On the re-assembling of Parliament in January, 1775, a number of papers were produced from governors, and revenue and military officers in America, which contained various statements adverse3 to the proceedings4 and members of the Congress, and the opposition6 to the coercive Acts of Parliament.
Ministers and their supporters were pleased with these papers, which abetted7 their policy, lauded8 and caressed9 their authors, and decided10 to concede nothing, and continue and strengthen the policy of coercion11.
On the 20th of January, the first day of the re-assembling of the Lords, Lord Dartmouth laid the papers received from America before the House. The Earl of Chatham, after an absence of two years, appeared again in the House with restored health, and with all his former energy and eloquence12. He moved:
"That a humble13 address be presented to his Majesty14, most humbly15 to advise and beseech16 him that, in order to open the way toward a happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay17 ferments18 and soften20 animosities there, and above all for preventing, in the meantime, any sudden catastrophe22 at Boston, now suffering under daily irritation23 of an army before their eyes, posted in their town, it may graciously please his Majesty that immediate24 orders may be despatched to General Gage25 for removing his Majesty's forces[Pg 423] from the town of Boston as soon as the rigours of the season and other circumstances indispensable to the safety and accommodation of said troops may render the same practicable."
Lord Chatham advocated his motion in a very pathetic speech, and was supported by speeches by the Marquis of Rockingham, Lords Shelburne and Camden, and petitions from merchants and manufacturers throughout the kingdom, and most prominently by those of London and Bristol. But the motion was negatived by a majority of 63 to 13.
In the course of his speech Lord Chatham said:
"Resistance to your acts was as necessary as it was just; and your imperious doctrine26 of the omnipotence27 of Parliament and the necessity of submission28 will be found equally impotent to convince or to enslave.
"The means of enforcing the thraldom29 are as weak in practice as they are unjust in principle. General Gage and the troops under his command are penned up, pining in inglorious inactivity. You may call them an army of safety and of guard, but they are in truth an army of impotence; and to make the folly30 equal to the disgrace, they are an army of irritation.
"But this tameness, however contemptible31, cannot be censured32; for the first drop of blood shed in civil and unnatural33 war will make a wound that years, perhaps ages, may not heal.... The indiscriminate hand of vengeance34 has lumped together innocent and guilty; with all the formalities of hostility35, has blocked up the town of Boston, and reduced to beggary and famine thirty thousand inhabitants....
"When your lordships look at the papers transmitted to us from America—when you consider their decency36, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish to make it your own. For myself, I must avow37 that in all my reading—and I have read Thucydides, and have studied the master-states of the world—for solidity of reason, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the General Congress of Philadelphia. The histories of Greece and Rome give us nothing equal to it, and all attempts to impose servitude upon such a mighty38 continental39 nation must be vain. We shall be forced ultimately to retract40; let us retract[Pg 424] while we can, not when we must. These violent Acts must be repealed42; you will repeal41 them; I pledge myself for it, I stake my reputation upon it, that you will in the end repeal them. Avoid, then, this humiliating necessity. With a dignity becoming your exalted43 station, make the first advance towards concord44, peace, and happiness; for that is your true dignity. Concession45 comes with better grace from superior power, and establishes solid confidence on the foundations of affection and gratitude46. Be the first to spare; throw down the weapons in your hand.
"Every motive47 of justice and policy, of dignity and of prudence48, urges you to allay the ferment19 in America by a removal of your troops from Boston, by a repeal of your Acts of Parliament, and by demonstrating amiable49 dispositions50 towards your colonies.... If the Ministers persevere52 in thus misadvising and misleading the King, I will not say that the King is betrayed, but I will pronounce that the kingdom is undone53; I will not say that they can alienate54 the affections of his subjects from his Crown, but I will affirm that, the American jewel out of it, they will make the Crown not worth his wearing."[354]
The Earl of Suffolk, with whining55 vehemence56, assured the House that, in spite of Lord Chatham's prophecy, the Government was resolved to repeal not one of the Acts, but to use all possible means to bring the Americans to obedience57; and after declaiming violently against their conduct, boasted as "having been one of the first to advise coercive measures."
Ex-Lord Chancellor58 Camden excelled every other speaker, except Lord Chatham, in the discussion; he declared in the course of his speech:
"This I will say, not only as a statesman, politician, and philosopher, but as a common lawyer: My lords, you have no right to[Pg 425] tax America; the natural rights of man, and the immutable59 laws of nature, are all with that people. King, Lords, and Commons are fine-sounding names, but King, Lords, and Commons may become tyrants60 as well as others. It is as lawful61 to resist the tyranny of many as of one. Somebody once asked the great Selden in what book you might find the law for resisting tyranny. 'It has always been the custom of England,' answered Selden, 'and the custom of England is the law of the land.'"
After several other speeches and much recrimination, and a characteristic reply from Lord Chatham, his motion was rejected by a majority of sixty-eight to eighteen; but the Duke of Cumberland, the King's own brother, was one of the minority. The King triumphed in what he called "the very handsome majority," and said he was sure "nothing could be more calculated to bring the Americans to submission." The King's prediction of "submission" was followed by more united and energetic resistance in the colonies.
But Lord Chatham, persevering62 in his efforts of conciliation63, notwithstanding the large majority against him, brought in, the 1st of February, a Bill entitled "A Provisional Act for Settling the Troubles in America, and for Asserting the Supreme64 Legislative65 Authority and Superintending Power of Great Britain over the Colonies." The Bill, however, was not allowed to be read the first time, or even to lie on the table, but was rejected by a majority of sixty-four to thirty-two—a contempt of the colonists and a discourtesy to the noble mover of the Bill without example in the House of Lords.
In the meantime, petitions were presented to the Commons from various towns in England, Scotland, and Ireland, by manufacturers and merchants connected with the colonial trade. On the 23rd of January, Alderman Hayley presented a petition from the merchants of the City of London trading to America, stating at great length the nature and extent of the trade, direct and indirect, between Great Britain and America, and the immense injury to it by the recent Acts of Parliament, and praying for relief; but this petition was conveyed to the "Committee of Oblivion," as were petitions from the merchants of Glasgow, Liverpool, Norwich and other towns, on American affairs. These petitions, together with their advocates in both Houses of Parliament, showed that the oppressive [Pg 426]policy and abuse of the Americans were the acts of the Ministry of the day, and not properly of the English people.
On the 26th of January, Sir George Saville offered to present a petition from Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bollan, and Mr. Lee, stating that they had been authorized66 by the American Continental Congress to present a petition from the Congress to the King, which his Majesty had referred to that House, and that they were able to throw great light upon the subject; they therefore prayed to be heard at the bar in support of the petition. After a violent debate the petition was rejected by a majority of 218 to 68.[355]
Lord North on the 2nd of February, moved that the House resolve itself into Committee on an address to his Majesty, thanking him for having communicated to the House the several papers relating to the present state of the British colonies, and from which "we find that a part of his Majesty's subjects in[Pg 427] the province of Massachusetts Bay have proceeded so far as to resist the authority of the Supreme Legislature; that a rebellion at this time actually exists within the said province; and we see, with the utmost concern, that they have been countenanced67 and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements entered into by his Majesty's subjects in several other colonies, to the injury and oppression of many of their innocent fellow-subjects resident within the kingdom of Great Britain and the rest of his Majesty's dominions68. This conduct on their part appears to us the more inexcusable when we consider with how much temper his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament have acted in support of the laws and constitution of Great Britain; to declare that we can never so far desert the trust reposed69 in us as to relinquish70 any part of the sovereign authority over all his Majesty's dominions which by law is invested in his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and that the conduct of many persons, in several of the colonies, during the late disturbances71, is alone sufficient to convince us how necessary this power is for the protection of the lives and fortunes of all his Majesty's subjects; that we ever have been and always shall be ready to pay attention and regard to any real grievances72 of any of his Majesty's subjects, which shall, in a dutiful and constitutional manner, be laid before us; and whenever any of the colonies shall make proper application to us, we shall be ready to afford them every just and reasonable indulgence; but that, at the same time, we consider it our indispensable duty humbly to beseech his Majesty to take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the Supreme Legislature; and that we beg leave, in the most solemn manner, to assure his Majesty that it is our fixed73 resolution, at the hazard of our lives and properties, to stand by his Majesty against all rebellious74 attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights of his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament."[356]
I have given Lord North's proposed address to the King at length, in order that the reader may understand fully75 the policy of the Government at that eventful moment, and the statements on which that policy was founded.
[Pg 428]
In relation to this address several things may be observed: 1. There is not the slightest recognition in it that the American colonists have any constitutional rights whatever; they are claimed as the absolute property of King and Parliament, irrespective of local Charters or Legislatures. 2. It is alleged76 that Parliament always had been and would be "ready to pay attention to any real grievances of any of his Majesty's subjects which shall, in a dutiful and constitutional manner, be laid before us," when "we shall be ready to afford them every just and reasonable indulgence." Yet every one of the hundreds of petitions which had been sent from the colonies to England for the previous ten years, complaining of grievances, was rejected, under one pretext77 or another, as not having been adopted or transmitted in "a dutiful and constitutional manner." If a Legislative Assembly proceeded to prepare a petition of grievances to the King, the King's Governor immediately dissolved the Assembly; and when its members afterwards met in their private capacity and embodied78 their complaints, their proceedings were pronounced unlawful and seditious. When township, county, and provincial79 conventions met and expressed their complaints and grievances in resolutions and petitions, their proceedings were denounced by the Royal representatives as unlawful and rebellious; and when elected representatives from all the provinces (but Georgia) assembled in Philadelphia to express the complaints and wishes of all the provinces, their meeting was declared unlawful, and their petition to the King a collection of fictitious80 statements and rebellious sentiments, though more loyal sentiments to the King, and more full recognition of his constitutional prerogatives81 were never expressed in any document presented to his Majesty. When that petition of the Continental congregation was presented to the Earl of Dartmouth, the head of the Colonial Department, he said it was a decent and proper document, and he would have pleasure in laying it before the King, who referred it to the House of Commons; yet Lord North himself and a majority of his colleagues, backed by a majority of the House of Commons, rejected that petition, refused to consider its statements and prayers, but instead thereof proposed an address which declared one of the colonies in a state of rebellion, abetted by many in other colonies, advised military force[Pg 429] against the colonies, and assured the King that they would stand by his Majesty "at the hazard of their lives and properties, against all rebellious attempts" to maintain the assumed rights of his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament over the colonies. Yet not one of them ever afterwards risked a hair of his head in the war which they advised to maintain such rights. 3. It was also as insulting and provoking to the colonists as it was unjust, impolitic, and untrue, to assert that a rebellion "existed in one province of America, and was encouraged by many persons in other colonies;" when not an act of rebellion existed in any colony, but dissatisfaction, meetings to express sentiments and adopt petitions founded upon their declining and agreeing not to buy or drink tea, or buy or wear clothes of English manufacture, until English justice should be done to them—all which they had a right as British subjects to do, and for doing which those were responsible who compelled them to such self-denying acts in the maintenance of constitutional rights which are now recognised as such, at this day, throughout all the colonies of the British empire.
It is not surprising that Lord North's motion and statements were severely83 canvassed84 in the House of Commons. Mr. Dunning, in reply to Lord North, "insisted that America was not in rebellion, and that every appearance of riot, disorder85, tumult86, and sedition87 the noble lord had so carefully recounted arose not from disobedience, treason, or rebellion, but was created by the conduct of those whose views were to establish despotism." The Attorney-General (Thurlow) argued strongly against Mr. Dunning's position that the Americans were not in rebellion, and affirmed the contrary. General Grant said "he had served in America, knew the Americans well, and was certain they would not fight; they would never dare to fight an English army; they did not possess any of the qualifications necessary to make good soldiers; and that a very slight force would be more than sufficient for their complete reduction. He repeated many of their commonplace expressions, ridiculed88 their enthusiasm in religion, and drew a disagreeable picture of their manners and ways of living."
Mr. Fox entered fully into the question; pointed89 out the injustice90, the inexpediency, the folly of the motion; prophesied91 defeat on one side of the water, and ruin and punishment on[Pg 430] the other. He said, among other things, "The reason why the colonies objected to taxes by Parliament for revenue was, that such revenue, in the hands of Government, took out of the hands of the people that were to be governed that control which every Englishman thinks he ought to have over the Government to which his rights and interests are entrusted92." He moved an amendment93 to omit all the motion but the three first lines, and to substitute: "But deploring94 that the information which they (the papers) had afforded served only to convince the House that the measures taken by his Majesty's servants tended rather to widen than to heal the unhappy differences which had so long subsisted95 between Great Britain and America, and praying a speedy alteration96 of the same."
A long debate ensued; after which the House divided on Mr. Fox's amendment, which was lost by a majority of 304 to 105. Lord North's motion was then adopted by a majority of 296 to 106.
Thus was war virtually proclaimed by the British Ministry of the day and the Parliament (not by the people) of Great Britain against the colonies.
On the 6th of February the report of Lord North's address was made to the House, when Lord John Cavendish moved to recommit the proposed address agreed to in the Committee. He strongly recommended the reconsideration of a measure which he deemed fraught97 with much mischief98. He commented on the proposed address; thought it improper99 to assert that rebellion exists; mentioned the insecurity created by the Act changing the Government of Massachusetts Bay; said the inhabitants knew not for a moment under what Government they lived.
A long discussion ensued. On the side of absolute prerogative82, and of subduing100 the colonies to it by military force, spoke101 Mr. Grenville, Captain Harvey, Sir William Mayne, Mr. Stanley, Mr. Adam, Mr. Scott, the Solicitor-General (Wedderburn, who grossly insulted Dr. Franklin before the Privy102 Council), Mr. Mackworth, and Mr. Sawbridge. For the recommitting the address, and in favour of a conciliatory policy towards the colonies, spoke, besides Lord John Cavendish, the mover, Mr. Lumley, the Lord Mayor of London, Rt. Hon. T. Townshend, Mr. Jolyffe, Lord Truham, Governor Johnstone, Mr. Burke, and Colonel Barré.
[Pg 431]
A conference was held between the Lords and Commons, and the address was made the joint103 address of both Houses of Parliament and presented to the King the 9th of February; to which the King replied as follows:
"My Lords and Gentlemen,—I thank you for this very dutiful address, and for the affectionate and solemn assurances you give me of your support in maintaining the just rights of my crown and of the two Houses of Parliament; and you may depend on my taking the most speedy and effectual measures for enforcing due obedience to the laws and authority of the Supreme Legislature. When any of my colonies shall make a proper and dutiful application, I shall be ready to concur104 with you in affording them every just and reasonable indulgence; and it is my ardent105 wish that this disposition51 on our part may have a happy effect on the temper and conduct of my subjects in America."
The "disposition" of "indulgence," shown by Parliament was simply the enforcement of its declaratory Act of absolute power to bind106 the colonies in all cases whatsoever107, and "the proper and dutiful application of any colony" was simply a renunciation of all they had claimed as their constitutional rights—a penitent108 prayer of forgiveness for having avowed109 and maintained those rights, and of submitting all their rights and interests to the absolute and merciful consideration of the King and his Parliament, and that in the presence of the parliamentary enactments110 and royal institutions of the previous ten years. During those years, the Parliament, with royal consent, had passed acts to tax the colonies without representation, ignoring their own representative Legislatures; had imposed duties on goods imported to be enforced by Courts which deprived the colonists of the privilege of trial by jury; had made by Act of Parliament, without trial, the city of Boston not only responsible for tea destroyed by seventeen individuals, but blocked up its port not only until the money was paid, but until the city authorities should give guarantee satisfactory to the King that the tea and other revenue Acts should be enforced—a proceeding5 unprecedented111 and unparalleled in the annals of British history. Even in more arbitrary times, when the cities of London, Glasgow, and Edinburgh were made responsible for property lawlessly destroyed within their limit, it was only[Pg 432] until after trial in each case, in which those cities had an opportunity of defence, and in neither case was the trade of the city prohibited and destroyed. But the British Ministry and Parliament proceeded still further by superseding112 the most essential provisions of the Charter of the Province of Massachusetts, and changing its whole constitution of government—a high-handed act of arbitrary government which had not been attempted by either Charles the First or Charles the Second in regard to the same colony; for when charges were brought, in 1632, against the Massachusetts authorities, for having violated the Charter, Charles the First appointed a commission, gave the accused a trial, which resulted in their acquittal and promised support by the King; and when they were accused again in 1634, the King did not forthwith cancel their Charter, but issued a second commission, which, however, never reported, in consequence of the commencement of the civil war in England, which resulted in the death of the King. Then, in the restoration, when charges were preferred, by parties without as well as within the province, against the Government of Massachusetts, King Charles the Second appointed a commission to examine into the complaints, and at length tested their acts by trial in the highest courts of law, and by whose decision their first Charter was cancelled for repeated and even habitual113 violations114 of it. But without a trial, or even commission of inquiry115, the King and Parliament changed the constitution of the province as well as extinguished the trade of its metropolis116.
FOOTNOTES:
[354] When the words of Lord Chatham were reported to the King, his Majesty was "stung to the heart," and was greatly enraged117, denouncing Lord Chatham as an "abandoned politician," "the trumpet118 of sedition," and classified him with Temple and Grenville as "void of gratitude." The King repelled119 and hated every statesman who advised him to conciliate the colonists by recognising them as having the rights of British subjects. He was the prompter of the most violent measures against them, and seemed to think that their only rights and duties were to obey whatever he might command and the Parliament declare.
[355] Dr. Franklin had been Postmaster-General for America. When he assumed the office the expenditure120 exceeded the receipts by ￡3,000 a year; under his administration the receipts gradually increased so as to become a source of revenue. The day after his advocacy of the American petitions before the Privy Council, he was dismissed from office. Referring to the manner in which American petitions and their agents were treated by the British Government, Dr. Franklin expressed himself as follows, in a letter to the Hon. Thomas Cushing, Speaker of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts:
"When I see that all petitions and complaints of grievances are so odious121 to Government that even the mere122 pipe which conveys them becomes obnoxious123, I am at a loss to know how peace and union is to be maintained or restored between the different parts of the empire. Grievances cannot be redressed124 unless they are known; and they cannot be known but through complaints and petitions. If these are deemed affronts125, and the messengers punished as offenders126, who will henceforth send petitions? and who will deliver them? It has been thought a dangerous thing in any State to stop up the vent21 of griefs. Wise governments have therefore generally received petitions with some indulgence even when but slightly founded. Those who think themselves injured by their rulers are sometimes, by a mild and prudent127 answer, convinced of their error. But where complaining is a crime, hope becomes despair." (Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society.)
(Yet the Government of Massachusetts, under the first Charter, pronounced petitions a crime, and punished as criminals those who petitioned against the governmental acts which denied them the right of worship or elective franchise128 because they were non-Congregationalists.)
[356] Parliamentary Register for 1775, p. 134.
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1
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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abetted
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| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
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lauded
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| v.称赞，赞美( laud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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caressed
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| 爱抚或抚摸…( caress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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ferments
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| n.酵素( ferment的名词复数 )；激动；骚动；动荡v.（使）发酵( ferment的第三人称单数 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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gage
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| n.标准尺寸，规格；量规，量表 [=gauge] | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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thraldom
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| n.奴隶的身份，奴役，束缚 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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retract
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| vt.缩回，撤回收回，取消 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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49
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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50
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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51
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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52
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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53
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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54
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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55
whining
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| n. 抱怨，牢骚 v. 哭诉，发牢骚 | |
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56
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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57
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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58
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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59
immutable
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| adj.不可改变的，永恒的 | |
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60
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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61
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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62
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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63
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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64
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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65
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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66
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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67
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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68
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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69
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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71
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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72
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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73
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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74
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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75
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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76
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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77
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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78
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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79
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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80
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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81
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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82
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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83
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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84
canvassed
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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85
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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86
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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88
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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90
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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deploring
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的现在分词 ) | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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100
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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101
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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102
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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103
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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104
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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105
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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106
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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107
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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108
penitent
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| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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109
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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110
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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111
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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112
superseding
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| 取代，接替( supersede的现在分词 ) | |
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113
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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114
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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115
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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116
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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117
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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118
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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119
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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120
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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121
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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122
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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123
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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124
redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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125
affronts
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| n.（当众）侮辱，（故意）冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 )；相遇 | |
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126
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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127
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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128
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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