What is slavery? A system under which the time and toil2 of one person are compulsorily3 the property of another. The power of life and death, and the privilege of using the lash4 in the master, are not essential, but casual attendants of slavery, which comprehends all involuntary servitude without adequate recompense or the means of escape. He who can obtain no property in the soil, and is not represented in legislation, is a slave; for he is completely at the mercy of the lord of the soil and the holder5 of the reins6 of government. Sometimes slavery is founded upon the inferiority of one race to another; and then it appears in its most agreeable garb7, for the system may be necessary to tame and civilize8 a race of savages9. But the subjection of the majority of a nation to an involuntary, hopeless, exhausting, and demoralizing servitude, for the benefit of [Pg 14] an idle and luxurious10 few of the same nation, is slavery in its most appalling11 form. Such a system of slavery, we assert, exists in Great Britain.
In the United Kingdom, the land is divided into immense estates, constantly retained in a few hands; and the tendency of the existing laws of entail12 and primogeniture is to reduce even the number of these proprietors13. According to McCulloch, there are 77,007,048 acres of land in the United Kingdom, including the small islands adjacent. Of this quantity, 28,227,435 acres are uncultivated; while, according to Mr. Porter, another English writer, about 11,300,000 acres, now lying waste, are fit for cultivation14. The number of proprietors of all this land is about 50,000. Perhaps, this is a rather high estimate for the present period. Now the people of the United Kingdom number at least 28,000,000. What a tremendous majority, then, own not a foot of soil! But this is not the worst. Such is the state of the laws, that the majority never can acquire an interest in the land. Said the London Times, in 1844, "Once a peasant in England, and the man must remain a peasant for ever;" and, says Mr. Kay, of Trinity College, Cambridge—
"Unless the English peasant will consent to tear himself from his relations, friends, and early associations, and either transplant himself into a town or into a distant colony, he has no chance of improving his condition in the world."
Admit this—admit that the peasant must remain [Pg 15] through life at the mercy of his lord, and of legislation in which his interests are not represented—and tell us if he is a freeman?
To begin with England, to show the progress and effects of the land monopoly:—The Rev15. Henry Worsley states that in the year 1770, there were in England 250,000 freehold estates, in the hands of 250,000 different families; and that, in 1815, the whole of the lands of England were concentrated in the hands of only 32,000 proprietors! So that, as the population increases, the number of proprietors diminishes. A distinguished16 lawyer, who was engaged in the management of estates in Westmoreland and Cumberland counties in 1849, says—
"The greater proprietors in this part of the country are buying up all the land, and including it in their settlements. Whenever one of the small estates is put up for sale, the great proprietors outbid the peasants and purchase it at all costs. The consequence is, that for some time past, the number of the small estates has been rapidly diminishing in all parts of the country. In a short time none of them will remain, but all be merged17 in the great estates. * * * The consequence is, that the peasant's position, instead of being what it once was—one of hope—is gradually becoming one of despair. Unless a peasant emigrates, there is now no chance for him. It is impossible for him to rise above the peasant class."
The direct results of this system are obvious. Unable to buy land, the tillers of the soil live merely by the sufferance of the proprietors. If one of the great landholders takes the notion that grazing will be more [Pg 16] profitable than farming, he may sweep away the homes of his labourers, turning the poor wretches20 upon the country as wandering paupers22, or driving them into the cities to overstock the workshops and reduce the wages of the poor workman. And what is the condition of the peasants who are allowed to remain and labour upon the vast estates? Let Englishmen speak for Englishmen.
Devon, Somerset, Dorset, and Wiltshire are generally regarded as presenting the agricultural labourer in his most deplorable circumstances, while Lincolnshire exhibits the other extreme. We have good authority for the condition of the peasantry in all these counties. Mr. John Fox, medical officer of the Cerne union, in Dorsetshire, says—
"Most of the cottages are of the worst description; some mere18 mud-hovels, and situated23 in low and damp places, with cesspools or accumulations of filth24 close to the doors. The mud floors of many are much below the level of the road, and, in wet seasons, are little better than so much clay. In many of the cottages, the beds stood on the ground floor, which was damp three parts of the year; scarcely one had a fireplace in the bedroom; and one had a single small pane25 of glass stuck in the mud wall as its only window. Persons living in such cottages are generally very poor, very dirty, and usually in rags, living almost wholly on bread and potatoes, scarcely ever tasting any animal food, and, consequently, highly susceptible26 of disease, and very unable to contend with it."
Very often, according to other equally good authority, there is not more than one room for the whole family, [Pg 17] and the demoralization of that family is the natural consequence. The Morning Chronicle of November, 1849, said of the cottages at Southleigh, in Devon—
"One house, which our correspondent visited, was almost a ruin. It had continued in that state for ten years. The floor was of mud, dipping near the fireplace into a deep hollow, which was constantly filled with water. There were five in the family—a young man of twenty-one, a girl of eighteen, and another girl of about thirteen, with the father and mother, all sleeping together up-stairs. And what a sleeping-room! 'In places it seemed falling in. To ventilation it was an utter stranger. The crazy floor shook and creaked under me as I paced it.' Yet the rent was 1s. a week—the same sum for which apartments that may be called luxurious in comparison may be had in the model lodging-houses. And here sat a girl weaving that beautiful Honiton lace which our peeresses wear on court-days. Cottage after cottage at Southleigh presented the same characteristics. Clay floors, low ceilings letting in the rain, no ventilation; two rooms, one above and one below; gutters27 running through the lower room to let off the water; unglazed window-frames, now boarded up, and now uncovered to the elements, the boarding going for firewood; the inmates28 disabled by rheumatism29, ague, and typhus; broad, stagnant30, open ditches close to the doors; heaps of abominations piled round the dwellings32; such are the main features of Southleigh; and it is in these worse than pig-styes that one of the most beautiful fabrics33 that luxury demands or art supplies is fashioned. The parish houses are still worse. 'One of these, on the borders of Devonshire and Cornwall, and not far from Launceston, consisted of two houses, containing between them four rooms. In each room lived a family night and day, the space being about twelve feet square. In one were a man and his wife and eight children; the father, mother, and two children lay in one bed, the remaining six were huddled34 'head and foot' (three at the top and three at the foot) in the other bed. The eldest35 girl was between fifteen and sixteen, the [Pg 18] eldest boy between fourteen and fifteen.' Is it not horrible to think of men and women being brought up in this foul36 and brutish manner in civilized37 and Christian38 England! The lowest of savages are not worse cared for than these children of a luxurious and refined country."
Yet other authorities describe cases much worse than this which so stirs the heart of the editor of the Morning Chronicle. The frightful39 immorality40 consequent upon such a mode of living will be illustrated41 fully42 in another portion of this work.
In Lincolnshire, the cottages of the peasantry are in a better condition than in any other part of England; but in consequence of the lowness of wages and the comparative enormity of rents, the tillers of the soil are in not much better circumstances than their rural brethren in other counties. Upon an average, a hard-working peasant can earn five shillings a week; two shillings of which go for rent. If he can barely live when employed, what is to become of him when thrown out of employment? Thus the English peasant is driven to the most constant and yet hopeless labour, with whips more terrible than those used by the master of the negro slave.
In Wales, the condition of the peasant, thanks to the general system of lord and serf, is neither milder nor more hopeful than in England. Mr. Symonds, a commissioner43 who was sent by government to examine the state of education in some of the Welsh counties, says of the peasantry of Brecknockshire, Cardiganshire, and Radnorshire[Pg 19]—
"The people of my district are almost universally poor. In some parts of it, wages are probably lower than in any part of Great Britain. The evidence of the witnesses, fully confirmed by other statements, exhibits much poverty, but little amended44 in other parts of the counties on which I report. The farmers themselves are very much impoverished45, and live no better than English cottagers in prosperous agricultural counties.
"The cottages in which the people dwell are miserable46 in the extreme in nearly every part of the country in Cardiganshire, and every part of Brecknockshire and Radnorshire, except the east. I have myself visited many of the dwellings of the poor, and my assistants have done so likewise. I believe the Welsh cottages to be very little, if at all, superior to the Irish huts in the country districts.
"Brick chimneys are very unusual in these cottages; those which exist are usually in the shape of large cones47, the top being of basket-work. In very few cottages is there more than one room, which serves the purposes of living and sleeping. A large dresser and shelves usually form the partition between the two; and where there are separate beds for the family, a curtain or low board is (if it exists) the only division with no regular partition. And this state of things very generally prevails, even where there is some little attention paid to cleanliness; but the cottages and beds are frequently filthy48. The people are always very dirty. In all the counties, the cottages are generally destitute49 of necessary outbuildings, including even those belonging to the farmers; and both in Cardiganshire and Radnorshire, except near the border of England, the pigs and poultry50 have free run of the joint51 dwelling31 and sleeping rooms."
In Scotland, the estates of the nobility are even larger than in England. Small farms are difficult to find. McCulloch states that there are not more than 8000 proprietors of land in the whole of Scotland; and, as in England, this number is decreasing. In some districts, the cottages of the peasantry are as wretched [Pg 20] as any in England or Wales. For some years past, the great landholders, such as the Duke of Buccleuch and the Duchess of Sutherland, have been illustrating52 the glorious beneficence of British institutions by removing the poor peasantry from the homes of their fathers, for the purpose of turning the vacated districts into deer-parks, sheep-walks, and large farms. Many a Highland53 family has vented54 a curse upon the head of the remorseless Duchess of Sutherland. Most slaveholders in other countries feed, shelter, and protect their slaves, in compensation for work; but the Duchess and her barbarous class take work, shelter, food, and protection from their serfs all at one fell swoop55, turning them upon the world to beg or starve. Scotland has reason—strong reason—to bewail the existence of the British aristocracy.
Next let us invoke56 the testimony57 of Ireland—the beautiful and the wretched—Ireland, whose people have been the object of pity to the nations for centuries—whose miseries58 have been the burden of song and the theme of eloquence59 till they have penetrated60 all hearts save those of the oppressors—whose very life-blood has been trampled61 out by the aristocracy. Let us hear her testimony in regard to the British slave system.
Ireland is splendidly situated, in a commercial point of view, commanding the direct route between Northern Europe and America, with some of the finest harbours in the world. Its soil is rich and fruitful. Its rivers [Pg 21] are large, numerous, and well adapted for internal commerce. The people are active, physically62 and intellectually, and, everywhere beyond Ireland, are distinguished for their energy, perseverance63, and success. Yet, in consequence of its organized oppression, called government, Ireland is the home of miseries which have scarcely a parallel upon the face of the earth. The great landlords spend most of their time in England or upon the continent, and leave their lands to the management of agents, who have sub-agents for parts of the estates, and these latter often have still inferior agents. Many of the great landlords care nothing for their estates beyond the receipt of the rents, and leave their agents to enrich themselves at the expense of the tenantry. Everywhere in Ireland, a traveller, as he passes along the roads, will see on the roadsides and in the fields, places which look like mounds64 of earth and sods, with a higher heap of sods upon the top, out of which smoke is curling upward; and with two holes in the sides of the heap next the road, one of which is used as the door, and the other as the window of the hovel. These are the homes of the peasantry! Entering a hovel, you will find it to contain but one room, formed by the four mud walls; and in these places, upon the mud floor, the families of the peasant live. Men, women, boys, and girls live and sleep together, and herd65 with the wallowing pig. Gaunt, ragged66 figures crawl out of these hovels and [Pg 22] plant the ground around them with potatoes, which constitute the only food of the inmates throughout the year, or swarm67 the roads and thoroughfares as wretched beggars. The deplorable condition of these peasants was graphically68 described by no less a person than Sir Robert Peel, in his great speech on Ireland, in 1849; and the evidence quoted by him was unimpeachable69. But not only are the majority of the Irish condemned70 to exist in such hovels as we have sketched71 above—their tenure72 of these disgusting cabins is insecure. If they do not pay the rent for them at the proper time, they are liable to be turned adrift even in the middle of the night. No notice is necessary. The tenants73 are subject to the tender mercies of a bailiff, without any remedy or appeal, except to the court of Heaven. Kay states that in 1849, more than 50,000 families were evicted74 and turned as beggars upon the country. An Englishman who travelled through Ireland in the fall of 1849, says—
"In passing through some half dozen counties, Cork75, (especially in the western portions of it,) Limerick, Clare, Galway, and Mayo, you see thousands of ruined cottages and dwellings of the labourers, the peasants, and the small holders19 of Ireland. You see from the roadside twenty houses at once with not a roof upon them. I came to a village not far from Castlebar, where the system of eviction76 had been carried out only a few days before. Five women came about us as the car stopped, and on making inquiry77, they told us their sorrowful story. They were not badly clad; they were cleanly in appearance; they were intelligent; they used no violent language, but in the most moderate terms [Pg 23] told us that on the Monday week previously78 those five houses had been levelled. They told us how many children there were in their families: I recollect79 one had eight, another had six; that the husbands of three of them were in this country for the harvest; that they had written to their husbands to tell them of the desolation of their homes. And, I asked them, 'What did the husbands say in reply?' They said 'they had not been able to eat any breakfast!' It is but a simple observation, but it marks the sickness and the sorrow which came over the hearts of those men, who here were toiling80 for their three or four pounds, denying themselves almost rest at night that they might make a good reaping at the harvest, and go back that they might enjoy it in the home which they had left. All this is but a faint outline of what has taken place in that unhappy country. Thousands of individuals have died within the last two or three years in consequence of the evictions which have taken place."
The great loss of life in the famine of 1847 showed that the peasantry had a miserable dependence81 upon the chances of a good potato crop for the means of keeping life in their bodies. Crowds of poor wretches, after wandering about for a time like the ghosts of human beings, starved to death by the roadside, victims of the murderous policy of the landed aristocracy. Since that period of horror, the great proprietors, envious82 of the lurid83 fame achieved by the Duchess of Sutherland in Scotland, have been evicting84 their tenants on the most extensive scale, and establishing large farms and pasturages, which they deem more profitable than former arrangements. In despair at home, the wretched Irish are casting their eyes to distant lands for a refuge from slavery and starvation. But hundreds of thousands [Pg 24] groan85 in their hereditary86 serfdom, without the means of reaching other and happier countries. The dearest ties of family are sundered87 by the force of want. The necessity of seeking a subsistence drives the father to a distant land, while the child is compelled to remain in Ireland a pauper21. The husband can pay his own passage to America, perchance, but the wife must stay in the land of misery88. Ask Ireland if a slave can breathe in Great Britain! The long lamentation89 of ages, uniting with the heart-broken utterances90 of her present wretched bondsmen, might touch even the British aristocracy in its reply.
So much for the general condition of the peasantry in the United Kingdom. The miserable consequences of the system of lord and serf do not end here. No! There are London, Manchester, Birmingham, Glasgow, Dublin, and many other cities and towns, with their crowds of slaves either in the factories and workshops, or in the streets as paupers and criminals. There are said to be upward of four millions of paupers in the United Kingdom! Can such an amount of wretchedness be found in any country upon the face of the globe? To what causes are we to attribute this amount of pauperism91, save to the monopolies and oppressions of the aristocracy? Think of there being in the United Kingdom over eleven million acres of good land uncultivated, and four millions of paupers! According to Kay, more than two millions of people were kept from [Pg 25] starving in England and Wales, in 1848, by relief doled92 out to them from public and private sources. So scant93 are the earnings94 of those who labour day and night in the cities and towns, that they may become paupers if thrown out of work for a single week. Many from town and country are driven by the fear of starvation to labour in the mines, the horrors of which species of slavery shall be duly illustrated farther on in this work.
Truly did Southey write—
"To talk of English happiness, is like talking of Spartan95 freedom; the helots are overlooked. In no country can such riches be acquired by commerce, but it is the one who grows rich by the labour of the hundred. The hundred human beings like himself, as wonderfully fashioned by nature, gifted with the like capacities, and equally made for immortality96, are sacrificed body and soul. Horrible as it must needs appear, the assertion is true to the very letter. They are deprived in childhood of all instruction and all enjoyment—of the sports in which childhood instinctively97 indulges—of fresh air by day and of natural sleep by night. Their health, physical and moral, is alike destroyed; they die of diseases induced by unremitting task-work, by confinement98 in the impure99 atmosphere of crowded rooms, by the particles of metallic100 or vegetable dust which they are continually inhaling101; or they live to grow up without decency102, without comfort, and without hope—without morals, without religion, and without shame; and bring forth103 slaves like themselves to tread in the same path of misery."
Again, the same distinguished Englishman says, in number twenty-six of Espriella's Letters—
"The English boast of their liberty, but there is no liberty in England for the poor. They are no longer sold with the soil, it [Pg 26] is true; but they cannot quit the soil if there be any probability or suspicion that age or infirmity may disable them. If, in such a case, they endeavour to remove to some situation where they hope more easily to maintain themselves, where work is more plentiful104 or provisions cheaper, the overseers are alarmed, the intruder is apprehended105, as if he were a criminal, and sent back to his own parish. Wherever a pauper dies, that parish must bear the cost of his funeral. Instances, therefore, have not been wanting of wretches, in the last stage of disease, having been hurried away in an open cart, upon straw, and dying upon the road. Nay106, even women, in the very pains of labour, have been driven out, and have perished by the wayside, because the birthplace of the child would be its parish!"
The sufferings of the rural labourers—the peasantry of Great Britain and Ireland—are to be attributed to the fact that they have no property in the land, and cannot acquire any. The law of primogeniture, on which the existence of the British aristocracy depends, has, as we have already shown, placed the land and those who labour on it—the soil and the serfs—at the disposal of a few landed proprietors. The labourers are not attached to the soil, and bought and sold with it, as in Russia. The English aristocrat107 is too cunning to adopt such a regulation, because it would involve the necessity of supporting his slaves. They are called freemen, in order to enable their masters to detach them from the soil, and drive them forth to starve, when it suits their convenience, without incurring108 any legal penalty for their cruelty, such as the slaveholders of other countries would suffer. The Russian, the Spanish, the North American slaveholder must support his [Pg 27] slaves in sickness and helpless old age, or suffer the penalties of the law for his neglect. The British slaveholder alone may drive his slaves forth to starve in the highway by hundreds and thousands; and no law of Great Britain affords the means of punishing him for his murderous cruelty. His Irish slaves may be saved from starvation by American bounty109, but he cannot be punished until he shall meet his Judge at the day of final account.
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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compulsorily
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| 强迫地，强制地 | |
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lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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distinguished
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merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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situated
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filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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pane
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susceptible
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gutters
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| （路边）排水沟( gutter的名词复数 )； 阴沟； （屋顶的）天沟； 贫贱的境地 | |
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inmates
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rheumatism
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stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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cones
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| n.（人眼）圆锥细胞；圆锥体( cone的名词复数 )；球果；圆锥形东西；（盛冰淇淋的）锥形蛋卷筒 | |
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filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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50
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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52
illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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53
highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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54
vented
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| 表达，发泄（感情，尤指愤怒）( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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swoop
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| n.俯冲，攫取；v.抓取，突然袭击 | |
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invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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58
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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mounds
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| 土堆，土丘( mound的名词复数 )； 一大堆 | |
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herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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graphically
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| adv.通过图表；生动地，轮廓分明地 | |
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unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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evicted
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| v.（依法从房屋里或土地上）驱逐，赶出( evict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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eviction
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| n.租地等的收回 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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84
evicting
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| v.（依法从房屋里或土地上）驱逐，赶出( evict的现在分词 ) | |
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groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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sundered
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| v.隔开，分开( sunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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pauperism
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| n.有被救济的资格，贫困 | |
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doled
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| 救济物( dole的过去式和过去分词 )； 失业救济金 | |
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scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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95
spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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98
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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99
impure
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| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
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100
metallic
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| adj.金属的；金属制的；含金属的；产金属的；像金属的 | |
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101
inhaling
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| v.吸入( inhale的现在分词 ) | |
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102
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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103
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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104
plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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105
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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106
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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107
aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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108
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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109
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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