Chald?an Religion—Oldest Form Accadian—Shamanism—Growth of Philosophical4 Religion—Astronomy and Astrology—Accadian Trinities—Anu, Mull-il, Ea—Twelve great Gods—Bel-Ishtar—Merodach—Assur—Pantheism—Wordsworth—Magic and Omens5—Penitential Psalms7—Conclusions from.
The religious ideas of a nation afford a pretty good test of the antiquity8 of its civilization. Thus, if 5000 years hence all traces of England being lost except a copy of the Athanasian Creed9, it would be a legitimate10 inference that the race who retained such a creed as part of their ritual, had long passed the primitive11 period of fetichism or animism, had schools of priests and philosophers, and that their religion had developed into a stage of subtle and profound metaphysical speculations12. If this would be true in the hypothetical case of England, it is equally true in the actual case of Egypt. In its sacred book, the Todtenbuch, or Book of the Dead, which we meet with at the earliest periods of Egyptian history, 106 we find conceptions of the Great First Cause of the Universe, which are in many respects identical with those of Athanasius. In fact, with some slight alterations13 of expression, his creed might be a chapter of the Todtenbuch, and it is clear that in his controversy14 with Arius he got his inspiration from his native Alexandria, and from the old Egyptian religion stripped of its polytheistic and idolatrous elements, and adapted to the modern ideas of the Neo-Platonic philosophy and of Christianity.
The Egyptian religion, as disclosed to us in the earliest records, is one which of itself proves its great antiquity. There is an extensive literature of a religious character; the Book of the Dead, which contains many of the principal prayers and hymns18, and descriptions of the Last Judgment, is already a sacred book. Portions of it are certainly older than the time of Menes, and it had already acquired such an authority in the times of Pepi, Teta, and Unas, of the sixth dynasty, about 3800 b.c., that the inner walls of their pyramids are covered with hieroglyphics19 of chapters taken from it. From this time forward, almost every tomb and mummy-case contains quotations21 from it, just as passages of the Bible are quoted on our own gravestones. The Book of Isis, and hymns to various gods, are of the same nature and early date; and in addition to these, there are ethical23 treatises24, ascribed to kings of the oldest dynasties, as well as works on medicine, geometry, mensuration, and arithmetic. Education was very general, as is proved by the fact that the workmen at the mines of Wady Magarah could scrawl25 hieroglyphic20 inscriptions26 on the walls of their tunnels, and on their blocks of dressed stone. Birch, in his Ancient History of Egypt from 107 the Monuments, which I prefer to quote from as, being published by the Society for Promoting Christian15 Knowledge, it cannot be suspected of any bias27 to discredit28 orthodoxy, says that, "In their moral law the Egyptians followed the same precepts29 as the Decalogue (ascribed to Moses 2500 years later), and enumerated30 treason, murder, adultery, theft, and the practice of magic as crimes of the deepest dye." The position of women is one of the surest tests of an advanced civilization; for in rude times, and among savage31 races, force reigns32 supreme33, and the weaker sex is always the slave or drudge34 of the stronger one. It is only when intellectual and moral considerations are firmly established that the claims of women to an equality begin to be recognized. Now in the earliest records of domestic and political life in Egypt, we find this equality more fully36 recognized than it is perhaps among ourselves in the nineteenth century. Quoting again from Birch, "The Egyptian woman appears always as the equal and companion of her father, brethren, and husband. She was never secluded37 in a harem, sat at meals with them, had equal rights before the law, served in the priesthood, and even mounted the throne."
In fact the state of civilization in Egypt 6000 years ago appears to have been higher in all essential respects than it has ever been since, or is now, in any Asiatic and in many European countries. And it has every appearance of being indigenous38, and having grown up on the soil. There are no traces in the oldest traditions of any foreign importation, such as we find in the early traditions of other countries. There is no fish-man who comes up out of the Persian Gulf39 and teaches the Chald?ans the first elements of civilization; no Cadmus 108 who teaches the Greeks their first letters; no Manco-Capac who lands on the shore of Peru. On the contrary, all the Egyptian traditions are of Egyptian gods, like Osiris and Thoth, who reigned40 in the valley of the Nile, and invented hieroglyphics and other arts.
These are lost in a fabulous41 antiquity, and the only trace of a link to connect the historical Egyptians with the neolithic42 races whose remains43 are found in abundance in the form of flint knives and arrows, and are brought up by borings through thick deposits of Nile mud, or the still older pal16?olithic savages44, whose rude implements45 were found by General Pitt-Rivers and other explorers in quaternary gravels46 near Thebes of geological antiquity, is furnished by the use of a stone knife to make the first incision47 on the corpse48 in turning it into a mummy, and by the animal worship, which may have been a relic49 of primitive fetichism and totemism.
The highly metaphysical nature of the Egyptian creed is another conclusive50 proof of the antiquity of the religion. Among existing races we find similar religions corresponding to similar stages of civilization. With the very rudest races, religion consists mainly of ghost worship and animism. Herbert Spencer has shown how dreams lead to the belief that man consists of two elements, a body and a spirit, or shadowy self, which wanders forth51 in sleep, meets with strange adventures, and returns when the body awakes. In the longer sleep of death, this shadowy self becomes a ghost which haunts its old abodes52 and former associates, mostly with an evil intent, and which has to be deceived or propitiated54, to prevent it from doing mischief55. Hence the sacrifices and offerings, and the many devices for cheating the ghost by carrying the dead body by 109 devious56 paths to some safe locality. Hence also the superstitious57 dread58 of evil spirits, and the interment with the corpse of food and implements to induce the ghost to remain tranquilly59 in the grave, or to set out comfortably on its journey to another world.
Animism is another tap-root of savage superstition60. As the child sees life in the doll, so the savage sees life in every object, animate61 or inanimate, which comes in contact with him, and affects his existence. Animals, and even stocks and stones, are supposed to have souls, and who knows that these may not be the souls of departed ancestors, and have some mysterious power of helping62 or of hurting him? In any case the safer plan is to propitiate53 them by worship and sacrifice.
From these rude beginnings we see nations as they advance in civilization rising to higher conceptions, developing their ghosts into gods, and confining their operations to the greater phenomena63 of Nature, such as the sky, the earth, the sea, the sun, the stars, storms, seasons, thunder, and the like. And by degrees the unity64 of Nature begins to be felt by the higher minds; priestly castes are established who have leisure for meditation65; ideas are transmitted from generation to generation; and the vague and primitive Nature worship passes into the phase of philosophical and scientific religion. The popular rites66 and superstitions67 linger on with the mass of the population, but an inner circle of hereditary68 priests refines and elevates them, and begins to ask for a solution of the great problems of the universe; what it means, and how it was created; the mystery of good and evil; man's origin, future life and destiny; and all the questions which, down to the 110 present day, are asked though never answered by the higher minds of the higher races of civilized69 man. In this stage of religious development metaphysical speculations occupy a foremost place. Priests of Heliopolis, Magi of Eridhu and of Ur, reasoned like Christian fathers and Milton's devils of
"Fate, free-will, foreknowledge absolute,"
and like them
"Found no end, in wandering mazes70 lost."
Theories of theism and pantheism, of creations and incarnations, of Trinities and atonements, of polarities between good and evil, free-will and necessity, were argued and answered, now in one direction and now in another. Science contributed its share, sometimes in the form of crude cosmogonies and first attempts at ethnology, but principally through the medium of astronomy. An important function of the priests was to form a calendar, predict the seasons, and regulate the holding of religious rites at the proper times. Hence the course of the heavens was carefully watched, the stars were mapped out into constellations71, through which the progress of the sun and planets was recorded; and myths sprang into existence based on the sun's daily rising and setting, and its annual journey through the seasons and the signs of the zodiac. Mixed up with astronomy was astrology, which, watching the sun, moon, and five planets, inferred life from motion, and recognized Gods exerting a divine influence on human events. The sacred character of the priests was confirmed by the popular conviction that they were at the same time prophets and magicians, and that they alone 111 were able to interpret the will of personified powers of Nature, and influence them for good or evil.
The element of morality is one of the latest to appear. It is only after a long progress in civilization that ideas of personal sin and righteousness, of an overruling justice and goodness, of future rewards and punishments, are developed from the cruder conceptions and superstitious observances of earlier times. It was a long road from the jealous and savage local god of the Hebrew tribes, who smelt72 the sweet savour of burnt sacrifices and was pleased, and who commanded the extermination73 of enemies, and the slaughter74 of women and children, to the Supreme Jehovah, who loved justice and mercy better than the blood of bulls and rams75. It is one great merit of the Bible, intelligently read, that it records so clearly the growth and evolution of moral ideas, from a plane almost identical with that of the Red Indians, to the supreme height of the Sermon on the Mount and St. Paul's definition of charity.
There is one phenomenon which appears very commonly in these ancient religions, that of degeneration. After having risen to a certain height of pure and lofty conception they cease to advance, branch out into fanciful fables77 accompanied by cruel and immoral78 rites, and finally decay and perish. This is an inevitable79 consequence of the law of birth, growth, maturity80, decay and death, which underlies81 all existence.
"The old order changes, giving place to new."
Environment changes, and religions, laws, and social institutions change with it. Empires rise and fall, old civilizations disappear, old creeds82 become incredible, and often, for a time, the course of humanity seems to be 112 retrograde. But as the flowing tide rises, though the successive waves on the shore advance and recede83, evolution, or the law of progress, in the long run prevails, and amidst the many oscillations of temporary conditions, carries the human race ever upwards84 towards higher things.
In the case of ancient religions it is easy to see how this process of degeneration is carried out. Priests who were the pioneers of progress, and leaders of advanced thought, became first conservatives, and then obscurantists. Pantheistic conceptions, and personifications of divine attributes, lead to polytheism. As religions become popular, and pass from the learned few to the ignorant many, they become vulgarized, and the real meaning of myths and symbols is either lost or confined to a select inner circle.
But for my present purpose, which is mainly chronological85, these vicissitudes86 in religious beliefs are not important. If, at the earliest date to which authentic87 history extends, we find a national religion which has already passed from the primitive into the metaphysical stage, and which embodies88 abstract ideas, astronomical89 observations, and a high and pure code of morals, it is a legitimate inference that it is the outcome of a long antecedent era of civilization. This is eminently90 the case with regard to the ancient religions of Egypt and Chald?a.
The ancient Egyptians were the most religious people ever known. Their thoughts were so fixed91 on a future life that, as Herodotus says, they looked upon their houses as mere92 temporary inns, and their tombs as their true permanent homes. The idea of an immediate93 day of judgment for each individual soul after death 113 was so fixed in their minds that it exercised a constant practical influence on their life and conduct. Piety94 to the gods, loyalty95 to the throne, obedience96 to superiors, justice and mercy to inferiors, and observance of all the principal moral laws, and especially that of truthfulness97, were enforced by the conviction that no sooner had the breath departed from the body, and it had been deposited as a mummy, with its Ka or second shadowy self, in the tomb, than the soul would have to appear before the supreme judge Osiris, and the forty-two heavenly jurors, where it would have to confess the naked truth, and be tried and rewarded or punished according to its merits. It is very interesting, therefore, to learn what the religion was which had taken such a firm hold of the minds of an entire nation, and which maintained that hold for the best part of 5000 years.
JUDGMENT OF THE SOUL BY OSIRIS.—WEIGHING GOOD AND BAD DEEDS. (From Champollion's Egypt.)
Our authority for the nature of this religion is derived98 mainly from the Todtenbuch or Book of the Dead, which was the Egyptian bible. This sacred Book was of immense antiquity, and much of it was certainly 114 in existence before the time of Menes. We know it from the multiplied copies which were frequently deposited in tombs, and from the innumerable extracts and quotations which appear on almost every mummy-case and sarcophagus, as well as from the many manuscripts of works on religious subjects which have been preserved in papyri.
The fundamental idea was that of a primitive ocean, or, if you like to call it chaos99, of nebulous matter without form and void, and of a one infinite and eternal God who evolved himself and the Universe from his own essence. He is called in the Todtenbuch "the one only being, the sole Creator, unchangeable in his infinite perfection, present in all time, past and future, everywhere and yet nowhere." But although one in essence, God is not one in person. He exists as Father, but reproduces himself under another aspect as Mother, and under a third as Son. This Trinity is three and yet one, and has all the attributes of the one—infinity, eternity100, and omnipotence101. Thus far the Athanasian Creed might be a chapter of the Todtenbuch, and it is very evident where the Alexandrian saint got those subtle metaphysical ideas, which are so opposed to the rigid102 monotheistic creeds of Judaism and Mahometanism.
But the Egyptian religion was more logical, and carried these ideas much further than an original Trinity. It is evident that if we admit the two fundamental ideas, 1st, that God is the only real existence, author of and identical with the universe; 2nd, that this incomprehensible essence or First Cause can be made more comprehensible by personifying his various qualities and manifestations104, there is no reason why we should stop at three. If we admit a Trinity of Father, 115 Mother, and Son, why not admit a daughter and other descendants; or if you personify the Power to make a universe, the Knowledge how to make it, and the Will to do it, as Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, why not the Benevolence105 to do it well, the Malevolence106 to do it badly, and a hundred other attributes which metaphysical ingenuity107 can devise to account for the complication of the known, and the mysteries of the unknown facts of existence?
The Egyptian priests accepted this view, and admitted a whole Pantheon of secondary gods who were either personifications of different attributes of the Supreme God, or separate portions of the one Divine Essence. Thus Ammon was God considered in his attribute of the first Generative power; Pthah the supreme Artist who fashioned all things wisely; Osiris the good and benevolent108 aspect of the Deity109; Set or Typhon his opposite or the Author of Evil, and so on. And once personified, these attributes soon came to be considered as separate beings; to have a female principle or wives added to them, and to be worshipped as the patron gods of separate temples and provinces. Finally, the pantheistic idea became so prevalent, and that of separate personifications of the Deity was carried so far, that portions of the Divine essence were supposed to be incarnated110 in the sun and heavenly bodies, in the Pharaoh and his family, and even in bulls, cats, and other sacred animals. In the latter case it may be a question whether we do not see a survival of the old superstitious fetiches and totems of semi-savage times, adopted by the priests into their theology, as so many pagan superstitions were by the early Christian missionaries111. At any rate such was the result, a mixture of the 116 most childish and absurd forms of popular superstition, with a highly philosophical and moral creed, held by the educated classes and stamped upon the mass of the nation by the firmly established belief in a future life and day of judgment.
Among the more philosophical articles of this creed, astronomy assumed a prominent place from a very early date. The sun, it is true, was described in the original Cosmogony as having been called into existence by the word of the Supreme God, but it came to be taken as his visible representative, and finally worshipped as a god itself. Its different phases were studied and received different names, as Horus when on the horizon rising or setting, Ra in its midday splendour, Osiris during its journey in the night through the underground world of darkness. Of these Ra naturally had the pre-eminence; the title of Pharaoh, or Pi-ra, was that given to kings, who were assumed to be semi-divine beings descended112 from the Sun. The Osiris myth which was the basis of the national belief in a future life and day of judgment was clearly solar. Egyptian astronomy, like that of the Chaldees and all early nations, assumed that the sky was a crystal dome35 or firmament113 which separated the waters of the upper world from the earth and waters below, and corresponded with a similar nether114 world of darkness below the earth. The Sun was born or rose into the upper world every morning, waxed in strength and glory as his bark navigated115 the upper waters until noon, then declined and finally sank into the nether world or died, slain116 by an envious117 Typhon, but to be born again next morning after traversing the perils118 and encountering the demons119 of the realm of darkness. The same idea was repeated by the annual course of the 117 sun through Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter, and it translated itself as applied120 to man into the ideas of birth, growth, manhood, decline, and death, to be followed by a sojourn121 in Hades, a day of judgment, and a resurrection.
The Egyptian religion, however, seems never to have been so largely astronomical as that of Chald?a, and to have concentrated itself mainly on the Sun. The planets and signs of the zodiac did not, as with the Chaldees, afford a principal element of their sacred books and mythologies122. The Egyptian priests had doubtless long studied astronomy; they had watched the stars, traced the annual course of the sun, divided the year into months and the circle into 360°, and constructed calendars for bringing the civil into correspondence with the sidereal123 year. They not only had intercalated the five supplemental days, bringing the duration of the year from 360 to 365, but they had invented a sothic cycle for the odd quarter of a day, by which at the end of every 1460 years a year was added, and the sun brought back to rise on the first day of the first month of Thoth in the same place in the heavens, determined124 by the heliacal risings of the brightest of the stars, Sothis or Sirius.
But they applied this knowledge, which must have been gathered from long observations, mainly to practical purposes, such as the reform of the calendar and the orientation of the pyramids, temples, and tombs, rather than to mythology125. The idea of a future life, which took such a firm hold of all classes of ancient Egypt, is that to which we are indebted for the preservation126 of these wonderful records of the remote past. The theory was that man consisted of three parts; the body 118 or ordinary living man; the Ka or Double, which was a sort of shadowy self which came out of the body and returned to it as in dreams; and the soul, a still more subtle essence, which at death went to the gods, was judged, and either rewarded for its merits by living with them in heaven, or punished for its sins by being sent to the nether world of torment127. But this soul still retained such a connection with its former body as to come down from time to time to visit it; while the Ka or Double retained the old connection so closely as to live habitually128 in it, only coming out to eat, drink, and repeat the acts of its former life, but incapable129 of existing without a physical basis in the old body or some likeness130 of it. The same doctrine131 of the Double was applied to all animated132 and even to inanimate objects, so that the shadowy man could come out of his mummy, live in his own shadowy house, feed on shadowy food, be surrounded by shadowy geese, oxen, and other objects of his former possessions. Hence arose the extraordinary care in providing a fitting tomb and preserving the mummy, or, failing the mummy, which in course of time might decay, providing a portrait-statue or painted likeness, which might give a point d'appui for the Ka, and a receptacle for the occasional visits of the soul. While these were preserved, conscious personal life was continued beyond the grave, and the good man who went to heaven was immortal133. But if these were destroyed and the physical basis perished, the Ka and soul were left without a home, and either perished also, or were left to flit like gibbering ghosts through the world of shadows without a local habitation or a name. The origin of this theory as regards the Ka is easily explained. It is, as Herbert Spencer has conclusively134 119 shown, a natural inference from dreams, and is found everywhere, from interments of the stone period down to the crude beliefs of existing savages. It even survives among many civilized races in the belief in ghosts, and the precautions taken to prevent the Ka's of dead men from returning to haunt their former homes and annoy their posterity135. The origin of the third element or soul is not so clear. It may either be a relic of the animism, which among savage races attributes life to every object in nature, or a philosophical deduction136 of more advanced periods, which sees an universal spirit underlying137 all creation, and recognizing in man a spark of this spirit which is indestructible, and either migrates into fresh forms, or into fresh spheres of celestial138 or infernal regions, and is finally absorbed in the great ocean from which it sprang.
It is singular that we find almost the precise form of this Egyptian belief among many existing savage or semi-civilized men separated by wide distances in different quarters of the world. The Negroes of the Gold Coast believe in the same three entities139, and they call the soul which exists independently of the man, before his birth and after his death, the Kra, a name which is almost identical with the Egyptian Ka. The Navajos and other tribes of Red Indians have precisely140 the same belief. It seems probable that as we find it in the earliest Egyptian records, it was a development, evolved through ages of growing civilization by a succession of learned priests, from the primitive fetichism and fear of ghosts of rude ancestors; and in the animal worship and other superstitions of later times we find traces of these primitive beliefs still surviving among the mass of the population. Be this as it may, 120 this theory of a future life was firmly rooted at the dawn of Egyptian history, and we are indebted to it, and to the dryness of the climate, for the marvellous preservation of records which give us such an intimate acquaintance with the history, the religion, the literature, and the details of a domestic and social life which is distant from our own by an interval141 of more than 6000 years.
No other nation ever attained142 to such a vivid and practical belief in a future existence as these ancient Egyptians. Taking merely the material test of money, what an enormous capital must have been expended143 in pyramids, tombs, and mummies; what a large proportion of his income must every Egyptian of the upper classes have spent in the preparations for a future life; how shadowy and dim does the idea of immortality144 appear in comparison among the foremost races of the present day!
The elevated moral code of the Todtenbuch is another proof of the great antiquity of Egyptian civilization. Morality is a plant of slow growth which has hardly an existence among rude and primitive tribes, and is only slowly evolved either by contact with superior races or by long ages of settled social order. How many centuries did it take before the crude and ferocious145 ideas of the Hebrew tribes wandering in the desert or warring with the Canaanites, were transformed into the lofty and humane146 conceptions of the later prophets, of Hillel and of Jesus! And yet we find all the best maxims148 of this later morality already existing 5000 years before the Sermon on the Mount, in the Sacred Book of ancient Egypt. The prayer of the soul pleading in the day of judgment before Osiris and the Celestial Jury, which 121 embodies the idea of moral perfection entertained by the contemporaries of Menes, contains the following articles—
"I have told no lies; committed no frauds; been good to widows; not overtasked servants; not lazy or negligent149; done nothing hateful to the gods; been kind to slaves; promoted no strife150; caused no one to weep; committed no murder; stolen no offerings to the dead; made no fraudulent gains; seized no lands wrongfully; not tampered151 with weights and measures; not taken the milk from sucklings; not molested152 sacred beasts or birds; not cut off or monopolized153 watercourses; have sown joy and not sorrow; have given food to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, and clothed the naked:
"I am pure, I am pure."
It is evident that such an ideal of life, not imported from foreign sources, but the growth of an internal civilization, must be removed by an enormous time from the cannibal feasts and human sacrifices of the first glimpses of ideas of a future life in the stone ages.
It is to be observed also that the religion of ancient Egypt seems to be of native growth. No trace is to be found, either in record or tradition, of any importation from a foreign source, such as may be seen in the Chald?an legend of Oannes and other religions of antiquity. On the contrary, all the Egyptian myths and traditions ascribe the invention of religion, arts, and literature, to Thoth, Osiris, Horus, and other native Egyptian gods.
The invention of the art of writing by hieroglyphics affords strong confirmation154 of this view. It is evidently a development on Egyptian soil, in prehistoric155 times, of 122 the picture-writing of a primitive period. The symbols are taken from Egypt and not from foreign objects, and are essentially156 different from those of the Chald?an cuneiform, which is the only other form of writing which might possibly compare in point of antiquity with the Egyptian hieroglyphics and hieratic. These were certainly known prior to the time of Menes, and they are the parents of the Ph?nician, Hebrew, Greek, and all more modern alphabets.
In all other ancient systems of writing, such as Chald?an and Chinese, we see the development from the original picture-writing into conventional signs, syllabaries, and finally into ideographs and phonetics; but in the case of Egyptian, when we first get sight of it in the earliest dynasties, it is already fully formed, and undergoes no essential changes during the next 5000 years. Even the hieratic, or cursive hieroglyphic for ordinary purposes, was current in the Old Empire, as is proved by the celebrated157 Prisse papyrus158.
The Chald?an religion is not so easily described as that of Egypt, for it started from a lower level, and went through more changes in the course of its evolution. In the case of Egypt, the earliest records show us a highly intellectual and moral religion, with only a few traces remaining of primitive barbarism in the form of animal worship, and this religion remained substantially unchanged until the conversion159 of the country to Christianity. The influences of Semitic and other foreign conquests and intercourse160 left few traces, and the only serious attempt at a radical161 religious revolution by the heretic king who endeavoured to dethrone the old Egyptian gods, and substitute a system more nearly monotheistic under the emblem162 of the winged solar-disc, 123 produced no permanent effect, and disappeared in one or two generations. But in Chald?a, Semitic influences prevailed from a very early period, and when we reach the historical periods of the great Babylonian and Assyrian empires, the kings, priests, and nobles were Semite, and the Accadian had become a dead language, which could only be read as we read Latin or Hebrew, by the aid of translations and of grammars and dictionaries. Still its records remained, as the Hebrew Bible does to us, and the sacred books of the old religion and its fundamental ideas were only developed and not changed.
In the background of this Accadian religion we seem to see a much nearer approach than we do in that of Egypt to the primitive superstitions peculiar163 to the Turanian race. To this day the religion of the semi-barbarous races of that stock is essentially what is called "Shamanism"; a fear of ghosts and goblins, a belief that the universe swarms164 with myriads165 of spirits, mostly evil, and that the only escape from them is by the aid of conjuror-priests, who know magical rites and formulas which can baffle their malevolent166 designs. These incantations, and the interpretation167 of omens and auguries168, occupy a great part of the oldest sacred books, and more than 100 tablets have been already recovered from the great work on Astronomy and Astrology, compiled from them by the priests of Agade, for the royal library of Sargon I. They are for the most part of the most absurd and puerile169 character; as, for instance, "if a sheep give birth to a lion there will be war "; "if a mare170 give birth to a dog there will be disaster and famine"; "if a white dog enter a temple its foundation will subsist171; if a gray dog, the temple will lose its 124 possessions," and so on. This character of magicians and soothsayers clung to the Chald?an priests even down to a later period, and under the Roman Empire Chald?an rites were identified with sorcery and divination172.
But out of this jungle of silly superstitions the elements of an enlightened and philosophical religion had evolved themselves in early Accadian times, and were continually developed as Semitic influences gradually fused themselves with Accadian, and formed the composite races and religions which came to be known in later times as Babylonian and Assyrian. The fundamental principle of this religion was the same as that of Egypt, and of most of the great religions of the East, viz. Pantheism. The great underlying First Cause, or Spirit of the universe, was considered as identical with his manifestations. The subtle metaphysical conceptions which still survive in the Creed of St. Athanasius, were invoked173 to make the incomprehensible comprehensible, by emanations, incarnations, and personified attributes. These again were attached to the striking phenomena of the universe, the sun, moon, and planets, the earth and sky, the winds, rains, and thunder. And ever as more phenomena were observed more gods were invented, who were thought to be symbols, or partial personifications, of the one great Spirit, and not more inconsistent with his unity than the "and yet there are not three Gods, but one God" of Athanasius.
But the Chald?an, like the Egyptian priests, did not stop at one Trinity, but invented a whole hierarchy174 of Trinities, rising one above the other to form the twelve great gods, while below them were an indefinite number of minor175 gods and goddesses personifying different aspects of natural phenomena, and taken for 125 the most part from astronomical myths of the sun, moon, planets, and seasons. For the religion of the Chaldees was, even more than that of the Egyptians, based on astronomy and astrology, as may be seen in their national epic176 of Izdubar, which is simply a solar myth of the passage of the sun through the twelve signs of the zodiac, the last chapter but one being a representation of the passage through the sign of Aquarius, in the fable76 of a universal deluge177.
The first Accadian triad was composed of Anu, Mull-il, and Ea. Anu, or Ana, is the word for heaven, and the god is described as the "Lord of the starry178 heavens," and "the first-born, the oldest, the Father of the gods." It is the same idea in fact as that expressed by the Sanscrit Varuna, the Greek Ouranus. Mull-il, the next member of this triad, is the god of the abyss and nether world, while Ea is the god of the earth, seas, and rivers, "the Lord of the Deep," and personifies the wise and beneficent side of the Divine Intelligence, the maintainer of order and harmony, the friend of man. Very early with the introduction of Semitic influences Mull-il dropped out of his place in the Trinity, and was superseded179 by Bel, who was conceived as being the son of Ea, the personification of the active and combative180 energy which carries out the wise designs of Ea by reducing the chaos to order, creating the sun and heavenly bodies, and directing them in their courses, subduing181 evil spirits and slaying182 monsters. His name simply signifies "the Lord," and is applied to other inferior deities183 as a title of honour, as Bel-Marduk, the Lord Marduk or Merodach, the patron god of Babylon. In this capacity Bel is clearly associated with the midday sun, as the emblem of a terrible yet 126 beneficent power, the enemy of evil spirits and dragons of darkness.
The next triad is more distinctly astronomical. It consists of Uruk the moon, Ud the sun, and Mermer the god of the air, of rain and tempest. These are the old Accadian names, but they are better known by the Semitic translations of Sin, Shamash, and Raman. The next group of gods is purely184 astronomical, consisting of the five planets, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn185, personified as Nergal, Nebo, Marduk, Ishtar, and Nindar. The number of gods was further increased by introducing the primary polarity of sex, and assigning a wife to each male deity. Thus Belit, or "the Lady," was the wife of Bel, he representing the masculine element of Nature, strength and courage; she the feminine principle of tenderness and maternity186. So also Nana the earth was the wife of Anu, the god of the strong heavens; Annunit the moon the wife of Shamash the sun; and Ishtar (Astarte, Astoreth, or Aphrodite), the planet Venus, the Goddess of Love and Beauty, though a great goddess in her own right, was fabled187 to have had Tammuz or Thammuz, one of the names of the sun, as a husband, whence in later times came the myth of Nature mourning for the sun-god, slain by the envious boar, winter.
But of these only Belit and Istar were admitted into the circle of the twelve great gods, consisting of the two triads and the planets, who held the foremost place in the Chald?an and Assyrian mythology. Of the minor gods, Meri-dug or Marduk, the Merodach of the Bible, is the most remarkable188, for he represents the idea which, some 5000 years later, became the fundamental one of the Christian religion; that of a Son of 127 God, "being of one substance with the Father," who acts the part of Mediator189 and friend of man. He is the son of Ea and Damkina, i.e. of heaven and earth, and an emanation from the Supreme Spirit considered in its attribute of benevolence. The tablets are full of inscriptions on which he is represented as applying to his father Ea for aid and advice to assist suffering humanity, most commonly by teaching the spells which will drive away the demons who are supposed to be the cause of all misfortunes and illness. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that he and Istar, the lovely goddess, were the favourite deities, and occupied much the same position as Jesus and the Virgin190 Mary do in the Catholic religion of the present day, while the other deities were local gods attached to separate cities where their temples stood, and where they occupied a position not unlike that of the patron saints and holy relics191 of which almost every considerable town and cathedral boasted in medi?val Christianity. Thus they rose and fell in rank with the ascendancy192 or decline of their respective cities, just as Pthah and Ammon did in Egypt according as the seat of empire was at Memphis or Thebes. In one instance only in later times, in Assyria, which had become exclusively Semitic, do we find the idea of one supreme god, who was national and not local, and who overshadowed all other gods, as Jahve in the later days of the Jewish monarchy193, and in the conception of the Hebrew prophets, did the gods of the surrounding nations. Assur, the local god of the city of Assur, the first capital of Assyria, became, with the growth of the Assyrian Empire, the one supreme god, in whose name wars were undertaken, cities destroyed, and captives massacred or mutilated. In fact the resemblance is 128 very close between Assur and the ferocious and vindictive195 Jahve of the Israelites during the rude times of the Judges. They are both jealous gods, delighting in the massacre194 and torture of prisoners, women and children, and enjoining196 the extermination of nations who insult their dignity by worshipping other gods. We almost seem to see, when we read the records of Tiglath-Pileser and Sennacherib and the Books of Judges and of Samuel, the origin of religious wars, and the spirit of cold-blooded cruelty inspired by a gloomy fanaticism197, which is so characteristic of the Semitic nature, and which in later times led to the propagation of Mahometanism by the sword. With the Hebrews this conception of a cruel and vindictive Jahve was beaten out of them by persecutions and sufferings, and that of a one merciful god evolved from it, but Assyria went through no such schooling198 and retained its arrogant199 prosperity down to the era of its disappearance200 from history with the fall of Nineveh; but it is easy to see that the course of events might have been different, and Monotheism might have been evolved from the conception of Assur. These, however, are speculations relating to a much later period than the primitive religion with which we are principally concerned.
It is remarkable how many of our modern religious conceptions find an almost exact counterpart in those of this immensely remote period. Incarnations, emanations, atonements, personifications of Divine attributes, are all there, and also the subtle metaphysical theories by which the human intellect, striving to penetrate201 the mysteries of the unknowable, endeavours to account for the existence of good and evil, and to reconcile multiplicity 129 of manifestation103 with unity of essence. If Wordsworth sings of a
"sense sublime202
Of something far more deeply interposed,
Whose dwelling203 is the light of setting suns,
And the round ocean and the living air,
And the blue sky, and in the mind of man;
A motion and a spirit that impels204
All thinking things, all objects of all thought,
And rolls through all things,"
he conveys the fundamental idea which was at the bottom of these earliest religions, and which has been perpetuated205 in the East through their successors, Brahmanism and Buddhism206—the idea of Pantheism, or of an universe which is one with its First Cause, and not a mechanical work called into existence from without by a personal Creator.
An ancient priest of Egypt or Chald?a might have written these verses of the philosophic3 poet of the nineteenth century, only he would have written Horus or Bel for the "setting sun"; Ea for the "round ocean"; Anur for the "sky," and so on. Side by side with these intellectual and philosophical conceptions of these ancient religions, we find the element of personal piety occupying a place which contrasts wonderfully with the childish and superstitious idea of evil spirits, magical spells, and omens. We read in the same collections of tablets, of mares bringing forth dogs and women lions; and psalms, which in their elevation207 of moral tone and intensity208 of personal devotion might readily be mistaken for the Hebrew Psalms attributed to David. There is a large collection of what are known as "the Penitential Psalms," in which the Chald?an penitent6 confesses his sins, pleads ignorance, 130 and sues for mercy, almost in the identical words of the sweet singer of Israel. In one of these, headed "The complaints of the repentant209 heart," we find such verses as these—
"I eat the food of wrath210, and drink the waters of anguish211."
"Oh, my God, my transgressions212 are very great, very great my sins.
"The Lord in his wrath has overwhelmed me with confusion."
"I lie on the ground, and none reaches a hand to me. I am silent and in tears, and none takes me by the hand. I cry out, and there is none who hears me."
"My God, who knowest the unknown,[4] be merciful to me. My Goddess, who knowest the unknown, be merciful."
"God, who knowest the unknown, in the midst of the stormy waters take me by the hand; my sins are seven times seven, forgive my sins!"
Another hymn17 is remarkable for its artistic213 construction. It is in regular strophes, the penitent speaking in each five double lines, to which the priest adds two, supporting his prayer. The whole is in precisely the same style as the similar penitential psalms of the Hebrew Bible, as will appear from the following quotation22 of one of the strophes from the translation of Zimmern.
131 Penitent. "I, thy servant, full of sighs call to thee. Whoso is beset214 with sin, his ardent215 supplication216 thou acceptest. If thou lookest on a man with pity, that man liveth. Ruler of all, mistress of mankind, merciful one to whom it is good to turn, who dost receive sighs."
Priest. "While his god and his goddess are wroth with him he calls on thee. Thy countenance217 turn on him, take hold of his hand."
These hymns are remarkable, both as showing that the sentiments of personal piety and contrition218 for sin as a thing hateful to the Supreme Being, might be as intense in a polytheistic as in a monotheistic religion; and as illustrating219 the immense interval of time which must have elapsed before such sentiments could have grown up from the rude beginnings of savage or semi-civilized superstitions. The two oldest religions of the world, those of Egypt and Chald?a, tell the same story; that of the immense interval which must have elapsed prior to the historical date of 5000 b.c. when written records begin, to allow of such ideas and such a civilization having grown up from such a state of things as we find prevailing220 during the neolithic period, and still prevailing among the inferior races of the world, who have remained isolated221 and unchanged in the hunting or nomad222 condition.
I have dwelt at some length on the ancient religions, for nothing tends more to open the mind, and break down the narrow barriers of sectarian prejudice, than to see how the ideas which we have believed to be the peculiar possession of our own religion, are in fact the inevitable products of the evolution of the human race from barbarism to civilization, and have appeared 132 in substantially the same forms in so many ages and countries. And surely, in these days, when faith in direct inspiration has been so rudely shaken, it must be consoling to many enlightened Christians223 to find that the fundamental articles of their creed, trinities, emanations, incarnations, atonements, a future life and day of judgment, are not the isolated conceptions of a minority of the human race in recent times, but have been held from a remote antiquity by all the nations which have taken a leading part in civilization.
To all enlightened minds also, whatever may be their theological creeds, it must be a cheering reflection that the fundamental axioms of morality do not depend on the evidence that the Decalogue was written on a stone by God's own finger, or that the Sermon on the Mount is correctly reported, but on the evolution of the natural instincts of the human mind. All advanced and civilized communities have had their Decalogues and Sermons on the Mount, and it is impossible for any dispassionate observer to read them without feeling that in substance they are all identical, whether contained in the Egyptian Todtenbuch, the Babylonian hymns, the Zoroastrian Zendavesta, the sacred books of Brahmanism and Buddhism, the Maxims of Confucius, the Doctrines224 of Plato and the Stoics225, or the Christian Bible.
None are absolutely perfect and complete, and of some it may be said that they contain precepts of the highest practical importance which are either omitted or contradicted in the Christian formulas. For instance, the virtue226 of diligence, and the injunction not to be idle, in the Egyptian and Zoroastrian creeds contrast favourably227 with the "take no thought for the morrow," and "trust to be fed like the sparrows," of the Sermon on the 133 Mount. But in this, and in all these summaries of moral axioms, apparent differences arise not from fundamental oppositions228, but from truth having two sides, and passing over readily into
"The falsehood of extremes."
Even the injunction to "take no thought for the morrow," is only an extreme way of stating that the active side of human life, strenuous229 effort, self-denial, and foresight230, must not be pushed so far as to stifle231 all higher aspirations232. Probably if the same concrete case of conduct had been submitted to an Egyptian, a Babylonian or Zoroastrian priest, and to the late Bishop233 of Peterborough, their verdicts would not have been different. Such a wide extension does the maxim147 take, "One touch of Nature makes the world akin," when we educate ourselves up to the culture which gives some general idea of how civilized man has everywhere felt and believed since the dawn of history very much as we ourselves do at the close of the nineteenth century.
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1
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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orientation
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| n.方向，目标；熟悉，适应，情况介绍 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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penitent
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| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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10
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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16
pal
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| n.朋友，伙伴，同志；vi.结为友 | |
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hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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19
hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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20
hieroglyphic
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| n.象形文字 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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22
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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23
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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25
scrawl
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| vt.潦草地书写；n.潦草的笔记，涂写 | |
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26
inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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27
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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28
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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29
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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30
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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32
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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33
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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drudge
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| n.劳碌的人；v.做苦工，操劳 | |
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35
dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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36
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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39
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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40
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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41
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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42
neolithic
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| adj.新石器时代的 | |
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43
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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45
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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46
gravels
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| 沙砾( gravel的名词复数 )； 砾石； 石子； 结石 | |
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47
incision
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| n．切口，切开 | |
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48
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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50
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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51
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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52
abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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53
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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propitiated
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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56
devious
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| adj.不坦率的，狡猾的；迂回的，曲折的 | |
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57
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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58
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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tranquilly
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| adv. 宁静地 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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animate
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| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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71
constellations
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| n.星座( constellation的名词复数 )；一群杰出人物；一系列（相关的想法、事物）；一群（相关的人） | |
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smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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73
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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75
rams
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| n.公羊( ram的名词复数 )；(R-)白羊（星）座；夯；攻城槌v.夯实（土等）( ram的第三人称单数 )；猛撞；猛压；反复灌输 | |
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76
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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80
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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81
underlies
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的第三人称单数 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起 | |
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82
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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83
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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84
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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85
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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86
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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88
embodies
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| v.表现( embody的第三人称单数 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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89
astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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90
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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91
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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92
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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93
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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94
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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95
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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96
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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97
truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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98
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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99
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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100
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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101
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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102
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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103
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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104
manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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105
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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106
malevolence
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| n.恶意，狠毒 | |
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107
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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108
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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109
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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110
incarnated
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| v.赋予（思想、精神等）以人的形体( incarnate的过去式和过去分词 )；使人格化；体现；使具体化 | |
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111
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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112
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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113
firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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114
nether
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| adj.下部的，下面的；n.阴间；下层社会 | |
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115
navigated
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| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的过去式和过去分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
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116
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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117
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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118
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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119
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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120
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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121
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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122
mythologies
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| 神话学( mythology的名词复数 )； 神话（总称）； 虚构的事实； 错误的观点 | |
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123
sidereal
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| adj.恒星的 | |
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124
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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125
mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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126
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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127
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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128
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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129
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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130
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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131
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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132
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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133
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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134
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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135
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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136
deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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137
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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138
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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139
entities
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| 实体对像； 实体，独立存在体，实际存在物( entity的名词复数 ) | |
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140
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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141
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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142
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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143
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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144
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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145
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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146
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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147
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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148
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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149
negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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150
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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151
tampered
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| v.窜改( tamper的过去式 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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152
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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153
monopolized
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| v.垄断( monopolize的过去式和过去分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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154
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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155
prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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156
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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157
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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158
papyrus
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| n.古以纸草制成之纸 | |
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159
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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160
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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161
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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162
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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163
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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164
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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165
myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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166
malevolent
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| adj.有恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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167
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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168
auguries
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| n.（古罗马）占卜术，占卜仪式( augury的名词复数 )；预兆 | |
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169
puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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170
mare
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| n.母马，母驴 | |
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171
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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172
divination
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| n.占卜，预测 | |
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173
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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174
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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175
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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176
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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177
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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178
starry
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| adj.星光照耀的, 闪亮的 | |
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179
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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180
combative
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| adj.好战的；好斗的 | |
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181
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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182
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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183
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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184
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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185
Saturn
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| n.农神，土星 | |
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186
maternity
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| n.母性，母道，妇产科病房；adj.孕妇的，母性的 | |
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187
fabled
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| adj.寓言中的，虚构的 | |
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188
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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189
mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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190
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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191
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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192
ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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193
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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194
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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195
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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196
enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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197
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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198
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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199
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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200
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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201
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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202
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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203
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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204
impels
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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205
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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206
Buddhism
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| n.佛教（教义） | |
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207
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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208
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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209
repentant
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| adj.对…感到悔恨的 | |
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210
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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212
transgressions
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| n.违反，违法，罪过( transgression的名词复数 ) | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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supplication
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| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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nomad
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| n.游牧部落的人，流浪者，游牧民 | |
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223
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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224
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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225
stoics
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| 禁欲主义者，恬淡寡欲的人，不以苦乐为意的人( stoic的名词复数 ) | |
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226
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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228
oppositions
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| （强烈的）反对( opposition的名词复数 )； 反对党； （事业、竞赛、游戏等的）对手； 对比 | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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230
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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231
stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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