The destruction of the Armenian race in 1915 involved certain difficulties that had not impeded1 the operations of the Turks in the massacres2 of 1895 and other years. In these earlier periods the Armenian men had possessed4 little power or means of resistance. In those days Armenians had not been permitted to have military training, to serve in the Turkish Army, or to possess arms. As I have already said, these discriminations were withdrawn5 when the revolutionists obtained the upper hand in 1908. Not only were the Christians6 now permitted to bear arms, but the authorities, in the full flush of their enthusiasm for freedom and equality, encouraged them to do so. In the early part of 1915, therefore, every Turkish city contained thousands of Armenians who had been trained as soldiers and who were supplied with rifles, pistols, and other weapons of defence.
The operations at Van disclosed that these men could use their munitions8 to good advantage. A similar “rebellion” at Zeitoun also proved that these despised merchants and traders of the Empire possessed energetic fighting power. It was thus apparent that an Armenian massacre3 this time would generally assume more the character of warfare9 than those wholesale10 butcheries of defenceless men and women which the Turks had always found so congenial. If this plan of murdering a race was to succeed, two preliminary steps would therefore have to be taken: it would be necessary to render all Armenian soldiers powerless and to deprive of their arms the Armenians in every city and town. Before Armenia could be slaughtered12, Armenia must be made defenceless.
In the early part of 1915 the Armenian soldiers in the Turkish Army were reduced to a new status. Up to that time most of them had been combatants, but now they were all stripped of their arms and transformed into workmen. Instead of serving their countrymen as artillerymen and cavalrymen, these former soldiers now discovered that they had been transformed into road labourers and pack animals. Army supplies of all kinds were loaded on their backs, and stumbling under the burdens,{199} and driven by the whips and bayonets of the Turks, they were forced to drag their weary bodies into the mountains of the Caucasus. Sometimes they would have to plough their way, burdened in this fashion, almost waist-high through snow. They had to spend practically all their time in the open, sleeping on the bare ground—whenever the ceaseless prodding13 of their taskmasters gave them an occasional opportunity to sleep. They were given only scraps14 of food; if they fell sick they were left where they had dropped, their Turkish oppressors perhaps stopping long enough to rob them of all their possessions—even of their clothes. If any stragglers succeeded in reaching their destinations they were not infrequently massacred. In many instances Armenian soldiers were disposed of in even more summary fashion, for it now became almost the general practice to shoot them in cold blood. In almost all cases the procedure was the same. Here and there squads15 of fifty or a hundred men would be taken, bound together in groups of four, and then marched out to a secluded16 spot a short distance from the village. Suddenly the sound of rifle-shots would fill the air, and the Turkish soldiers who had acted as the escort would sullenly17 return to camp. Those sent to bury the bodies would find them almost invariably stark18 naked, for, as usual, the Turks had stolen all their clothes. In cases that came to my attention, the murderers had added a refinement19 to their victims’ sufferings by compelling them to dig their graves before being shot.
Let me relate a single episode which is contained in one of the reports of our Consuls20 and which now forms part of the records of the American State department. Early in July 2,000 Armenian “amélés”—such is the Turkish word for soldiers who have been reduced to workmen—were sent from Harpoot to build roads. The Armenians in that town understood what this meant and pleaded with the Governor for mercy. But this official insisted that the men were not to be harmed, and he even called upon the German missionary22, Mr. Ehemann, to quiet the panic, giving that gentleman his word of honour that the ex-soldiers would be protected. Mr. Ehemann believed the Governor and assuaged23 the popular fear. Yet practically every man of these 2,000 was massacred, and his body thrown into a cave. A few escaped, and it was from these that news of the massacre reached the world. A few days afterward24 another 2,000 soldiers were sent to Diarbekir. The only purpose of sending these men out in the open country was that they might be massacred.
In order that they might have no strength to resist{200} and to escape by flight, these poor creatures were systematically25 starved. Government agents went ahead on the road, notifying the Kurds that the caravan27 was approaching and ordering them to do their congenial duty. Not only did the Kurdish tribesmen pour down from the mountains upon this starved and weakened regiment28, but the Kurdish women came with butchers’ knives in order that they might gain that merit in Allah’s eyes that comes from killing29 a Christian7. These massacres were not isolated30 happenings; I could detail many more episodes just as horrible as the one related above. Throughout the Turkish Empire a systematic26 attempt was made to kill all able-bodied men, not only for the purpose of removing all males who might propagate a new generation of Armenians, but for the purpose of rendering31 the weaker part of the population an easy prey32.
Dreadful as were these massacres of unarmed soldiers, they were mercy and justice themselves when compared with the treatment which was now visited upon those Armenians who were suspected of concealing34 arms. Naturally, the Christians became alarmed when placards were posted in the villages and cities ordering them to bring all their arms to headquarters. Since this order applied35 only to Christians, the Armenians well understood what the result would be should they be left defenceless while their Moslem36 neighbours were permitted to retain their arms. In many cases, however, the persecuted37 people patiently obeyed the command, and then the Turkish officials almost joyfully38 seized their rifles as evidence that a “revolution” was being planned, and threw their victims into prison on a charge of treason. Thousands failed to deliver arms simply because they had none to deliver, while an even greater number tenaciously39 refused to give them up, not because they were plotting an uprising, but because they proposed to defend their own lives and their women’s honour against the outrages41 which they knew were being planned.
The punishment inflicted42 upon these recalcitrants forms one of the most hideous43 chapters of modern history. Most of us believe that torture has long ceased to be an administrative44 and judicial45 measure, yet I do not believe that the darkest ages ever presented scenes more horrible than those which now took place all over Turkey. Nothing was sacred to the Turkish gendarmes46; under the plea of searching for hidden arms they ransacked47 churches, treated the altars and sacred utensils48 with the utmost indignities49, and even held mock ceremonies in imitation of the Christian sacraments. They would{201} beat the priests into insensibility, under the pretence50 that they were the centres of sedition51. When they could discover no munitions in the churches, they would sometimes arm the bishops52 and priests with guns, pistols, and swords, then try them before court-martials for possessing weapons against the law, and march them in this condition through the streets, merely to arouse the fanatical wrath53 of the mobs. The gendarmes treated women with the same cruelty and indecency as their husbands. There are cases on record in which women accused of concealing weapons were stripped naked and whipped with branches freshly cut from trees, and these beatings were even inflicted on women who were with child. Violations54 so commonly accompanied these searches that Armenian women and girls, on the approach of the gendarmes, would flee to the woods, the hills, or to mountain caves.
As a preliminary to the searches everywhere, the strong men of the villages and towns were arrested and taken to prison. Their tormentors here would exercise the most diabolical56 ingenuity57 in their attempt to make their victims declare themselves to be “revolutionists” and to tell the hiding-places of their arms. A common practice was to place the prisoner in a room, with two Turks stationed at each end and each side. The examination would then begin with the bastinado. This is a form of torture not uncommon58 in the Orient; it consists of beating the soles of the feet with a thin rod. At first the pain is not marked, but as the process goes slowly on it develops into the most terrible agony, the feet swell59 and burst, and not infrequently, after being submitted to this treatment, they have to be amputated. The gendarmes would bastinado their Armenian victim until he fainted; they would then revive him by sprinkling water on his face and begin again. If this did not succeed in bringing their victim to terms, they had numerous other methods of persuasion60. They would pull out his eyebrows61 and beard almost hair by hair; they would extract his finger-nails and toe-nails; they would apply red-hot irons to his breast; tear off his flesh with red-hot pincers, and then pour boiled butter into the wounds. In some cases the gendarmes would nail hands and feet to pieces of wood—evidently in imitation of the crucifixion, and then, while the sufferer writhed62 in his agony, they would cry: “Now let your Christ come and help you!”
These cruelties—and many others which I forbear to describe—were usually inflicted in the night time. Turks would be stationed around the prisons, beating drums and blowing{202} whistles, so that the screams of the sufferers would not reach the villagers.
In thousands of cases the Armenians who endured these agonies had refused to surrender their arms simply because they had none to surrender. However, they could not persuade their tormentors that this was the case. It therefore became customary, when news was received that the searchers were approaching, for Armenians to purchase arms from their Turkish neighbours so that they might be able to give them up and escape these frightful63 punishments.
One day I was discussing these proceedings65 with Bedri Bey, the Constantinople Prefect of Police. With a disgusting relish66 Bedri described the tortures inflicted. He made no secret of the fact that the Government had instigated67 them, and, like all Turks of the official classes, he enthusiastically approved this treatment of the detested68 race. Bedri told me that all these details were matters of nightly discussion at the headquarters of the union and Progress Committee. Each new method of inflicting69 pain was hailed as a splendid discovery, and the regular attendants were constantly ransacking70 their brains in the effort to devise some new torment55. Bedri told me that they even delved71 into the records of the Spanish Inquisition and other historic institutions of torture, and adopted all the suggestions found there. Bedri did not tell me who carried off the prize in this gruesome competition, but common reputation throughout Armenia gave a pre-eminent infamy72 to Djevdet Bey, the Vali of Van, whose activities in that section I have already described. All through this country Djevdet now became known as the “marshall blacksmith of Bashkale,” for this connoisseur73 in torture had invented what was perhaps the masterpiece of all—that of nailing horseshoes to the feet of his Armenian victims.
Yet these happenings did not constitute what the newspapers of the time commonly referred to as the Armenian atrocities74; they were merely the preparatory steps in the destruction of a race. The Young Turks displayed greater ingenuity than their predecessor75, Abdul Hamid. The injunction of the deposed76 Sultan was merely “to kill, kill,” whereas the Turkish democracy hit upon an entirely77 new plan. Instead of massacring outright78 the Armenian race, they now decided79 to deport80 it. In the south and south-eastern section of the Ottoman Empire lies the Syrian desert and the Mesopotamian valley. Though part of this area was once the scene of a flourishing civilisation81, for the last five centuries it has suffered the plight82 that becomes the lot of any country that is subjected to Turkish rule; and it is now a dreary,{203} desolate83 waste, without cities and towns or life of any kind, populated only by a few wild and fanatical Bedouin tribes. Only the most industrious84 labour, expended85 through many years, could transform this desert into the abiding-place of any considerable population. The Central Government now announced its intention of gathering86 the 2,000,000 or more Armenians living in the several sections of the Empire and transporting them to this desolate and inhospitable region. Had they undertaken such a deportation87 in good faith it would have represented the height of cruelty and injustice88. For a large part the Armenians are not agriculturists; their talents are chiefly for business and commercial life; though many of them do cultivate farms and engage in sheep-herding, many lived in cities and large towns, and, as I have already said, they represent the economic force of the country. To seize such peoples by the million and send them into one of the most barren parts of Asia would have been an act of the most inhuman89 spoliation. As a matter of fact, the Turks never had the slightest idea of re-establishing the Armenians in this new country. They knew that the great majority would never reach their destination and that those who did would either die of thirst and starvation, or be murdered by the wild Mohammedan desert tribes. The real purpose of the deportation was robbery and destruction; it really represented a new method of massacre. When Talaat, as Minister of the Interior, gave the orders for these deportations, he was merely giving the death-warrant to a whole race; he understood this well, and in his conversations with me he made no particular attempt to conceal33 the fact.
All through the spring and summer of 1915 the deportations took place. Of the larger cities, only Constantinople, Smyrna, and Kutahia were spared; practically all other places where a single Armenian family lived now became the scenes of these unspeakable tragedies. Scarcely a single Armenian, whatever his education or wealth, or whatever the social class to which he belonged, was exempted90 from the order. In some villages placards were posted ordering the whole Armenian population to present itself in a public place at an appointed time—usually a day or two ahead, and in other places the town-crier would go through the streets delivering the order vocally91. In still others not the slightest warning was given. The gendarmes would appear before an Armenian house and order all the inmates92 to follow them. They would take women engaged in their domestic tasks without giving them the chance to change their clothes. The police fell upon them first as the eruption93 of Vesuvius fell{204} upon Pompeii; women were taken from the wash-tubs, children were snatched out of bed, the bread would be left half-baked in the oven, the family meal would be abandoned partly eaten, the children would be taken from the schoolroom, leaving their books open at the daily task, the men would be forced to abandon their plough in the fields and their cattle on the mountain-side. Even women who had just given birth to children would be forced to leave their beds and join the panic-stricken throng94, their sleeping babies in their arms. Such things as they hurriedly snatched up—a shawl, a blanket, perhaps a few scraps of food—was all that they could take of their household belongings95. To their frantic96 question, “Where are we going?” the gendarmes would vouchsafe97 only one reply: “To the interior.”
In some cases the refugees were given a few hours, in exceptional instances a few days, to dispose of their property and household effects. But the proceeding64, of course, amounted simply to robbery. They could sell only to Turks, and since both buyers and sellers knew that they had only a day or two to market the accumulations of a lifetime, the prices obtained represented a small fraction of their value. Sewing-machines would bring one or two dollars—a cow would go for a dollar, a houseful of furniture would be sold for a pittance98. In many cases Armenians were prohibited from selling or Turks from buying even at these ridiculous prices; under pretence that the Government intended to sell their effects to pay the creditors99 whom they would inevitably100 leave behind, their household furniture would be placed in stores or heaped up in public places, where it was usually pillaged101 by Turkish men and women. The Government officials would also inform the Armenians that, since their deportation was only temporary, the intention being to bring them back after the war was over, they would not be permitted to sell their houses. Scarcely had the former possessors left the village, when Mohammedan Mohadjirs—immigrants from other parts of Turkey—would be moved into the Armenian quarters. Similarly all their valuables, money, rings, watches, and jewellery, would be taken to the police-stations for “safe keeping” pending103 their return, and then parcelled out among the Turks. Yet these robberies gave the refugees little anguish104, for far more terrible and agonising scenes were taking place under their eyes. The systematic extermination105 of the men continued; such males as the persecutions which I have already described had left, were now violently dealt with. Before the caravans107 were started, it became the regular practice to separate the young men from the families, tie them together in groups of four, lead them to the{205} outskirts108, and shoot them. Public hangings without trial—the only offence being that the victims were Armenians—were taking place constantly. The gendarmes showed a particular desire to annihilate109 the educated and the influential110. From American Consuls and missionaries111 I was constantly receiving reports of such executions, and many of the events which they described will never fade from my memory. At Angora all Armenian men from fifteen to seventy were arrested, bound together in groups of four, and sent on the road in the direction of C?saria. When they had travelled five or six hours and had reached a secluded valley, a mob of Turkish peasants fell upon them with clubs, hammers, axes, scythes112, spades, and saws. Such instruments not only caused more agonising deaths than guns and pistols, but, as the Turks themselves boasted, they were more economical, since they did not involve the waste of powder and shell. In this way they exterminated113 the whole male population of Angora, including all its men of wealth and breeding, and their bodies, horribly mutilated, were left in the valley, where they were devoured114 by wild beasts. After completing this destruction, the peasants and gendarmes gathered in the local tavern115, comparing notes and boasting of the number of “giaours” that each had slain116. In Trebizond the men were placed in boats and sent out on the Black Sea; gendarmes would then come up in boats, shoot them down, and throw their bodies into the water.
When the signal was given for the caravans to move, therefore, they almost invariably consisted of women, children, and old men. Anyone who could possibly have protected them from the fate that awaited them had been destroyed. Not infrequently the prefect of the city, as the mass started on its way, would wish them a derisive117 “pleasant journey.” Before the caravan moved the women were sometimes offered the alternative of becoming Mohammedans. Even though they accepted the new faith, which few of them did, their earthly troubles did not end. The converts were compelled to surrender their children to a so-called “Moslem Orphanage,” with the agreement that they should be trained as devout118 followers119 of the Prophet. They themselves must then show the sincerity120 of their conversion121 by abandoning their Christian husbands and marrying Moslems. If no good Mohammedan offered himself as a husband, then the new convert was deported122, however strongly she might protest her devotion to Islam.
At first the Government showed some inclination123 to protect these deporting124 throngs125. The officers usually divided them into{206} convoys127, in some cases numbering several hundred, in others several thousand. The civil authorities occasionally furnished ox-carts which carried such household furniture as the exiles had succeeded in scrambling128 together. A guard of gendarmerie accompanied each convoy126, ostensibly to guide and protect it. Women, scantily129 clad, carrying babies in their arms or on their backs, marched side by side with old men hobbling along with canes130. Children would run along, evidently regarding the procedure, in the early stages, as some new lark131. A more prosperous member would perhaps have a horse or a donkey, occasionally a farmer had rescued a cow or a sheep, which would trudge132 along at his side, and the usual assortment133 of family pets, dogs, cats, and birds, became parts of the variegated134 procession. From thousands of Armenian cities and villages these despairing caravans now set forth135; they filled all the roads leading south; everywhere, as they moved on, they raised a huge dust, and abandoned débris, chairs, blankets, bedclothes, household utensils, and other impediments, marked the course of the processions. When the caravans first started, the individuals bore some resemblance to human beings; in a few hours, however, the dust of the road plastered their faces and clothes, the mud caked their lower members, and the slowly-advancing mobs, frequently bent136 with fatigue137 and crazed by the brutality139 of their “protectors,” resembled some new and strange animal species. Yet for the better part of six months, from April to October, 1915, practically all the highways in Asia Minor140 were crowded with these unearthly bands of exiles. They could be seen winding141 in and out of every valley and climbing up the sides of nearly every mountain—moving on and on, they scarcely knew whither, except that every road led to death. Village after village and town after town was evacuated142 of its Armenian population, under the distressing143 circumstances already detailed144. In these six months, as far as can be ascertained145, about 1,200,000 people started on this journey to the Syrian desert.
“Pray for us,” they would say as they left their homes—the homes in which their ancestors had lived for 2,500 years. “We shall not see you in this world again, but sometime we shall meet. Pray for us!”
The Armenians had hardly left their native villages when the persecutions began. The roads over which they travelled were little more than donkey-paths; and what had started a few hours before as an orderly procession soon became a dishevelled and scrambling mob. Women were separated from their children and husbands from their wives. The old people soon{207} lost contact with their families and became exhausted146 and footsore. The Turkish drivers of the ox-carts, after extorting147 the last penny from their charges, would suddenly dump them and their belongings into the road, turn around and return to the village for other victims. Thus in a short time practically everybody, young and old, was compelled to travel on foot. The gendarmes whom the Government had sent supposedly to protect the exiles, in a very few hours became their tormentors. They followed their charges with fixed148 bayonets, prodding anyone who showed any tendency to slacken the pace. Those who attempted to stop for rest, or who fell exhausted on the road, were compelled, with the utmost brutality, to rejoin the moving throng. They even prodded149 pregnant women with bayonets; if one, as frequently happened, gave birth along the road, she was immediately forced to get up and rejoin the marchers. The whole course of the journey became a perpetual struggle with the Moslem inhabitants. Detachments of gendarmes would go ahead notifying the Kurdish tribes that their victims were approaching, and Turkish peasants were also informed that their long-waited opportunity had arrived. The Government even opened the prisons and set free the convicts, on the understanding that they should behave like good Moslems to the approaching Armenians. Thus every caravan had a continuous battle for existence with several classes of enemies—their accompanying gendarmes, the Turkish peasants and villagers, the Kurdish tribes and bands of Chétés or brigands150. And we must always keep in mind that the men who might have defended these wayfarers151 had nearly all been killed or forced into the army as workmen, and that the exiles themselves had been systematically deprived of all weapons before the journey began.
When they had travelled a few hours from their starting-place, the Kurds would sweep down from their mountain homes. Rushing up to the young girls, they would lift their veils and carry the pretty ones off to the hills. They would steal such children as pleased their fancy and mercilessly rob all the rest of the throng. If the exiles had started with any money or food, their assailants would appropriate it, thus leaving them a hopeless prey to starvation. They would steal their clothing, and sometimes even leave both men and women in a state of complete nudity. All the time that they were committing these depradations the Kurds would freely massacre, and the screams of old men and women would add to the general horror. Such as escaped these attacks in the open would find new terrors awaiting them in the Moslem villages. Here the Turkish roughs would{208} fall upon the women, leaving them sometimes dead from their experiences or sometimes ravingly insane. After spending a night in a hideous encampment of this kind, the exiles, or such as had survived, would start again the next morning. The ferocity of the gendarmes apparently152 increased as the journey lengthened153, for they seemed almost to resent the fact that part of their charges continued to live. Anyone who dropped on the road was frequently bayoneted on the spot. The Armenians began to die by hundreds from hunger and thirst. Even when they came to rivers, the gendarmes, merely to torment them, would sometimes not let them drink. The hot sun of the desert burned their scantily-clothed bodies, and the bare feet, treading the hot sand of the desert, became so sore that thousands fell and died or were killed where they lay. Thus, in a few days, what had been a procession of normal human beings became a stumbling horde154 of dust-covered skeletons, ravenously156 looking for scraps of food, eating any offal that came their way, crazed by the hideous sights that filled every hour of their existence, sick with all the diseases that accompany such hardships and deprivations157, but still prodded on and on by the whips and clubs and bayonets of their executioners.
And thus, as the exiles moved they left behind them another caravan—that of dead and unburied bodies, of old men and women in the last stages of typhus, dysentery, and cholera158, of little children lying on their backs and setting up their last piteous wails159 for food and water. There were women who held up their babies to strangers, begging them to take them and save them from their tormentors, and failing this, they would throw them into wells or leave them behind bushes, that at least they might die undisturbed. Behind was left a small army of girls who had been sold as slaves—frequently for a medjidie, or about eighty cents—and who, after serving the brutal138 purposes of their purchasers, were forced to lead lives of prostitution. A string of encampments filled by the sick and the dying, mingled160 with the unburied or half-buried bodies of the dead, marked the course of the advancing throngs. Flocks of vultures followed them in the air, and ravenous155 dogs, fighting one another for the bodies of the dead, constantly pursued them. The most terrible scenes took place at the rivers, especially the Euphrates. Sometimes, when crossing this stream, the gendarmes would push the women into the water, shooting all who attempted to save themselves by swimming. Frequently the women themselves would save their honour by jumping into the river, their children in their arms. “In the last week in June,” I quote from an{209} authentic161 report, “several parties of Erzeroum Armenians were deported on successive days and most of them massacred on the way, either by shooting or drowning. One, Madame Zarouhi, an elderly lady of means, who was thrown into the Euphrates, saved herself by clinging to a boulder162 in the river. She succeeded in approaching the bank and returned to Erzeroum to hide herself in a Turkish friend’s house. She told Prince Argoutinsky, the representative of the ‘All-Russian Urban union’ in Erzeroum, that she shuddered163 to recall how hundreds of children were bayoneted by the Turks and thrown into the Euphrates, and how men and women were stripped naked, tied together in hundreds, shot, and then hurled164 into the river. In a loop of the river near Erzinghan, she said, the thousands of dead bodies created such a barrage165 that the Euphrates changed its course for about a hundred yards.”
It is absurd for the Turkish Government to assert that it ever seriously intended to “deport the Armenians to new homes”; the treatment which was given the convoys clearly shows that extermination was the real purpose of Enver and Talaat. How many exiled to the south under these revolting conditions ever reached their destinations? The experiences of a single caravan shows how completely this plan of deportation developed into one of annihilation. The details in question were furnished me directly by the American Consul21 at Aleppo, and are now on file in the State Department at Washington. On the first of June a convoy of 3,000 Armenians, mostly women, girls, and children, left Harpoot. Following the usual custom the Government provided them an escort of seventy gendarmes, under the command of a Turkish leader—Bey. In accordance with the common experience these gendarmes proved to be not their protectors, but their tormentors and their executioners. Hardly had they got well started on the road when ... Bey took 400 liras from the caravan, on the plea that he was keeping it safely until their arrival at Malatia; no sooner had he robbed them of the only thing that might have provided them with food than he ran away, leaving them all to the tender mercies of the gendarmes.
All the way to Ras-ul-Ain, the first station on the Bagdad line, the existence of these wretched travellers was one prolonged horror. The gendarmes went ahead, informing the half-savage tribes of the mountains that several thousand Armenian women and girls were approaching. The Arabs and Kurds began to carry off the girls, the mountaineers fell upon them repeatedly, killing and violating the women, and the gendarmes themselves joined in the orgy. One by one the few men that accompanied{210} the convoy were killed. The women had succeeded in secreting166 money from their persecutors, keeping it in their mouths and hair; with this they would buy horses, only to have them repeatedly stolen by the Kurdish tribesmen. Finally the gendarmes, having robbed and beaten and killed and violated their charges for thirteen days, abandoned them altogether. Two days afterward the Kurds went through the party and rounded up all the males who still remained alive. They found about 150, their ages varying from fifteen to ninety years, and these they promptly167 took away and butchered to the last man. But that same day another convoy from Sivas joined this one from Harpoot, increasing the numbers of the whole caravan to 18,000 people.
Another Kurdish Bey now took command, and to him, as to all men placed in the same position, the opportunity was regarded merely as one for pillage102, outrage40, and murder. This chieftain summoned all his followers from the mountains and invited these to work their complete will upon this great mass of Armenians. Day after day and night after night the prettiest girls were carried away; sometimes they returned in a pitiable condition that told the full story of their sufferings. Any stragglers, those who were so old and infirm and sick that they could not keep up with the marches, were promptly killed. Whenever they reached a Turkish village all the local vagabonds were permitted to prey upon the Armenian girls. When the diminishing band reached the Euphrates they saw the bodies of 200 men floating upon the surface. By this time they had all been so repeatedly robbed that they had practically nothing left except a few ragged168 clothes, and even these the Kurds now took, the consequence being that the whole convoy marched for five days completely naked under the scorching169 desert sun. For another five days they did not have a morsel170 of bread or a drop of water. “Hundreds fell dead on the way,” the report reads; “their tongues were turned to charcoal171, and when, at the end of five days, they reached a fountain, the whole convoy naturally rushed toward it. But here the policemen barred the way and forebade them to take a single drop of water. Their purpose was to sell it at from one to three liras a cup, and sometimes they actually withheld172 the water after getting the money. At another place, where there were wells, some women threw themselves into them, as there was no rope or pail to draw up the water. These women were drowned and, in spite of that, the rest of the people drank from that well, the dead bodies still remaining there and polluting the water. Sometimes when the{211} wells were shallow and the women could go down into them and come out again, the other people would rush to lick or suck their wet, dirty clothes, in the effort to quench173 their thirst. When they passed an Arab village in their naked condition the Arabs pitied them and gave them old pieces of cloth to cover themselves with. Some of the exiles who still had money bought some clothes; but some still remained who travelled thus naked all the way to the city of Aleppo. The poor women could hardly walk for shame; they all walked bent double.”
On the seventieth day a few creatures reached Aleppo. Out of the combined convey of 18,000 souls just 150 women and children reached their destination. A few of the rest, the most attractive, were still living as captives of the Kurds and Turks; all the rest were dead.
My only reason for relating such dreadful things as this is that, without the details, the English-speaking public cannot understand precisely174 what this nation is which we call Turkey. I have by no means told the most terrible details, for a complete narration175 of the sadistic176 orgies of which these Armenian men and women were the victims can never be printed in an American publication. Whatever crimes the most perverted177 instincts of the human mind can devise, and whatever refinements178 of persecution106 and injustice the most debased imagination can conceive, became the daily misfortunes of this devoted179 people. I am confident that the whole history of the human race contains no such horrible episode as this. The great massacres and persecutions of the past seem almost insignificant180 when compared to the sufferings of the Armenian race in 1915. The slaughter11 of the Albigenses in the early part of the thirteenth century has always been regarded as one of the most pitiful events in history. In these outbursts of fanaticism181 about 60,000 people were killed. In the massacre of St. Bartholomew about 30,000 human beings lost their lives. The Sicilian Vespers, which has always figured as one of the most fiendish outbursts of this kind, caused the destruction of 8,000. Volumes have been written about the Spanish Inquisition under Torquemada, yet in the eighteen years of his administration only a little more than 8,000 heretics were done to death. Perhaps the one event in history that most resembles the Armenian deportations was the expulsion of the Jews from Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella. According to Prescott 160,000 were uprooted182 from their homes and scattered183 broadcast over Africa and Europe. Yet all these previous persecutions seem almost trivial when we compare them with the sufferings of the Armenians, in which at least 600,000 people{212} were destroyed and perhaps as many as 1,000,000. And these earlier massacres, when we compare them with the spirit that directed the Armenian atrocities, have one feature that we can almost describe as an excuse: they were the product of religious fanaticism, and most of the men and women who instigated them sincerely believed that they were devoutly184 serving their Maker185. Undoubtedly186 religious fanaticism was an impelling187 motive188 with the Turkish and Kurdish rabble189 who slew190 Armenians as a service to Allah, but the men who really conceived the crime had no such motive. Practically all of them were atheists, with no more respect for Mohammedanism than for Christianity, and with them the one motive was a cold-blooded, calculating state policy.
The Armenians are not the only subject people in Turkey who have suffered from this policy of making Turkey exclusively the country of the Turks. The story which I have told about the Armenians I could also tell with certain modifications191 about the Greeks and the Syrians. Indeed, the Greeks were the first victims of this nationalising idea. I have already described how, in the few months preceding the European war, the Ottoman Government began deporting its Greek subjects along the coast of Asia Minor. These outrages aroused little interest in Europe or the United States, yet in the space of three or four months about 400,000 Greeks were taken from their age-long homes in the Mediterranean192 littoral193 and removed to the Greek Islands in the ?gean Sea. For the larger part these were bona fide deportations; that is, the Greek inhabitants were actually removed to new places and were not subjected to wholesale massacre. It was probably for the reason that the civilised world did not protest against these deportations that the Turks afterward decided to apply the same methods on a larger scale not only to the Greeks but to the Armenians, Syrians, Nestorians, and others of its subject peoples. In fact, Bedri Bey, the Prefect of Police at Constantinople, himself told one of my secretaries that the Turks had expelled the Greeks so successfully that they had decided to adopt the same method to all the other races in the empire.
The martyrdom of the Greeks therefore comprised two periods, that antedating194 the war, and that which began in the early part of 1915. The first affected195 the Greeks living on the sea-coast of Asia Minor. The second affected those living in Thrace and in the territories surrounding the Sea of Marmora, the Dardanelles, the Bosphorus, and the coast of the Black Sea. These latter, to the extent of several hundred thousand, were sent to the interior of Asia Minor. The Turks adopted almost{213} identically the same procedure against the Greeks as that which they had adopted against the Armenians. They began by incorporating the Greeks into the Ottoman Army and then transforming them into labour battalions196, using them to build roads in the Caucasus and other scenes of action. These Greek soldiers, just like the Armenians, died by thousands from cold, hunger, and other privations. The same house-to-house searches for hidden weapons took place in the Greek villages, and Greek men and women were beaten and tortured just as were their fellow Armenians. The Greeks had to submit to the same forced requisitions, which amounted in their case, as in the case of the Armenians, merely to plundering197 on a wholesale scale. The Turks attempted to force the Greek subjects to become Mohammedans; Greek girls, just like Armenian girls, were stolen and taken to Turkish harems, and Greek boys were kidnapped and placed in Moslem households. The Greeks, just like the Armenians, were accused of disloyalty to the Ottoman Government; the Turks accused them of furnishing supplies to the English submarines in the Marmora and also of acting198 as spies. The Turks also declared that the Greeks were not loyal to the Ottoman Government, but that they also looked forward to the day when the Greeks outside of Turkey would become part of Greece. These latter charges were unquestionably true; that the Greeks, after suffering for five centuries the most unspeakable outrages at the hands of the Turks, should look longingly199 to the day when their territory should be part of the Fatherland, was to be expected. The Turks, as in the case of the Armenians, seized upon this as an excuse for a violent onslaught on the whole race. Everywhere the Greeks were gathered in groups and, under the so-called protection of Turkish gendarmes, they were transported, the larger part on foot, into the interior. Just how many were scattered in this fashion is not definitely known, the estimates varying anywhere from 200,000 up to 1,000,000. These caravans suffered great privations, but they were not submitted to general massacre as were the Armenians, and this is probably the reason why the outside world has not heard so much about them. The Turks showed them this greater consideration not from any motive of pity. The Greeks, unlike the Armenians, had a Government which was vitally interested in their welfare. At this time there was a general apprehension200 among the Teutonic Allies that Greece would enter the war on the side of the Entente201, and a wholesale massacre of Greeks in Asia Minor would unquestionably have produced such a state of mind in Greece that its pro-German king would have been unable longer to have kept{214} his country out of the war. It was only a matter of state policy, therefore, that saved these Greek subjects of Turkey from all the horrors that befell the Armenians. But their sufferings are still terrible, and constitute another chapter in the long story of crimes for which civilisation will hold the Turk responsible.
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1
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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5
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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10
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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12
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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13
prodding
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| v.刺，戳( prod的现在分词 )；刺激；促使；（用手指或尖物）戳 | |
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14
scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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squads
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| n.（军队中的）班( squad的名词复数 )；（暗杀）小组；体育运动的运动（代表）队；（对付某类犯罪活动的）警察队伍 | |
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16
secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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17
sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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18
stark
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| adj.荒凉的；严酷的；完全的；adv.完全地 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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23
assuaged
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| v.减轻( assuage的过去式和过去分词 )；缓和；平息；使安静 | |
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24
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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33
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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38
joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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39
tenaciously
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| 坚持地 | |
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40
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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41
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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42
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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44
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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45
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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46
gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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47
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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48
utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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49
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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50
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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51
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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52
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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53
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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54
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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55
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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56
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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57
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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58
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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59
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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60
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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61
eyebrows
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| 眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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62
writhed
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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64
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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66
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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67
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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70
ransacking
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的现在分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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71
delved
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| v.深入探究，钻研( delve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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73
connoisseur
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| n.鉴赏家，行家，内行 | |
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74
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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75
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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76
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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77
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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78
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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80
deport
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| vt.驱逐出境 | |
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81
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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82
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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83
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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84
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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85
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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86
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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88
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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89
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
vocally
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| adv. 用声音, 用口头, 藉著声音 | |
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92
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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93
eruption
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| n.火山爆发；（战争等）爆发；（疾病等）发作 | |
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94
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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97
vouchsafe
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| v.惠予，准许 | |
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pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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100
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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101
pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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103
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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104
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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105
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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106
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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107
caravans
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| （可供居住的）拖车（通常由机动车拖行）( caravan的名词复数 )； 篷车； （穿过沙漠地带的）旅行队（如商队） | |
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108
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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109
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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110
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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111
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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112
scythes
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| n.（长柄）大镰刀( scythe的名词复数 )v.（长柄）大镰刀( scythe的第三人称单数 ) | |
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113
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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115
tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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116
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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117
derisive
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| adj.嘲弄的 | |
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118
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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119
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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120
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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121
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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122
deported
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| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的过去式和过去分词 )；举止 | |
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123
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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124
deporting
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| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的现在分词 )；举止 | |
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125
throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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126
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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127
convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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128
scrambling
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| v.快速爬行( scramble的现在分词 )；攀登；争夺；（军事飞机）紧急起飞 | |
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129
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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130
canes
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| n.（某些植物，如竹或甘蔗的）茎( cane的名词复数 )；（用于制作家具等的）竹竿；竹杖 | |
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131
lark
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| n.云雀，百灵鸟；n.嬉戏，玩笑；vi.嬉戏 | |
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132
trudge
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| v.步履艰难地走；n.跋涉，费力艰难的步行 | |
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133
assortment
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| n.分类，各色俱备之物，聚集 | |
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134
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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135
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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136
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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137
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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138
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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139
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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140
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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141
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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142
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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143
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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144
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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145
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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147
extorting
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| v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 )；曲解 | |
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148
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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149
prodded
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| v.刺，戳( prod的过去式和过去分词 )；刺激；促使；（用手指或尖物）戳 | |
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150
brigands
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| n.土匪，强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
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151
wayfarers
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| n.旅人，（尤指）徒步旅行者( wayfarer的名词复数 ) | |
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152
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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153
lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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155
ravenous
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| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
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156
ravenously
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| adv.大嚼地，饥饿地 | |
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157
deprivations
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| 剥夺( deprivation的名词复数 )； 被夺去； 缺乏； 匮乏 | |
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158
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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159
wails
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| 痛哭，哭声( wail的名词复数 ) | |
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160
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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161
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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162
boulder
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| n.巨砾；卵石，圆石 | |
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163
shuddered
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| v.战栗( shudder的过去式和过去分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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164
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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165
barrage
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| n.火力网，弹幕 | |
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166
secreting
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的现在分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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167
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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168
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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169
scorching
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| adj. 灼热的 | |
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170
morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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171
charcoal
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| n.炭，木炭，生物炭 | |
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172
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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173
quench
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| vt.熄灭，扑灭；压制 | |
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174
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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175
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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176
sadistic
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| adj.虐待狂的 | |
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177
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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178
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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179
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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180
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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181
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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182
uprooted
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| v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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183
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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184
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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185
maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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186
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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187
impelling
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| adj.迫使性的，强有力的v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的现在分词 ) | |
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188
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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189
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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190
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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191
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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192
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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193
littoral
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| adj.海岸的；湖岸的；n.沿（海）岸地区 | |
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194
antedating
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| v.（在历史上）比…为早( antedate的现在分词 )；先于；早于；（在信、支票等上）填写比实际日期早的日期 | |
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195
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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196
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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197
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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198
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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199
longingly
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| adv. 渴望地 热望地 | |
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200
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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201
entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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