 'with full power and authority to rule themselves.' To the Long Parliament, and especially to Sir Harry Vane, Rhode Island owes its existence as a political State."—History of the United States, Vol. I., pp. 460, 461.
The other allusion of Mr. Bancroft to the Parliamentary Act and Commission of 1643 is in the following words: "The Commissioners appointed by Parliament, with unlimited authority over the Plantations, found no favour in Virginia. They promised indeed freedom from English taxation, but this immunity335 was already enjoyed. They gave the colony liberty to choose its own Governor, but it had no dislike to Berkeley; and though there was a party for the Parliament, yet the King's authority was maintained. The sovereignty of Charles had ever been mildly exercised."—Ib., p. 222.
Hazard, Vol. 1., p. 538; Massachusetts Records. The working of this Act, and the punishments inflicted336 under it for more than twenty years, will be seen hereafter.
This is not quite accurate. The word 'absolute' does not occur in the patent. The words of the Charter are: "A free Charter of civil incorporation337 and government; that they may order and govern their Plantations in such a manner as to maintain justice and peace, both among themselves, and towards all men with whom they shall have to do"—"Provided nevertheless that the said laws, constitutions, and punishments, for the civil government of said plantations, be conformable to the laws of England, so far as the nature and constitution of the place will admit. And always reserving to the said Earl and Commissioners, and their successors, power and authority for to dispose the general government of that, as it stands in relation to the rest of the Plantations in America, as they shall conceive from time to time most conducing to the general good of the said Plantations, the honour of his Majesty, and the service of the State."—(Hazard, Vol. I., pp. 529-531, where the Charter is printed at length.)
But Mr. Holmes makes explicit338 mention of the parliamentary ordinance of 1643 in the following terms:—"The English Parliament passed an ordinance appointing the Earl of Warwick Governor-in-Chief and Lord High Admiral of the American Colonies, with a Council of five Peers and twelve Commoners. It empowered him, in conjunction with his associates, to examine the state of affairs; to send for papers and persons, to remove Governors and officers, and appoints other in their places; and to assign over to these such part of the powers that were now granted, as he should think proper." (Annals of America, Vol. I., p. 273.)
History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., p. 117; Massachusetts Laws, pp. 140-145.
"Mr. Winthrop, who was then Deputy-Governor, was active in the prosecution339 of the petitioners, but the party in favour of them had so much interest as to obtain a vote to require him to answer in public to the complaint against him. Dr. Mather says: 'He was most irregularly called forth to an ignominious340 hearing before a vast assembly, to which, "with a sagacious humility," he consented, although he showed he might have refused it. The result of the hearing was that he was honourably341 acquitted,' etc."
This refers to a sermon preached by Mr. Cotton on a fast day, an extract of which is published in the Magnalia, B. III., p. 29, wherein he denounces the judgments342 of God upon such of his hearers as were then going to England with evil intentions against the country.
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., pp. 145-149.
Mr. Palfrey, under the head of "Presbyterian Cabal," states the following facts as to the treatment of Dr. Child, Mr. Dand, and others who proposed to make their appeal to the English Parliament:
"Child and Dand, two of the remonstrants, were preparing to go to England with a petition to the Parliament from a number of the non-freemen. Informed of their intention, the magistrates ordered a seizure343 of their papers. The searching officers found in their possession certain memorials to the Commissioners for Plantations, asking for 'settled Churches according to the (Presbyterian) Reformation in England;' for the establishment in the colony of the laws of the realm; for the appointment of 'a General Governor, or some honourable Commissioner,' to reform the existing state of things. For this further offence, such of the prominent conspirators as remained in the country were punished by additional fines. Child and Dand were mulcted in the sum of two hundred pounds; Mauerick, in that of a hundred and fifty pounds; and two others of a hundred pounds each."—Palfrey's History of New England [Abridged edition], Vol. I., pp. 327, 328.
Mr. Bancroft, referring to the petition of Dr. Child and others, quoted on page 94, says: "The document was written in the spirit of wanton insult;" then refers to the case of Gorton, who had appealed to the Earl of Warwick and the other Parliamentary Commissioners against a judicial decision of the Massachusetts Bay Court in regard to land claimed by him. From Mr. Bancroft's statement, it appears that the claim of Gorton, friendless as he was, was so just as to commend itself to the favourable judgment of an impartial344 and competent tribunal of the Parliamentary Commissioners, whose authority his oppressors expressly denied, and then, in their address to Parliament in reference to its order, denied any authority of Parliament over their proceedings. Mr. Bancroft's words are as follows:
"Gorton had carried his complaints to the Mother Country; and, though unaided by personal influence or by powerful friends, had succeeded in all his wishes. At this very juncture345 an order respecting his claims arrived in Boston; and was couched in terms which involved an assertion of the right of Parliament to reverse the decisions and control the Government of Massachusetts. The danger was imminent346; it struck at the very life and foundation of the rising Commonwealth. Had the Long Parliament succeeded in revoking the patent of Massachusetts, the Stuarts, on their restoration, would have found not one chartered government in the colonies; and the tenor of American history would have been changed. The people rallied with great unanimity347 in support of their magistrates.
"At length the General Court assembled for the discussion of the usurpations of Parliament and the dangers from domestic treachery. The elders [ministers] did not fail to attend in the gloomy season. One faithless deputy was desired to withdraw; and then, with closed doors, that the consultation348 might remain in the breast of the Court, the nature of the relation with England was made the subject of debate. After much deliberation it was agreed that Massachusetts owed the same allegiance to England as the free Hanse Towns had rendered to the Empire; as Normandy, when its dukes were kings in England, had paid to the monarchs349 of France. It was also resolved not to accept a new Charter from Parliament, for that would imply a surrender of the old. Besides, Parliament granted none but by way of ordinance, and always made for itself an express preservation of a supreme power in all things. The elders (ministers), after a day's consultation, confirmed the decisions.
"The colony proceeded to exercise the independence which it claimed. The General Court replied to the petition in a State paper, written with great moderation; and the disturbers of the public security were summoned into its presence. Robert Child and his companions appealed to the Commissioners in England. The appeal was not admitted." "To the Parliament of England the Legislature remonstrated350 with the noblest frankness against any assertion of permanent authority of that body."—Hist. U.S., Vol. I., pp. 475-477.
By the "people" here Mr. Bancroft must mean the members of the Congregational Churches (one-sixth of the whole population), for they alone were freemen, and had all the united powers of the franchise—the sword, the legislation—in a word, the whole civil, judicial, ecclesiastical, and military government.
But Mr. Bancroft seems to forget that in less than forty years after this the Charter was revoked351, and that very system of government was established which the General Court of Massachusetts Bay now deprecated, but under which Massachusetts itself was most prosperous and peaceful for more than half a century, until the old spirit was revived, which rendered friendly government with England impossible.
Mr. Hutchinson says: "The Earl of Warwick had a patent for Massachusetts Bay about 1623, but the bounds are not known." (History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., p. 7.)
Mr. Palfrey says: "While in England the literary war against Presbytery was in great part conducted by American combatants, their attention was presently required at home. William Vassal, a man of fortune, was one of the original assistants named in the Charter of the Massachusetts Company. He came to Massachusetts with Winthrop's fleet in the great emigration; but for some cause—possibly from dissatisfaction with the tendencies to Separatism which he witnessed—he almost immediately returned. He crossed the sea again five years after, but then it was to the colony of Plymouth. Establishing his home at Seituate, he there conducted himself so as to come under the reproach of being 'a man of a busy, factious352 spirit, and always opposite to the civil government of the country and the way of the Churches.'" (Winthrop, II., p. 261.) His disaffection occasioned the more uneasiness, because his brother Samuel, also formerly353 an assistant of the Massachusetts Company, was now one of the Parliament's Commissioners for the government of Foreign Plantations.
In the year when the early struggle between the Presbyterians and Independents in England had disclosed the importance of the issues depending upon it, and the obstinate determination with which it was to be carried on, Vassal "practised with" a few persons in Massachusetts "to take some course, first by petitioning the Courts of Massachusetts and of Plymouth, and if that succeeded not, then to the Parliament of England, that the distinctions which were maintained here, both in civil and church state, might be done away, and that we might be wholly governed by the laws of England." In a "Remonstrance and Humble Petition," addressed by them to the General Court [of Massachusetts], they represented—1. That they could not discern in that colony "a settled form of government according to the laws of England;" 2. That "many thousands in the plantation of the English nation were debarred from civil employments," and not permitted "so much as to have any vote in choosing magistrates, captains, or other civil and military officers;" and, 3. "That numerous members of the Church of England,... not dissenting from the latest reformation in England, Scotland, etc., were detained from the seals of the covenant354 of free grace, as it was supposed they will not take these Churches' covenants355." They prayed for relief from each of these grievances; and they gave notice that, if it were denied, they should "be necessitated356 to apply their humble desires to the honourable Houses of Parliament, who, they hoped, would take their sad condition into their serious consideration."
After describing the social position of the representative petitioners, Mr. Palfrey proceeds: "But however little importance the movement derived from the character or position of the agitators357, it was essentially358 of a nature to create alarm. It proposed nothing less than an abandonment of institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, which the settlers and owners of Massachusetts had set up, for reasons impressing their own minds as of the greatest significance and cogency359. The demand was enforced by considerations which were not without plausibility, and were presented in a seductive form. It was itself an appeal to the discontent of the numerical majority, not invested with a share in the government. And it frankly360 threatened an appeal to the English Parliament—an authority always to be dreaded, for encroachment361 on colonial rights, and especially to be dreaded at a moment when the more numerous party among its members were bent on setting up a Presbytery as the established religion of England and its dependencies, determined362 on a severe suppression of dissent from it, and keenly exasperated363 against that Independency which New England had raised up to torment364 them in their own sphere, and which, for herself, New England cherished as her life."
"It being understood that two of the remonstrants, Fowle and Smith, were about to embark332 for England, to prosecute their business, the Court stopped them with a summons to appear and 'answer to the matter of the petition.' They replied 'to the Gentlemen Commissioners for Plantations;' and the Court committed them to the custody365 of the Marshal till they gave security to be responsible to the judgment of the Court. The whole seven were next arraigned as authors of divers false and scandalous statements in a certain paper ... against the Churches of Christ and the civil government here established, derogating from the honour and authority of the same, and tending to sedition. Refusing to answer, and 'appealing from this government, they disclaimed366 the jurisdiction thereof.' This was more than Presbyterian malcontents could be indulged in at the present critical time in Massachusetts. The Court found them all deeply blamable, and punished them by fines, which were to be remitted367 on their making 'an ingenuous99 and public acknowledgment of their misdemeanours;' a condition of indemnity368 which they all refused, probably in expectation of obtaining both relief and applause in England."—"Four deputies opposed the sentence; three magistrates—Bellingham, Saltonstall, and Bradstreet—also dissented."—Palfrey's History of New England, Vol. I., pp. 166-170.
[93] Winthrop, II., 261. "The movement in Plymouth was made at a General Court in October, 1645, as appears from a letter of Winslow to Winthrop (Hutchinson's Collection, 154); though the public record contains nothing respecting it. I infer from Winslow's letter, that half the assistants (namely, Standish, Hatherly, Brown, and Freeman) were in favour of larger indulgence to the malcontents." (Note by Mr. Palfrey.)
(The majority of the General Court were clearly in favour of the movement; and knowing this, the Governor, Prince (the only persecuting Governor of the Plymouth Colony), refused to put the question to vote.)
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., Chap. v., p. 75.
History of New England, Vol. II. p. 169. In another case mentioned by Mr. Palfrey, it is clear the public feeling was not with the local Government, which pretended to absolute independence of Parliament, and called the entrance of a parliamentary war vessel into its harbour, and action there, a "foreign encroachment." A Captain Stagg arrived at Boston from London, in a vessel carrying twenty-four guns, and found there a merchant vessel from Bristol (which city was then held for the King), which he seized. Governor Winthrop wrote to Captain Stagg "to know by what authority he had done it in our harbour." Stagg produced his commission from the Earl of Warwick to capture vessels from ports in the occupation of the King's party, as well in harbours and creeks369 as on the high seas. Winthrop ordered him to carry the paper to Salem, the place of the Governor's residence, there to be considered at a meeting of the magistrates. Of course the public feeling was with the Parliament and its officers; but it was not so heedless as to forget its jealousy of foreign encroachment from whatever quarter. "Some of the elders, the last Lord's Day, had in their sermons reproved this proceeding, and exhorted370 magistrates to maintain the people's liberties, which were, they said, violated by this act, and that a commission could not supersede371 a patent. And at this meeting some of the magistrates and some of the elders were of the same opinion, and that the captain should be forced to restore the ship." The decision, however, was different; and the reasons for declining to defy the Parliament, and allowing its officer to retain possession of his prize, are recorded. The following are passages of this significant manifesto372: "This could be no precedent to bar us from opposing any commission or other foreign power that might indeed tend to our hurt or violate our liberty; for the Parliament had taught us that salus populi is suprema lex." "If Parliament should hereafter be of a malignant spirit, then, if we have strength sufficient, we may make use of salus populi to withstand any authority from thence to our hurt." "If we who have so openly declared our affection to the cause of Parliament by our prayers, fastings, etc., should now oppose their authority, or do anything that would make such an appearance, it would be laid hold on by those in Virginia and the West Indies to confirm them in their rebellious course, and it would grieve all our godly friends in England, or any other of the Parliament's friends."—Palfrey's History of New England, Vol. II., pp. 161-163.
Note.—It is plain from these words, as well as from other words quoted elsewhere, how entirely373 and avowedly374 the Massachusetts Court identified themselves with the Parliament and Cromwell against the King, though they denied having done so in their addresses to Charles the Second.
This maxim375, that the safety of the people is the supreme law, might, by a similar perversion242, be claimed by any mob or party constituting the majority of a city, town, or neighbourhood, as well as by the Colony of Massachusetts, against the Parliament or supreme authority of the nation. They had no doubt of their own infallibility; they had no fear that they "should hereafter be of a malignant spirit;" but they thought it very possible that the Parliament might be so, and then it would be for them to fight if they should have "strength sufficient." But after the restoration they thought it not well to face the armies and fleets of Charles the Second, and made as humble, as loyal, and as laudatory professions to him—calling him "the best of kings"—as they had made to Cromwell.
They say: "Receiving information by Mr. Winslow, our agent, that it is the Parliament's pleasure that we should take a new patent from them, and keep our Courts and issue our warrants in their names, which we have not used in the late King's time or since, not being able to discern the need of such an injunction,—these things make us doubt and fear what is intended towards us. Let it therefore please you, most honourable, we humbly entreat105, to take notice hereby what were our orders, upon what conditions and with what authority we came hither, and what we have done since our coming. We were the first movers and undertakers of so great an attempt, being men able enough to live in England with our neighbours, and being helpful to others, and not needing the help of any for outward things. About three or four and twenty years since, seeing just cause to fear the persecution of the then Bishops376 and High Commissioners for not conforming to the ceremonies then pressed upon the consciences of those under their power, we thought it our safest course to get to this outside of the world, out of their view and beyond their reach. Yet before we resolved upon so great an undertaking, wherein should be hazarded not only all our estates, but also the lives of ourselves and our posterity, both in the voyage at sea (wherewith we were unacquainted), and in coming into a wilderness uninhabited (unless in some few places by heathen, barbarous Indians), we thought it necessary to procure317 a patent from the late King, who then ruled all, to warrant our removal and prevent future inconveniences, and so did. By which patent liberty and power was granted to us to live under the government of a Governor, magistrates of our own choosing, and under laws of our own making (not being repugnant to the laws of England), according to which patent we have governed ourselves above this twenty years, we coming hither at our proper charges, without the help of the State, an acknowledgment of the freedom of our goods from custom," etc. "And for our carriage and demeanour to the honourable Parliament, for these ten years, since the first beginning of your differences with the late King, and the war that after ensued, we have constantly adhered to you, not withdrawing ourselves in your weakest condition and doubtfullest times, but by our fasting and prayers for your good success, and our thanksgiving after the same was attained, in days of solemnity set apart for that purpose, as also by our sending over useful men (others also going voluntarily from us to help you), who have been of good use and done acceptable services to the army, declaring to the world hereby that such was the duty and love we bear unto the Parliament, that we were ready to rise and fall with them; for which we have suffered the hatred and threats of other English colonies now in rebellion against you, as also the loss of divers of our ships and goods, taken by the King's party that is dead, by others commissioned by the King of Scots [Charles II.], and by the Portugalls." "We hope that this most honourable Parliament will not cast such as have adhered to you and depended upon you, as we have done, into so deep despair, from the fear of which we humbly desire to be speedily freed by a just and gracious answer; which will freshly bind377 us to pray and use all lawful endeavours for the blessing of God upon you and the present Government." Appendix viii. to the first volume of Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, pp. 516-518.
The "General Court" also sent a letter to Oliver Cromwell, enclosing a copy of the petition to Parliament, to counteract representations which might be made against them by their enemies, and intreat his interest in their behalf. This letter concludes as follows:
"We humbly petition your Excellence to be pleased to shew us what favour God shall be pleased to direct you unto on our behalf, to the most honourable Parliament, unto whom we have now presented a petition. The copy of it, verbatim, we are bold to send herewith, that, if God so please, we be not hindered in our comfortable proceedings in the work of God here in this wilderness. Wherein, as for other favours, we shall be bound to pray, that the Captain of the Host of Israel may be with you and your whole army, in all your great enterprises, to the glory of God, the subduing of his and your enemies, and your everlasting peace and comfort in Jesus Christ." (Ib., Appendix ix., p. 522.)
In August (24th), 1654, the General Court addressed another letter to Oliver Cromwell, commencing as follows:
"It hath been no small comfort to us poor exiles, in these utmost ends of the earth (who sometimes felt and often feared the frowns of the mighty305), to have had the experience of the good hand of God, in raising up such, whose endeavours have not been wanting to our welfare: amongst whom we have good cause to give your Highness the first place: who by a continued series of favours, have oblidged us, not only while you moved in a lower orb68, but since the Lord hath called your Highness to supreme authority, whereat we rejoice and shall pray for the continuance of your happy government, that under your shadow not only ourselves, but all the Churches, may find rest and peace." (Ib., Appendix x., p. 523.)
"1651.—The Parliament of England passed the famous Act of Navigation. It had been observed with concern, that the English merchants for several years past had usually freighted the Hollanders' shipping for bringing home their own merchandise, because their freight was at a lower rate than that of the English ships. For the same reason the Dutch ships were made use of even for importing American products from the English colonies into England. The English ships meanwhile lay rotting in the harbours, and the English mariners378, for want of employment, went into the service of the Hollanders. The Commonwealth now turned its attention towards the most effectual mode of retaining the colonies in dependence37 on the parent State, and of securing to it the benefits of their increasing commerce. With these views the Parliament enacted, 'That no merchandise, either of Asia, Africa, or America, including the English Plantations there, should be imported into England in any but English-built ships, and belonging either to English or English Plantation subjects, navigated379 also by an English commander, and three-fourths of the sailors to be Englishmen; excepting such merchandise as should be imported directly from the original place of their growth, manufactured in Europe solely: and that no fish should thenceforward be imported into England or Ireland, nor exported thence to foreign parts, nor even from one of their own ports, but what should be caught by their own fishers only." (Holmes' Annals of America, Anderson, ii., 415, 416; Robertson, B. 9, p. 303; Janes' edit. Vol. I., p. 294.) Mr. Holmes adds in a note: "This Act was evaded at first by New England, which still traded to all parts, and enjoyed a privilege peculiar380 to themselves of importing their goods into England free of customs." (History Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., p. 40.)
Palfrey's History of New England, Vol. II., p. 393.
Palfrey's History of New England, Vol. II., p. 397, in a note.
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., p. 152; Holmes' Annuls381, Vol. I., p. 294. Note xxxi., p. 579.
This law was passed in 1651, while Endicot was Governor. Two years before, shortly after Governor Winthrop's death, Governor Endicot, with several other magistrates, issued a declaration against men wearing long hair, prefaced with the words, "Forasmuch as the wearing of long hair, after the manner of the ruffians and barbarous Indians, has begun to invade New England," and declaring "their dislike and detestation against wearing of such long hair as a thing uncivil and unmanly, whereby men do deform382 themselves, and offend sober and modest men, and do corrupt383 good manners," etc.—Ib.
Such was the opinion of the late Mr. John Forster, in his beautiful Life of Sir Henry Vane, in his Lives of the Puritan Statesmen of the Commonwealth.
Hutchinson's Collection of Original Papers, etc.; Publication of the Prince Society.
Note by Mr. Hutchinson: "Mr. Winthrop had obliged Mr. Vane to leave Massachusetts and return to England. The letter was written when Mr. Vane's interest in Parliament was very great. It shows a good spirit, and the reproof384 is decent as well as seasonable."
History of New England, Vol. I., p. 364.
Mr. Neal gives the following account of certain Baptists—Clarke, Holmes and Crandall—who "were all apprehended385 upon the 20th July this year, (1651), at the house of one William Witters, of Lin. As they were worshipping God in their own way on a Lord's-day morning, the constable386 took them into custody. Next morning they were brought before the magistrate of the town, who sent them in custody to Boston, where they remained in prison a fortnight, when they were brought to trial, convicted and fined: John Clarke, twenty pounds or to be well whipped; John Crandall, five pounds or to be whipped; Obadiah Holmes, thirty pounds for several offences." Mr. Neal adds: "The prisoners agreed not to pay their fines but to abide387 the corporal punishment the Court had sentenced them to; but some of Mr. Clarke's friends paid the fine without his consent; and Crandall was released upon the promise to appear at the next Court; but Holmes received thirty lashes388 at the whipping-post. Several of his friends were spectators of his punishment; among the rest John Spear and John Hazell, who, as they were attending the prisoner back to prison, took him by the hand in the market-place, and, in the face of all the people, praised God for his courage and constancy; for which they were summoned before the General Court the next day, and were fined each of them forty shillings, or to be whipped. The prisoners refused to pay the money, but some of their friends paid it for them."
Mr. Neal adds the following just and impressive remarks: "Thus the Government of New England, for the sake of uniformity in divine worship, broke in upon the natural rights of mankind, punishing men, not for disturbing the State, but for their different sentiments in religion, as appears by the following Law:" [Then Mr. Neal quotes the law passed against the Baptists seven years before, in 1644, and given on page 92.] (Neal's History of New England, Vol. I., pp. 299, 300, 302, 303.)
Hutchinson's Collection of State Papers, etc., pp. 401, 402.
Mr. Cotton wrote a long letter in reply to Sir R. Saltonstall, denying that he or Mr. Wilson had instigated the complaints against the Baptists, yet representing them as profane389 because they did not attend the established worship, though they worshipped God in their own way. Cotton, assuming that the Baptist worship was no worship, and that the only lawful worship was the Congregational, proceeds to defend compulsory attendance at the established worship upon the ground of preventing Sabbath profaneness390 (which was a perversion of Sir R. Saltonstall's letter), the same as compulsory attendance at the established worship was justified391 in the time of Elizabeth and James the First, and against which the whole army of Puritan writers had contended. Some of Cotton's words were as follows: "But (you say) it doth make men hypocrites to compel men to conforme the outward men for fear of punishment. If it did so, yet better be hypocrites than profane persons. Hypocrites give God part of his due, the outward man; but the profane person giveth God neither the outward or inward man."—"If the magistrate connive392 at his absenting himself from the Sabbath duties, the sin will be greater in the magistrate than can be the other's coming."
Mr. Hutchinson, referring to Sir R. Saltonstall's letter, says:—"It discovers a good deal of that catholic spirit which too many of our first settlers were destitute393 of, and confirms what I have said of Mr. Dudley's zeal394 in the first volume of the Massachusetts History."
History of the United States, Vol. I., p. 484.
"I believe," says Mr. Bancroft, "that the elder Winthrop had relented before his death, and, it is said, became weary of banishing heretics. The soul of the younger Winthrop was incapable395 of harbouring a thought of intolerant cruelty; but the rugged396 Dudley was not mellowed397 by old age." Cotton affirmed: "Better tolerate hypocrites and tares398 than thorns and briers." "Religion," said Norton, from the pulpit, "admits of no eccentric motions." (Ib., pp. 486, 487.)
Burke, Vol. II., Second London Edition, 1758, pp. 148-152.
"In October, 1650, the Commons passed a memorable399 ordinance, prohibiting trade with Barbadoes, Virginia, Antigua, and the Bermudas, because they had adhered to the fortunes of their late Sovereign. It declared such persons 'notorious robbers and traitors;' it forbade every one to confederate with them; it prohibited all foreign vessels from sailing thither, and it empowered the Council of State to compel all opponents to obey the authority of Parliament. Berkley's defence of Virginia against the fortunate invaders400 gained him the approbation of his prince and the applause of his countrymen. When he could no longer fight, he delivered up the government, upon such favourable terms as the English Commissioners were willing to grant. He retired401 to a private station, to wait with patience for favourable events. Virginia changed the various rulers which the revolutions of the age imposed on England, with the reluctance402 that acknowledged usurpation148 generally incites403. But with the distractions that succeeded the death of Cromwell, she seized the opportunity to free herself from the dominion404 of her hated masters by recalling Berkley from his obscurity, and proclaiming the exiled king; and she by this means acquired the unrivalled honour of being the last dominion of the State which submitted to that unjust exercise of government, and the first which overturned it."—Chalmers' History of the Revolt of the American Colonies, Vol. I., pp. 74, 75 (Boston Collection).
It was proved on Hugh Peters' trial, twenty years afterwards, that he had said his work, out of New England, was, "to promote the interest of the Reformation, by stirring up the war and driving it on." He was Cromwell's favourite chaplain, and preached before the Court that tried King Charles I., urging the condemnation and execution of the King.
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., Appendix viii., pp. 517, 518.
"The 'other English Colonies' with which Massachusetts, by her attachment405 to the new Government, had been brought into unfriendly relations, were 'Barbadoes, Virginia, Bermudas, and Antigua.' Their persistent406 loyalty had been punished by an ordinance of Parliament forbidding Englishmen to trade with them—a measure which the General Court of Massachusetts seconded by a similar prohibition407 addressed to masters of vessels belonging to that jurisdiction. The rule was to remain in force 'until the compliance408 of the aforesaid places with the Commonwealth of England, or the further order of this Court;' and the penalty of disobedience was to be a confiscation409 of ship and cargo410. In respect to Virginia, it may be presumed that this step was not the less willingly taken, on account of a grudge411 of some years' standing97. At an early period of the civil war, that colony had banished nonconformist ministers who had gone thither from Massachusetts [1643]; and the offence had been repeated five years afterwards."—Palfrey's History of New England, Vol. II., pp. 402, 403.
But Mr. Palfrey omits to remark that the Act of the Virginia Legislature, in forbidding the Congregational Ministers of Massachusetts Bay from propagating their system in Virginia, was but a retaliation412 upon the Government of Massachusetts Bay, which had not only forbidden Episcopal worship, but denied citizenship to Episcopalians. The Virginia Legislature, while it established the Episcopal Church, had never, like the Legislature of Massachusetts Bay, disqualified all except the members of one Church from either holding office or exercising the elective franchise. The Massachusetts Bay Government, like that of the Papacy, would tolerate only their own form of worship; would allow no Episcopalian, Presbyterian, or Baptist worship within their jurisdiction; yet complain of and resent it as unjust and persecuting when they are not permitted to propagate their system in other colonies or countries.
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., Appendix ix., p. 522.
To these extraordinary addresses may be added a letter from the Rev. John Cotton, a chief Congregational minister in Boston, to "Lord General Cromwell," dated Boston, N.E., May 5th, 1651.
There are three things in this letter to be specially203 noticed.
The first is, the terms in which Cromwell is addressed and complimented.
The second is, the indication here given of the manner in which the Scotch413 prisoners taken at the battle of Dunbar (while fighting in their own country and for their King) were disposed of by Cromwell, and with what complacency Mr. Cotton speaks of the slavery into which they were sold not being "perpetual servitude," but limited to "6 or 7, or 8 years."
The third thing noteworthy in this letter, in which Mr. Cotton compliments Cromwell for having cashiered from the army every one but his own partizans, thus placing the army beneath his feet, to support his absolutism in the State, having extinguished the Parliament itself, and with it every form of liberty dear to the hearts of all true Englishmen.
The chief passages of Mr. Cotton's letter are as follows:
"Right Honourable,—For so I must acknowledge you, not only for the eminency of place and command to which the God of power and honour hath called you; but also for that the Lord hath set you forth as a vessell of honour to his name, in working many and great deliverances for his people, and for his truth, by you; and yet helping414 you to reserve all the honour to him, who is the God of salvation415 and the Lord of hosts, mighty in battell."
"The Scots, whom God delivered into your hand at Dunbarre, and whereof sundry416 were sent hither, we have been desirous (as we could) to make their yoke417 easy. Such as were sick of the scurvy418 or other diseases have not wanted physick or chyrurgery. They have not been sold for slaves to perpetual servitude, but for 6 or 7, or 8 years, as we do our owne: and he that bought the most of them (I heare) buildeth houses for them, for every 4 an house, layeth some acres of ground thereto, which he giveth them as their owne, requiring three dayes in the weeke to worke for him (by turnes), and 4 dayes for themselves, and promiseth, as soon as they can repay him the money he layed out for them, he will set them at liberty."
"As for the aspersion419 of factious men, I hear, by Mr. Desborough's letter [Cromwell's brother-in-law], last night, that you have well vindicated420 yourselfe therefrom by cashiering sundry corrupt spirits out of the army. And truly, Sir, better a few and faithfull, than many and unsound. The army on Christ's side (which he maketh victorious) are called chosen and faithfull, Rev. 17. 14—a verse worthy your Lordship's frequent and deepe meditation421. Go on, therefore (good Sir), to overcome yourselfe (Prov. 16. 32), to overcome your army (Deut. 29. 9, with v. 14), and to vindicate your orthodox integrity to the world." (Hutchinson's Collection of Original Papers relative to the History of Massachusetts Bay, pp. 233-235.)
In view of the documents which I have quoted, it seems extraordinary to see Mr. Hutchinson, usually so accurate, so far influenced by his personal prejudices as to say that the government of the Massachusetts Bay Colony "prudently422 acknowledged subjection to Parliament, and afterwards to Cromwell, so far as was necessary to keep upon terms, and avoid exception, and no farther. The addresses to the Parliament and Cromwell show this to have been the case."—History of Massachusetts Bay, Vol. I., p. 209.
The addresses to Parliament and to Cromwell prove the very reverse—prove that the rulers of the Massachusetts Bay Colony avowedly identified themselves with the Parliament and afterwards with Cromwell, when he overthrew423 the Parliament, and even when he manipulated the army to his purpose of absolutism.
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1 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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2 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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3 profess | |
v.声称,冒称,以...为业,正式接受入教,表明信仰 | |
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4 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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5 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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6 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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7 evoke | |
vt.唤起,引起,使人想起 | |
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8 layman | |
n.俗人,门外汉,凡人 | |
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9 speculations | |
n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
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10 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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11 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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12 depressed | |
adj.沮丧的,抑郁的,不景气的,萧条的 | |
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13 depreciated | |
v.贬值,跌价,减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 );贬低,蔑视,轻视 | |
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14 stationary | |
adj.固定的,静止不动的 | |
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15 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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16 remitting | |
v.免除(债务),宽恕( remit的现在分词 );使某事缓和;寄回,传送 | |
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17 plantations | |
n.种植园,大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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18 plantation | |
n.种植园,大农场 | |
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19 ordinance | |
n.法令;条令;条例 | |
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20 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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21 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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22 rev | |
v.发动机旋转,加快速度 | |
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23 colonists | |
n.殖民地开拓者,移民,殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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24 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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25 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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26 exempts | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的第三人称单数 ) | |
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27 hearty | |
adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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28 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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29 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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30 reciprocating | |
adj.往复的;来回的;交替的;摆动的v.报答,酬答( reciprocate的现在分词 );(机器的部件)直线往复运动 | |
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31 indirectly | |
adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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32 offender | |
n.冒犯者,违反者,犯罪者 | |
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33 prosecute | |
vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
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34 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
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35 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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36 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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37 dependence | |
n.依靠,依赖;信任,信赖;隶属 | |
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38 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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39 vent | |
n.通风口,排放口;开衩;vt.表达,发泄 | |
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40 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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41 harry | |
vt.掠夺,蹂躏,使苦恼 | |
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42 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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43 advancement | |
n.前进,促进,提升 | |
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44 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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45 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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46 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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47 portrayed | |
v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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48 muster | |
v.集合,收集,鼓起,激起;n.集合,检阅,集合人员,点名册 | |
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49 rout | |
n.溃退,溃败;v.击溃,打垮 | |
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50 plentifully | |
adv. 许多地,丰饶地 | |
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51 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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52 commonwealths | |
n.共和国( commonwealth的名词复数 );联邦;团体;协会 | |
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53 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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54 heresies | |
n.异端邪说,异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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55 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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56 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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57 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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58 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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59 seduce | |
vt.勾引,诱奸,诱惑,引诱 | |
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60 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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61 banishment | |
n.放逐,驱逐 | |
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62 cabal | |
n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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63 conspirators | |
n.共谋者,阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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64 rejection | |
n.拒绝,被拒,抛弃,被弃 | |
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65 persecuted | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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66 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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68 orb | |
n.太阳;星球;v.弄圆;成球形 | |
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69 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70 imprison | |
vt.监禁,关押,限制,束缚 | |
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71 petitioners | |
n.请求人,请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 );离婚案原告 | |
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72 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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73 eligible | |
adj.有条件被选中的;(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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74 administrators | |
n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 );有管理(或行政)才能的人;(由遗嘱检验法庭指定的)遗产管理人;奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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75 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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76 traitors | |
卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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77 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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78 peruses | |
v.读(某篇文字)( peruse的第三人称单数 );(尤指)细阅;审阅;匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览(某篇文字) | |
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79 candid | |
adj.公正的,正直的;坦率的 | |
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80 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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81 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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82 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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83 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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84 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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85 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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86 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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87 contemned | |
v.侮辱,蔑视( contemn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88 ordinances | |
n.条例,法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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89 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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90 strife | |
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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91 rife | |
adj.(指坏事情)充斥的,流行的,普遍的 | |
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92 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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93 abated | |
减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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94 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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95 vindication | |
n.洗冤,证实 | |
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96 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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97 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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98 ingenuously | |
adv.率直地,正直地 | |
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99 ingenuous | |
adj.纯朴的,单纯的;天真的;坦率的 | |
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100 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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101 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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102 dissent | |
n./v.不同意,持异议 | |
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103 dissenting | |
adj.不同意的 | |
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104 entreated | |
恳求,乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105 entreat | |
v.恳求,恳请 | |
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106 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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107 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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108 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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109 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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110 imbibed | |
v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 );喝;吸取;吸气 | |
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111 persecuting | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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112 stifling | |
a.令人窒息的 | |
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113 manly | |
adj.有男子气概的;adv.男子般地,果断地 | |
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114 arraigned | |
v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 );控告;传讯;指责 | |
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115 justifiable | |
adj.有理由的,无可非议的 | |
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116 vassal | |
n.附庸的;属下;adj.奴仆的 | |
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117 progenitor | |
n.祖先,先驱 | |
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118 franchise | |
n.特许,特权,专营权,特许权 | |
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119 chattels | |
n.动产,奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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120 attainment | |
n.达到,到达;[常pl.]成就,造诣 | |
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121 citizenship | |
n.市民权,公民权,国民的义务(身份) | |
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122 sequestered | |
adj.扣押的;隐退的;幽静的;偏僻的v.使隔绝,使隔离( sequester的过去式和过去分词 );扣押 | |
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123 unbearable | |
adj.不能容忍的;忍受不住的 | |
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124 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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125 dictates | |
n.命令,规定,要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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126 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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127 grievance | |
n.怨愤,气恼,委屈 | |
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128 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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129 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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130 obstruction | |
n.阻塞,堵塞;障碍物 | |
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131 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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132 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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133 precedent | |
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
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134 privy | |
adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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135 tragical | |
adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
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136 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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137 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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138 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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139 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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140 dexterity | |
n.(手的)灵巧,灵活 | |
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141 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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142 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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143 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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144 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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145 impugned | |
v.非难,指谪( impugn的过去式和过去分词 );对…有怀疑 | |
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146 opprobrious | |
adj.可耻的,辱骂的 | |
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147 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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148 usurpation | |
n.篡位;霸占 | |
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149 conclave | |
n.秘密会议,红衣主教团 | |
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150 paramount | |
a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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151 erecting | |
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
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152 erect | |
n./v.树立,建立,使竖立;adj.直立的,垂直的 | |
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153 revoking | |
v.撤销,取消,废除( revoke的现在分词 ) | |
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154 tenor | |
n.男高音(歌手),次中音(乐器),要旨,大意 | |
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155 endorsement | |
n.背书;赞成,认可,担保;签(注),批注 | |
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156 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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157 proscriptive | |
adj.剥夺人权的,放逐的 | |
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158 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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159 subvert | |
v.推翻;暗中破坏;搅乱 | |
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160 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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161 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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162 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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163 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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164 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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165 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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166 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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167 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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168 proscription | |
n.禁止,剥夺权利 | |
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169 plausibility | |
n. 似有道理, 能言善辩 | |
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170 professing | |
声称( profess的现在分词 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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171 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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172 laud | |
n.颂歌;v.赞美 | |
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173 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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174 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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175 rebellious | |
adj.造反的,反抗的,难控制的 | |
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176 abhorrent | |
adj.可恶的,可恨的,讨厌的 | |
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177 laudatory | |
adj.赞扬的 | |
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178 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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180 crave | |
vt.渴望得到,迫切需要,恳求,请求 | |
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181 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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182 repudiated | |
v.(正式地)否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 );拒绝接受;拒绝与…往来;拒不履行(法律义务) | |
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183 narrated | |
v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185 shipping | |
n.船运(发货,运输,乘船) | |
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186 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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187 connivance | |
n.纵容;默许 | |
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188 evaded | |
逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 ); 避开; 回避; 想不出 | |
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189 prospering | |
成功,兴旺( prosper的现在分词 ) | |
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190 continental | |
adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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191 revel | |
vi.狂欢作乐,陶醉;n.作乐,狂欢 | |
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192 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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193 solicitude | |
n.焦虑 | |
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194 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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196 meritorious | |
adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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197 deficient | |
adj.不足的,不充份的,有缺陷的 | |
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198 ordain | |
vi.颁发命令;vt.命令,授以圣职,注定,任命 | |
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199 remonstrance | |
n抗议,抱怨 | |
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200 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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201 recording | |
n.录音,记录 | |
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202 lamenting | |
adj.悲伤的,悲哀的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
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203 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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204 dishonour | |
n./vt.拒付(支票、汇票、票据等);vt.凌辱,使丢脸;n.不名誉,耻辱,不光彩 | |
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205 hoods | |
n.兜帽( hood的名词复数 );头巾;(汽车、童车等的)折合式车篷;汽车发动机罩v.兜帽( hood的第三人称单数 );头巾;(汽车、童车等的)折合式车篷;汽车发动机罩 | |
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206 costliness | |
昂贵的 | |
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207 recollected | |
adj.冷静的;镇定的;被回忆起的;沉思默想的v.记起,想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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208 ordinations | |
n.授予神职( ordination的名词复数 );授圣职 | |
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209 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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210 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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211 aggravation | |
n.烦恼,恼火 | |
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212 pretexts | |
n.借口,托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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213 watchfulness | |
警惕,留心; 警觉(性) | |
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214 espionage | |
n.间谍行为,谍报活动 | |
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215 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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216 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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217 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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218 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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219 extirpate | |
v.除尽,灭绝 | |
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220 banishing | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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221 emigrants | |
n.(从本国移往他国的)移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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222 projector | |
n.投影机,放映机,幻灯机 | |
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223 calumnies | |
n.诬蔑,诽谤,中伤(的话)( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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224 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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225 vindicate | |
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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226 rumours | |
n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 );风闻;谣言;谣传 | |
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227 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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228 deferred | |
adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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229 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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230 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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231 intercepting | |
截取(技术),截接 | |
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232 intimidating | |
vt.恐吓,威胁( intimidate的现在分词) | |
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233 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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234 concealment | |
n.隐藏, 掩盖,隐瞒 | |
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235 deception | |
n.欺骗,欺诈;骗局,诡计 | |
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236 invoked | |
v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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237 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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238 imperative | |
n.命令,需要;规则;祈使语气;adj.强制的;紧急的 | |
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239 entangled | |
adj.卷入的;陷入的;被缠住的;缠在一起的v.使某人(某物/自己)缠绕,纠缠于(某物中),使某人(自己)陷入(困难或复杂的环境中)( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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240 dissented | |
不同意,持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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241 outrageous | |
adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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242 perversion | |
n.曲解;堕落;反常 | |
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243 perversions | |
n.歪曲( perversion的名词复数 );变坏;变态心理 | |
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244 affronts | |
n.(当众)侮辱,(故意)冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 );相遇 | |
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245 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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246 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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247 rigid | |
adj.严格的,死板的;刚硬的,僵硬的 | |
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248 esteemed | |
adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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249 illustrated | |
adj. 有插图的,列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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250 instigated | |
v.使(某事物)开始或发生,鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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251 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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252 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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253 perverting | |
v.滥用( pervert的现在分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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254 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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255 eligibility | |
n.合格,资格 | |
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256 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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257 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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258 hardy | |
adj.勇敢的,果断的,吃苦的;耐寒的 | |
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259 compulsory | |
n.强制的,必修的;规定的,义务的 | |
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260 harassing | |
v.侵扰,骚扰( harass的现在分词 );不断攻击(敌人) | |
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261 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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262 offenders | |
n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 );犯规者;罪犯;妨害…的人(或事物) | |
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263 denomination | |
n.命名,取名,(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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264 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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265 chastised | |
v.严惩(某人)(尤指责打)( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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266 fetters | |
n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 );束缚v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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267 scourged | |
鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 ); 惩罚,压迫 | |
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268 scorpions | |
n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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269 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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270 disclaim | |
v.放弃权利,拒绝承认 | |
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271 renouncing | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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272 legitimacy | |
n.合法,正当 | |
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273 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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274 prostrated | |
v.使俯伏,使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 );(指疾病、天气等)使某人无能为力 | |
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275 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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276 wane | |
n.衰微,亏缺,变弱;v.变小,亏缺,呈下弦 | |
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277 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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278 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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279 divers | |
adj.不同的;种种的 | |
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280 humbly | |
adv. 恭顺地,谦卑地 | |
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281 excellence | |
n.优秀,杰出,(pl.)优点,美德 | |
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282 subduing | |
征服( subdue的现在分词 ); 克制; 制服; 色变暗 | |
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283 everlasting | |
adj.永恒的,持久的,无止境的 | |
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284 lengthen | |
vt.使伸长,延长 | |
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285 disaffected | |
adj.(政治上)不满的,叛离的 | |
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286 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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287 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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288 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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289 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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290 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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291 renounced | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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292 proscribed | |
v.正式宣布(某事物)有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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293 obliterated | |
v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 );涂去;擦掉;彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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294 landmark | |
n.陆标,划时代的事,地界标 | |
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295 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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296 condescend | |
v.俯就,屈尊;堕落,丢丑 | |
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297 demise | |
n.死亡;v.让渡,遗赠,转让 | |
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298 transgressions | |
n.违反,违法,罪过( transgression的名词复数 ) | |
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299 perpetuate | |
v.使永存,使永记不忘 | |
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300 proscribing | |
v.正式宣布(某事物)有危险或被禁止( proscribe的现在分词 ) | |
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301 distraction | |
n.精神涣散,精神不集中,消遣,娱乐 | |
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302 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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303 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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304 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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305 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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306 commodious | |
adj.宽敞的;使用方便的 | |
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307 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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308 whatsoever | |
adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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309 laden | |
adj.装满了的;充满了的;负了重担的;苦恼的 | |
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310 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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311 subsidy | |
n.补助金,津贴 | |
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312 creek | |
n.小溪,小河,小湾 | |
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313 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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314 delinquents | |
n.(尤指青少年)有过失的人,违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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315 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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316 indefatigable | |
adj.不知疲倦的,不屈不挠的 | |
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317 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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318 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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319 apprised | |
v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
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320 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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321 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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322 authorize | |
v.授权,委任;批准,认可 | |
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323 authorized | |
a.委任的,许可的 | |
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324 distractions | |
n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 );娱乐,消遣;心烦意乱;精神错乱 | |
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325 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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326 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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327 exempting | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的现在分词 ) | |
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328 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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329 allusions | |
暗指,间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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330 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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331 embarking | |
乘船( embark的现在分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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332 embark | |
vi.乘船,着手,从事,上飞机 | |
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333 envoy | |
n.使节,使者,代表,公使 | |
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334 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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335 immunity | |
n.优惠;免除;豁免,豁免权 | |
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336 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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337 incorporation | |
n.设立,合并,法人组织 | |
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338 explicit | |
adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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339 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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340 ignominious | |
adj.可鄙的,不光彩的,耻辱的 | |
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341 honourably | |
adv.可尊敬地,光荣地,体面地 | |
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342 judgments | |
判断( judgment的名词复数 ); 鉴定; 评价; 审判 | |
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343 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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344 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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345 juncture | |
n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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346 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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347 unanimity | |
n.全体一致,一致同意 | |
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348 consultation | |
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议 | |
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349 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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350 remonstrated | |
v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 );告诫 | |
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351 revoked | |
adj.[法]取消的v.撤销,取消,废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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352 factious | |
adj.好搞宗派活动的,派系的,好争论的 | |
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353 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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354 covenant | |
n.盟约,契约;v.订盟约 | |
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355 covenants | |
n.(有法律约束的)协议( covenant的名词复数 );盟约;公约;(向慈善事业、信托基金会等定期捐款的)契约书 | |
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356 necessitated | |
使…成为必要,需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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357 agitators | |
n.(尤指政治变革的)鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 );煽动者;搅拌器;搅拌机 | |
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358 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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359 cogency | |
n.说服力;adj.有说服力的 | |
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360 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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361 encroachment | |
n.侵入,蚕食 | |
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362 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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363 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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364 torment | |
n.折磨;令人痛苦的东西(人);vt.折磨;纠缠 | |
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365 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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366 disclaimed | |
v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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367 remitted | |
v.免除(债务),宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 );使某事缓和;寄回,传送 | |
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368 indemnity | |
n.赔偿,赔款,补偿金 | |
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369 creeks | |
n.小湾( creek的名词复数 );小港;小河;小溪 | |
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370 exhorted | |
v.劝告,劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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371 supersede | |
v.替代;充任 | |
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372 manifesto | |
n.宣言,声明 | |
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373 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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374 avowedly | |
adv.公然地 | |
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375 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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376 bishops | |
(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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377 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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378 mariners | |
海员,水手(mariner的复数形式) | |
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379 navigated | |
v.给(船舶、飞机等)引航,导航( navigate的过去式和过去分词 );(从海上、空中等)横越;横渡;飞跃 | |
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380 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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381 annuls | |
v.宣告无效( annul的第三人称单数 );取消;使消失;抹去 | |
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382 deform | |
vt.损坏…的形状;使变形,使变丑;vi.变形 | |
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383 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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384 reproof | |
n.斥责,责备 | |
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385 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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386 constable | |
n.(英国)警察,警官 | |
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387 abide | |
vi.遵守;坚持;vt.忍受 | |
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388 lashes | |
n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 );鞭子;突然猛烈的一击;急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 );煽动;紧系;怒斥 | |
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389 profane | |
adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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390 profaneness | |
n.渎神,污秽 | |
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391 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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392 connive | |
v.纵容;密谋 | |
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393 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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394 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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395 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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396 rugged | |
adj.高低不平的,粗糙的,粗壮的,强健的 | |
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397 mellowed | |
(使)成熟( mellow的过去式和过去分词 ); 使色彩更加柔和,使酒更加醇香 | |
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398 tares | |
荑;稂莠;稗 | |
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399 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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400 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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401 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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402 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
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403 incites | |
刺激,激励,煽动( incite的第三人称单数 ) | |
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404 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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405 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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406 persistent | |
adj.坚持不懈的,执意的;持续的 | |
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407 prohibition | |
n.禁止;禁令,禁律 | |
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408 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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409 confiscation | |
n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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410 cargo | |
n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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411 grudge | |
n.不满,怨恨,妒嫉;vt.勉强给,不情愿做 | |
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412 retaliation | |
n.报复,反击 | |
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413 scotch | |
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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414 helping | |
n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的,辅助的 | |
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415 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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416 sundry | |
adj.各式各样的,种种的 | |
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417 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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418 scurvy | |
adj.下流的,卑鄙的,无礼的;n.坏血病 | |
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419 aspersion | |
n.诽谤,中伤 | |
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420 vindicated | |
v.澄清(某人/某事物)受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 );表明或证明(所争辩的事物)属实、正当、有效等;维护 | |
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421 meditation | |
n.熟虑,(尤指宗教的)默想,沉思,(pl.)冥想录 | |
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422 prudently | |
adv. 谨慎地,慎重地 | |
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423 overthrew | |
overthrow的过去式 | |
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