Perfecting himself in political intrigue1 and in vituperative2 debating, also in caustic3 letter-writing; all is necessary grist for the Bismarck mill.
We come now to the year 1851.
The entrance of Emperor Francis Joseph, at this time, on the politico-military stage of Austria was followed by still another era of political reaction; the Liberal Austrian constitution, wrested4 during the riots, was revoked5; as were also those Democratic constitutions pledged for almost every German state.
The Germanic Confederation, with political legitimacy6 vested in the curious Frankfort Parliament, again took the field. It was an Austrian plan to get the advantage of Prussia.
“If I do not do well, you can recall me,” Bismarck told William. The King decided7 in his extremity8 to hazard the appointment of the unknown Bismarck, as Prussian delegate to Frankfort. William remembered those bold “White Saloon” speeches.
Now get this straight: Bismarck was a land-owner of ancient days; estates won by the sword had been in the Bismarck family for 600 years; nay9, the Bismarcks traced their knighthood to the far-distant year 1200. The force of this appeal in the blood was at once profound and irresistible10.
Bismarck to the day he died was always an Alt Mark vassal11 to his liege lord and master, the Margrave of Brandenburg, the King of Prussia. So much is clear.[136]
Bismarck was also much more than this. We repeat, he was a leader of men. The King of Prussia could command old families in scores if not in hundreds, to support the Ancient Regime, socially and politically, but where find that rare man, a born leader for the cause?
Duty and self-interest prompted Bismarck to hold up the royal hand, but after all is said, the vital force of Bismarck’s endorsement13 was found in the man’s genius for leadership. It was not so much the cause as it was the man. For had Bismarck gone over to the other side the history of Germany would have been vastly different.
This Frankfort parliament, a hydra-headed political creation dedicated14 to liberty, was in secret doing the purposes of Austrian plutocracy15 and reaction; it was to be the last stand of the Old Regime, against Democracy.
But it was necessary to move with cautious foot. The sappers were at work under the thrones, and at any instant the mines might be touched off.
Bismarck thus, quite by accident, finds himself the representative of William IV, in Frankfort Diet or Bundestag, the political Punch and Judy show originally set up by Metternich, in 1815, to rule the quarreling thirty-nine German states. Their intense individualism was such that Metternich, who dominated at the Congress of Vienna, after the downfall of Napoleon, did not know what was best.
All other parts of Europe, and even the islands of the seas had been reassigned, but no human being could tell what to do with the turbulent thirty-nine German states.
“Here, then, was a mysterious ‘Court of Chance,’ where things dragged on for years, a political circumlocution16 office, hopelessly bound by its own interminable seals, parchments and red tape.”
The secret object was to do nothing that would not favor Austria; with the idea that, in the end, the devious17 course of politics would bring Austria final control of the German lands, everywhere.
It was in this absurd Parliament that Bismarck was to perfect himself in political intrigue. Frankfort made no[137] organic laws; these were mysteriously settled at Vienna; the meetings of the Diet were held in secret; at best, the voting was along lines that gave to Austria and not to Prussia the deciding voice.
It did not take Bismarck long to find that at Frankfort the King of Prussia was but a cipher18. Furthermore, what raised Bismarck’s ire was the impotence of the Parliament. Frankfort had been unable to put down the blood-letting of ’48, and Bismarck detested19 weakness of any kind, mental, physical or spiritual.
He was, and always remained, a profound extremist; but his position was tempered by massive common sense.
The world dearly loves a flunkey—and flunkeyism was universal at Frankfort.
The many members fluttered about in gay military dress, wore stars of sham20 authority, gold crosses, medals dangling21 from bright ribbons.
Names prefixed by count, duke, margrave—crests on the coach door and Latin mottoes—hyphenated family names, indicated all manner of political marriages de convenience. Bestarred gentlemen, one and all, if you please!
Bismarck wrote home soon enough, for he was choking with anger, not on account of the aristocratic airs of Frankfort (for Bismarck dearly loved a title), but choking with anger because his beloved King of Prussia was a Nobody in this crazy Parliament. “I find them a drowsy22, insipid23 set of creatures, only endurable when I appear among them as so much pepper,” are his sarcastic24 words.
Had Bismarck not been a diplomat25, he might have made his mark as a radical26 writer. His letters very often show almost anarchistic27 dissent28. At vulgar characterization, no man could outsnarl Bismarck.
Also this Pomeranian giant’s correspondence at times fairly stinks29 with frightful30 smells. When in these black moods, he released nasty fumes31 around the heads of rivals.
We are surprised, likewise, to find growing in the mire32 of[138] his thoughts, here and there, violets worthy33 of the poet Freiligrath. The man’s power to be poetical34 or insulting, as he willed, is indeed as strange as it is rare.
Bismarck’s pen pictures of fellow ambassadors—how they flirted35, danced, drank to excess, their maudlin36 ideas of government, although regarding themselves as veritable political seers—show the powerful satirical and analytical37 side of Bismarck’s brain.
And although Bismarck mocked with sardonic38 immensity his colleagues, yet with an under-play worthy of the Devil, our Otto proceeded to make these owlish and absurd gentlemen puppets in the hands of Prussia.
Alas39, time does not permit us to set forth40 the charming letters Bismarck writes home. There is that moonlight swim in the Danube; the interview with Metternich, the old war-horse of kings; the gypsy ball and the weird41 fiddling42 gypsies; his visits to robber-infested parts of Hungary, making the trip in part in a peasant’s cart, “loaded pistols in the straw at our feet, and near by a company of lanciers carrying cocked carbines, against the imminent43 visits of robber bands.”
He describes how he visited Ostend, going sea-bathing at that famous resort; rambling44 on through Holland, smoking a long clay pipe; then on to Sweden for the shooting; next to Russia for wild boars.
His letters often have a lyrical quality, telling of waterfalls of the Pyrenees, the fascinating fairyland of Mendelssohn, dark-eyed Spanish beauties, open-air concerts, London garroters, old musty houses with peculiar45 smells, or what you will. Bismarck dwells often on eating and drinking; and in one letter from Paris speaks of a dinner at which he drank St. Julien, Lafitte Branne, Mouton, Pichon, Larose, Latour, Margaux, and Arneillac!
These, and hundreds of other letters comprise charming interludes between black moods of political intrigue, wherein he used his vitriolic46 pen to lampoon47 his beribboned, bejeweled farce-comedy fellow-ambassadors.
“Germany is tied together with red tape,” writes Bismarck at this stage of his political apprenticeship48, at Frankfort; and he hit the nail on the head.[139]
Promise yourself a delightful49 month reading Bismarck’s four octavo volumes telling of his change of heart toward Austria, as shown little by little in Frankfort dispatches, documents and proceedings50, interspersed51 with satirical stories in Bismarck’s extremely individualistic style. Throughout, you receive glimpses of the man’s great mind. No less an authority than the Herr Prof. von Sybel tells us of these Bismarck writings, bearing on the formation of the German Empire: “They possess a classic worth, unsurpassed by the best German prose writers of any age.”
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Applying Socratic methods to game of politics; Bismarck’s bold and masterful preparations for German unity52.
Now then, during these years 1851-’61, Bismarck was doing two things: Perfecting himself in the dastardly art of political intrigue; likewise, he was going about like a modern Socrates, talking with men of high or low degree everywhere; studying what might be called the human nature side of the German problem of unity and nationality; studying it, not in an aimless way, but to mould men to his own gigantic political ends, when the right time arrived.
Thus, with the stiff wind of adverse53 political affairs straight in his teeth, remember that Bismarck’s great strength was always his knowledge of men.
During the years of which we now write he made it his business to visit the various petty German courts, to gaze on princelings who would be kings; busied himself with court gossip till he found out the inner political jealousies54.
Thus fortified55, Bismarck knew the one man or woman to touch in the various parts of Germany, to help along Prussian ambition—when the supreme56 moment to strike had come at last.
This supreme moment he awaited with diabolical57 patience through the slow-going years.
No human being could hasten or retard58 Bismarck’s ultimate victory; for he remained the one truly masterful man in Europe.[140]
He sat at gambling59 tables, he wheedled60 secrets from the prostitutes of princes; he stood by and egged on human dog-fights; he took part in church-rows about doctrines61; he had inside glimpses of the venality62 of Austrian kept-press-writers, “the scum of the earth,” he calls them, “who sell opinions as the petty merchant sells butter and eggs.” Bismarck seemed to be the only man in Europe who really was able to grasp the solution of the German problem.
Also, the granite63 soil of his heart is shown again and again. What a hater he was!
For example, refusing to go to Mass for the repose64 of Schwarzenberg’s soul, Bismarck gave the reason: “He is the man who said: ‘I will abuse Prussia and then abolish her.’”
You see, our Otto is one of those uncomfortable Germans who in his own amazing personality expresses the National ideal of earnestness; Otto is frightfully in earnest in his cups, or over his half dozen eggs for breakfast—as you please. He frightens timid souls.
His temper few men could curb65, much less sit calmly by and receive without retiring in bad order. Incident after incident at Frankfort might be cited, but what is the use?
With fiendish earnestness Bismarck plotted to break the bones of two democratic editors whose writings threw the Prussian mastiff into periodical black rages. Bismarck justified66 his cruelty by insisting that “bounds must be set for these infamous67 press scribblings.” He means that attacks on the Divine-right of kings must at all hazards be choked off. He always hated journalists, called the press “a poisoned well,” and as for himself he is on record to this effect: “I always approached the ink-bottle with great caution.”
But mark this well: Our Otto, in his turn, craftily68 used the press to present the smooth side of his own political intriguing69; indeed he had his very valuable Prussian press bureau; and we have authority for the statement that the Bismarckian idea of journalism70 was to have “hireling scribes well in hand, men who stabbed like masked assassins and mined like mobs.”
During the decade we call Bismarck’s apprenticeship, 1851-’61,[141] he was thus engaged: 1851, envoy71 at Frankfort Diet; 1852, Prussian ambassador at Vienna, during the illness of Count Arnim; St. Petersburg, 1859; Paris, 1862.
Thus, he had an opportunity to get acquainted with all the leading diplomatists on the European chessboard, to study them in their own haunts, and to perfect himself in playing with pitch without blackening his hands.
Bismarck told Francis Joseph, “I am firm to put an end to the attacks on Prussia in the Austrian press!”
This boldness won the Emperor, and in confidence he remarked to a friend: “Ah, that I had a man of Bismarck’s audacity72.”
Also, he told Joseph, “Prussia will never yield in the matter of the commercial union, with Austria.”
The Emperor remarked on Bismarck’s youth—37 years—and was much impressed. “Bismarck had the wisdom of a man of 70!” was Joseph’s comment.
You begin to get a clearer idea of what this thing called patriotism73 meansNay, do not scoff75 at our Otto; he is only carrying on the old, old game called reaching out after place and power; is doing exactly what you would do yourself, if you had the will to rise to the mountain-tops where live the Bismarcks and the C?sars.
Mask after mask Bismarck used to cover his real intent, from 1847 to 1870, the long years he was scheming to establish a German Empire; and he did his work well; more than that cannot be said of any man. Therefore, his fame is secure in the Valhalla of Mankind.
Here is an amusing bit, showing the craft and cunning of our master: When Napoleon the Little, through his coup76 d’etat made himself Emperor of France, December 2, 1851, and while Frankfort’s Parliament was trying to decide “what” to say about it, officially, a French journal in Frankfort printed an enthusiastic endorsement of the new Emperor.
Bismarck suspected that it came straight from Prussia’s hated rival. Seeking out the proprietor77 of the newspaper[142] Bismarck congratulated him “on close relations with Napoleon.” The owner, taken off his guard, replied: “You are wrong; it came from Vienna!” This was exactly what Bismarck wished to ascertain78, and his suspicions were verified.
To make assurance doubly sure, Bismarck leaving the journalist, did a little detective work. In the garden, from a secret place, he could see the French minister’s house. In half an hour, he spied the journalist ringing the French minister’s doorbell.
“Ah, ha!” was Bismarck’s comment.
What did this giant not do to help his beloved Prussia, and to humiliate79 his detested Austria?
One day, he found a fiery80 anti-Prussian review in an Austrian member’s desk. He thought nothing of ransacking81 a desk. Richelieu had a system of espionage82 unrivaled in history. Bismarck in this respect is the Cardinal’s close second. Each man regarded himself as a patriot74. Bismarck was obstinately83 loyal to Prussia. Her aggrandizement85 became henceforth his life’s passion. Nay, Bismarck did not ask that the member be dismissed! That would be punishment too coarse. Instead, Bismarck decided that the best revenge would be to print the address piecemeal86 and thus keep the member in suspense;—something like twisting the cords a little each day till the victim meets strangulation in frightful form.
During the eight years that Bismarck was a member of the freakish Frankfort Diet set up by Austria to “rule” the quarreling thirty-nine German states, Bismarck, the Prussian giant, came to see the necessity of controlling the press.
Frankfort stupidities decided Bismarck to appeal directly to the common people (whom also he politically despised!) and hence we find that he now meets Austria’s hired journalists by urging the utmost press-freedom. “In this,” says Lowe, “Bismarck was an opportunist,” as he often was. “I learned something,” he used to say when his enemies accused him of shifting ground.
Bismarck now demanded “open discussion” of German policies; saw that hired press agents vigorously set forth the[143] Prussian side. In this connection it is interesting to draw a parallel between Bismarck’s ideas of journalism, in 1852, and the American conception (1915).
“In the press, truth will not come to light through the mists conjured87 into life by the mendacity of subsidized newspapers, until the material wherewith to oppose all the mysteries of the Bund (Frankfort) shall be supplied to the Prussian press, with unrestricted liberty to use it.”
This idea is precisely88 what extremists like Roosevelt set up (1915), battling against “trusts,” endeavoring to make them audit89 their books on the curbstone! So, what is new under the sun?
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Ox-like patience of Prussian peasantry sorely tried—The incessant90 call for the strong man to end political miseries91.
As the result of all this deep study, Bismarck came to the conclusion that Prussia in the great moral idea of a United Germany could win, only by fighting Austria. We might as well get at the core of this thing, in short order. The complications are amazing; but the more we probe into Bismarck’s gigantic problem, the larger grows the stature92 of our modern German giant.
From this time till the hour of his death, many years later, Bismarck remains93 the one great central will power of Germany, the source of political legitimacy, dealing94 out with his brawny95 hands favors where they would do the most good, setting men up or casting them down; and in the end, through a series of profound political combinations the inner currents of which to this hour no human being has been able to chart and classify, our strong man at last is to set up his United Germany, placing the imperial crown on William’s head in the palace of the French kings, at Versailles.
Oh, how unforgivable all this is to the French. Not only that defeat should come in ’70, but that the palace of the Bourbons, costing some $200,000,000, should be used in solemn mockery by the super-man Bismarck, as the stage-setting[144] whereby to complete the imperial German holiday! Centuries must pass before this, the profound mortification96 to French feelings, is forgotten. That is to say, the worst thing you can do to a man is to hurt his pride. Had the German Empire come to pass without wounding French pride (not to add the French pocketbook) the French would long since have gone on their way in peace, rejoicing in German prosperity. Why notThe French are Christians98, not the slightest doubt of that; and as Christians do not envy the German ox, ass12 or maid-servant. Indeed, that is as it should be in a Christian97 world.
At home, up in Prussia, Bismarck’s sullen99 glances surveyed Europe afar, and in the ’50’s, of which we are writing, this is his problem:
He sees Germany still a mere100 crazy-quilt of clashing states. There are warring ecclesiastical barons101, free cities, petty princelings; Catholic Bavaria against Protestant Prussia; nobles against the people; the people against themselves, divided by God knows what controversies102, sane103 or insane; poets writing their hymns104 of liberty then dying unheroically by a brickbat flung wildly in some street brawl105; jurists trying to hammer together some constitution that will not be blown to pieces by the first explosion of gunpowder;—and all failing! With pugnacious106 Prussia on the North, with rapacious107 Austria on the South, with insolent108 Bavaria hanging off on the Southwest, and the others fighting tooth and nail for the land, that will eventually fall to the strongest—the German problem became an exhibition over many years of the noblest, likewise of the darkest, passions of the human breast.
Three dreadful wars were to be fought, 80,000 lives were to be sacrificed, during twenty years of turbulence109; and in the blood-drenched interim110 various monarchs111 are to make a plaything of the thirty-nine disunited German states.
But the thing had to be gone through with. The historical evolution could not be hastened, although it was often set back. Sick Germany had many a hideous112 nightmare before the fever passed.
Convention after convention, diet after diet, contending monarchs[145] using any plea that will give the upper hand to Prussia or to Austria, or over princes and whimsical knights113, from the one who holds his sovereignty because his ancestor had been a king’s barber, to another who in a lucky moment had found the queen’s lace handkerchief, and after that lived like a parasite114 on the land;—all these high contracting parties must be sent to the dump heap and the soil sprinkled with precious German brothers’ blood, mingling115 freely with vile116 blood, before the new political crop can grow.
Between 1750 and 1870 the German problem had been settled over and over again, but was not finally settled till by Bismarck’s blood and iron. This means in Frederick the Great’s own obstinate84 way!
We have heard from political fanatics117, poets, lawyers, kings, thieves, church-people; all manner of men and not a few women have babbled118 and cackled; and there has been blood-letting, generation after generation, all up and down the Rhine, the Main, the Spree and the Elbe; then there would follow a lull120 brought about by some great Charter of Liberty framed by the Liberals, at their latest conference; and when it all went up in smoke, we would hear again that the Prussian government had its own plan, which, quite naturally Austria would never consent to advance.
Indeed, the ox-like patience of the German people, with their great moral dream of “German National faith,” was strongly tried.
It remained for the obstinate spirit of Frederick, through Bismarck, to find the only way, by blood and iron. Sentimentalists should not shed tears. It is no less an authority than Marshal Davout, the great French soldier who had for his watchword, “The world belongs to the obstinate.”
Was not the Great Frederick, in his youth, an idealist, and did he not write a touching121 essay on the evils of absolutismBut he ended by embracing the tyranny of kings—even as you and I, if we have the power.
At the very outset, then, let it be made clear that it is short-sighted to call Bismarck Prussian tyrant122. What would[146] you, pleaseCakes for the child, when the child criesThat has often been tried, and always in vain.
Next time, the child wants two cakes instead of one. It will not do.
Frederick was dubbed123 the “last of the tyrants124.” We are sorry if this were true.
Tyrants are exceedingly useful. Nay, we are glad to report that Frederick is not the last.
They still exist in every family, village, city, state, and nation.
For the most part, they exercise their tyranny in petty exactions, with no big plan such as distinguishes the dominating man from the little fellow with the mean temper and his childish ambition to rule, let us say, his dog or his wife.
There is something pathetic in the incessant call this earth has for a strong man. It was so in Germany, and Bismarck was that man.
C?sar was assassinated125 because he was said to be a tyrant, yet after his death for 400 years Rome sought in vain for a man strong enough to hold the Empire from going to pieces.
Is there not something puzzling in the devotion of a people to their amiable126 oppressorThey may rebel against absolutism, as Bavarian hates Prussian, but if the political despot is strong enough to win against foreign foes127, as Bismarck did at Koeniggraetz, Sedan and Gravelotte, the people kiss the hand that smites128. What greater tests of loyalty129 do you ask of human nature?
Before 1866, he was without doubt the “best-hated” man in Europe, lampooned130, ridiculed131, even the victim of attempted assassinations132.
At Frankfort mothers sang their children to sleep by the following ditty:
Sleep, darling, sleep, Be always gentle and good, Or Vogel von Falkenstein will come And carry you away in a sack; Bismarck too will come after him, And he eats up little children. [147]
Yet within a few years, in his character as Prussian Prime Minister, who against the will of the people achieved the greatness of Prussia, and thereby133 made possible United Germany, no adulation was too great for our self-same Bismarck, formerly134 sneered135 at, despised, vilified136, and stoned.
So much for the value of public opinion. What then does it all mean?
Bismarck made his 30-years’ battle against the people and won; and the people, strange to say, turned a mental somersault and now saw no inconsistency in cheering Bismarck, as liberator137.
How strange this sounds!
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Here is the Man of the Hour, depicted138 in all his naked realism.
This amazing German problem called for a wise despot, to confront and overawe weak men, gathered in German parliaments in which there were worlds of cackling, but no wisdom.
The curse of Germany had been too much speechmaking, too much poetry, too much dreaming. The babble119 went on from 1815 to 1866, at least—fifty years!
The times called for a hard-headed, dogmatic, tyrannical man with a plan large enough to subdue139 the thirty-nine warring parts, and weld the whole into a mighty140 Empire.
This meant a tyrant of the massive Frederick the Great type. It called for a man erect141 and proud, keen of speech, with absolute self-confidence, who in a pinch was master at underhand dealing, and who could deliberately142 use harshness and malice143.
The man had to understand the delicate art of flattery, and at other times be blustering144 and outspoken145.
The roar of cannon146 should make him as cold as ice, but underneath147 his frozen exterior148 he should have a fiery nature, full of craft and guile149, like a Gascon.
He should have a torrent150 of cutting words, his eyes should flash and his blood should boil, yet he should be able to wage[148] a secret war, masked under compliments, or draw his dagger151 and strike for the heart.
He should have thousands of enemies and prevail over them all.
He should have boundless152 ambition; action should be the zest153 of his life, and at crucial times he should display an uncontrollable temper.
He should seek the path of glory; a man of fiery enthusiasm, who never forgives an enemy; has fits of rage; is jealous; a great swordsman, fights duels154; a master horseman, able to ride day and night without fatigue155.
He should be at once cautious and headlong, realizing that in the end it is the bold play that wins. He should be able to live down public utterances156 that would cause other men years of disgrace. He should be able to quell157 a mutiny, check a mob or stamp out a rebellion. And, above all, whether admired or detested, he should justify158 his career by succeeding in what he started to do.
In other words, he must be Bismarck, the greatest empire-builder since C?sar’s day—yes, not even barring Napoleon, for Napoleon’s empire crumbled159 to dust, yet Bismarck’s, fresh with youth, still lives on!
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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vituperative
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| adj.谩骂的；斥责的 | |
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caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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plutocracy
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| n.富豪统治 | |
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circumlocution
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| n. 绕圈子的话，迂回累赘的陈述 | |
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devious
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cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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dangling
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| 悬吊着( dangle的现在分词 )； 摆动不定； 用某事物诱惑…； 吊胃口 | |
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drowsy
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| adj.昏昏欲睡的，令人发困的 | |
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insipid
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| adj.无味的，枯燥乏味的，单调的 | |
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sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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radical
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anarchistic
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| 无政府主义的 | |
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28
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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29
stinks
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| v.散发出恶臭( stink的第三人称单数 )；发臭味；名声臭；糟透 | |
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30
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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31
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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32
mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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33
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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34
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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35
flirted
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| v.调情，打情骂俏( flirt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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36
maudlin
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| adj.感情脆弱的，爱哭的 | |
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37
analytical
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| adj.分析的；用分析法的 | |
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38
sardonic
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| adj.嘲笑的，冷笑的，讥讽的 | |
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39
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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40
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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41
weird
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| adj.古怪的，离奇的；怪诞的，神秘而可怕的 | |
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42
fiddling
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| 微小的 | |
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43
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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44
rambling
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| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
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45
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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46
vitriolic
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| adj.硫酸的，尖刻的 | |
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47
lampoon
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| n.讽刺文章；v.讽刺 | |
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48
apprenticeship
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| n.学徒身份；学徒期 | |
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49
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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50
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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51
interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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52
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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53
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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54
jealousies
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|
| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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55
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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56
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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57
diabolical
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|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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58
retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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59
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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60
wheedled
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| v.骗取（某物），哄骗（某人干某事）( wheedle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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62
venality
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| n.贪赃枉法，腐败 | |
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63
granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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64
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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65
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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66
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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67
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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68
craftily
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| 狡猾地，狡诈地 | |
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69
intriguing
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|
| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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70
journalism
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| n.新闻工作，报业 | |
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71
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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72
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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73
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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74
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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75
scoff
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|
| n.嘲笑，笑柄，愚弄；v.嘲笑，嘲弄，愚弄，狼吞虎咽 | |
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76
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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77
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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78
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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79
humiliate
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| v.使羞辱，使丢脸[同]disgrace | |
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80
fiery
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|
| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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81
ransacking
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的现在分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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82
espionage
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| n.间谍行为，谍报活动 | |
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83
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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84
obstinate
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|
| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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85
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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86
piecemeal
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|
| adj.零碎的；n.片，块；adv.逐渐地；v.弄成碎块 | |
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87
conjured
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|
| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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88
precisely
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|
| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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89
audit
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| v.审计；查帐；核对；旁听 | |
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90
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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91
miseries
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|
| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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92
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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93
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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94
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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95
brawny
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| adj.强壮的 | |
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96
mortification
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|
| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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97
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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98
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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99
sullen
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|
| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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100
mere
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|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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101
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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102
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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103
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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104
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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105
brawl
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| n.大声争吵，喧嚷；v.吵架，对骂 | |
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106
pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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107
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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108
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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109
turbulence
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| n.喧嚣，狂暴，骚乱，湍流 | |
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110
interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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111
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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112
hideous
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|
| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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113
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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114
parasite
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| n.寄生虫；寄生菌；食客 | |
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115
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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116
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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117
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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118
babbled
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|
| v.喋喋不休( babble的过去式和过去分词 )；作潺潺声（如流水）；含糊不清地说话；泄漏秘密 | |
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119
babble
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| v.含糊不清地说，胡言乱语地说，儿语 | |
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120
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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121
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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122
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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123
dubbed
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| v.给…起绰号( dub的过去式和过去分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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124
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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125
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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126
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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127
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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128
smites
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的第三人称单数 ) | |
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129
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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130
lampooned
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| v.冷嘲热讽，奚落( lampoon的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
assassinations
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| n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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133
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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134
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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135
sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
vilified
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| v.中伤，诽谤( vilify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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138
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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139
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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140
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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141
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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142
deliberately
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|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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143
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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144
blustering
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| adj.狂风大作的，狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 )；咆哮；（风）呼啸；狂吹 | |
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145
outspoken
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|
| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
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146
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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147
underneath
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|
| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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148
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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149
guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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150
torrent
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|
| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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151
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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152
boundless
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|
| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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153
zest
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| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
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154
duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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155
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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156
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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157
quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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158
justify
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|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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159
crumbled
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| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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