All the States except Rhode Island appointed delegates to a general Convention to be held in Philadelphia in May, 1787, for the purpose of “devising such further provisions as may be necessary to render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies16 of the union.” The members were the wisest and most honorable men in America. The venerable Franklin, now eighty-one years of age, George Washington, a long list of Revolutionary heroes, and eight signers of the Declaration of Independence were among the distinguished17 delegates. The Convention was occupied for nearly four months. The proceedings18 were secret; the journal being intrusted to the care of Washington, who deposited it in the State Department. This journal was afterward20 printed. Notes of several members were published in 1840, and from these we have nearly a complete view of the process by which the Constitution was formed.
The antagonisms22 of the States were many and bitter. Chief among them was the slavery question. So hot discussions on this point became that for a fortnight the Convention was on the verge23 of dissolution, and even Washington despaired of a favorable issue to the proceedings, and almost repented24 of having had{107} anything to do with the Convention. At this time Franklin made his characteristic speech on the wide diversity of opinion, in which he said that when a broad table is to be made, and the edges of the planks25 do not fit, the artisan takes a little from both and makes a good joint26. In like manner here, both sides must part with some of their demands in order to join in an accommodating position. With the agreement to compromise, the work went more rapidly, and on the 12th of September the completed Constitution was ordered printed. The signing, and the ratification27 by States of the Constitution followed.
The first Congress assembled in New York on the 4th of March, 1789. Delegates arrived from all the States excepting Rhode Island and North Carolina. On opening the votes of the electors, it was ascertained28 that George Washington was elected President of the United States, and John Adams, having the next highest number of votes, was declared Vice-President. On the 23d of April the President-elect arrived in New York, and on the 30th was inaugurated. After a laborious30 session Congress adjourned31 to meet on the first Monday in January.
The national government was received with powerful opposition32 by a considerable proportion of voters, and two political parties were thus formed at the very outset. The friends of the{108} Constitution were called Federalists, and the opposing party were styled anti-Federalists. In November of this year North Carolina adopted the Constitution, and was admitted as a State, and Rhode Island followed next year. In 1790 the location of the Capital was decided33 upon, and its removal to the Potomac designated to take place in the year 1800; in the meantime, the seat of government was to be established at Philadelphia. A census34 was taken, which showed the population of the United States to be 3,929,326, of which 695,655 were slaves. In 1791 the opposition to the Federal party grew stronger, when the State debts were assumed by Congress, and Hamilton broached35 the scheme of a National bank. Jefferson, who had been first Secretary of the State, headed the opposing party, who adopted the name of Republicans, and denounced the Hamilton party as Monarchists, and declared against the tendency to centralization of power. The Federal party continued in the majority, however, and Washington and Adams were re-elected in 1792. In the elections of 1800 the Republicans were victorious36; Jefferson became President and Aaron Burr Vice-President. The two men received an equal number of votes, and Congress had to decide between them. For many years the “State Rights” Republican-Democratic party continued in power.{109}
The most important event of the early part of the nineteenth century was the purchase of Louisiana from the French. This enormous territory had been lost to England after the French and Indian war; it embraced the whole Mississippi Valley, and extended indefinitely westward37. In 1762 it was transferred to Spain, although open possession was not given until 1769. In 1763 Great Britain had obtained, by treaty, that portion lying east of the Mississippi. In 1783, of course, this came into possession of the United States. All the territory west, and on the east from the 31st parallel to the Gulf38, remained in the hands of Spain. The importance of having the free use of the river as a channel of transportation to the sea was early felt. This necessity was intensified39 as settlements increased and the Spanish authorities began to manifest a hostile policy. In 1800 Spain gave back to France the province of Louisiana. It was some time before the transaction became known, but the moment it was made public Jefferson saw that our troubles with France were not an end. The day she took possession the old friendship, long strained, would come to an end, and war seemed near, for in 1802 came the news that an expedition was preparing to cross to Louisiana. Meanwhile the navigation of the river was closed to American citizens; all trade was forbidden them, and the right of{110} deposit at New Orleans was taken away. Protected by this right, traders of Kentucky and Ohio had been accustomed to float tobacco, flour, etc., down the river and store them in warehouses40 to await the arrival of sloops41 or scows to carry them to their ports. By the treaty of 1795 some convenient place must always be open for these goods, and when New Orleans was closed there was no other place. Jefferson’s plan was to buy so much territory on the east hank of the river as would settle forever the question of the use of its mouth. Although vigorously opposed by the Federalists in Congress, who wished to declare war against Spain, Jefferson’s proposal was acted upon, and James Monroe was sent over to act with the ministers to France and Spain in the matter of the purchase. Talleyrand hindered the matter as much as possible, and Livingston finally was obliged to break over the bonds of diplomatic etiquette42 and address himself directly to the First Consul10. Napoleon agreed to sell, not part but all; the first price asked was one hundred and twenty-five million francs, and the final price agreed upon was eighty millions. Jefferson, although only authorized43 to spend two million dollars, accepted the treaty, summoned Congress, and urged it to perfect the purchase. Fifteen million dollars seemed an enormous sum for the people to assume to pay, and the old Federalists fought{111} the measure hotly, but in the end the treaty was ratified by Congress. On November 10th the act creating the eleven million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars’ worth of stock called for by the first Convention was passed, and in December, 1803, the United States took possession of Louisiana.
The immense territory thus acquired was an unexplored and unknown region to the Americans of that day. Only such scraps44 of information as came from hunters and trappers, and the wild tales of the Indians had reached the officials. And such tales! There were Indians of gigantic stature45; a mountain of salt one hundred and eighty miles in length, all brilliant white in the sun, not a tree on it, and saline streams flowing from its base. There were prairies too rich for anything but grass, soil so fertile that things grew for the planting. In 1804 a party of explorers under Lewis and Clark was sent out by the government; they followed the Missouri to its source, crossed the mountains to the Pacific, and traversed all that region now known as Oregon.
The commerce of America now began to increase with remarkable46 rapidity, and complications arising with other countries obliged the United States to protect her commerce by engaging in two wars, one with Tripoli and one with England. France and England were engaged{112} in that mighty47 struggle which followed the events of the French Revolution. Seriously in need of men and unable to buy them from the German Duchies as she had done in her war with the colonies, England began that system of impressment of seamen48 which finally became so intolerable that war was necessary. The evil was one of long standing49. As far back as 1796 application was made in London for the release of two hundred and seventy seamen thus seized within a year. The people of the United States were roused to a state of indignation. Measures for fitting out a suitable naval50 armament were taken, and a policy of aggression51 decided upon.
The war with Britain, however, was preceded by a three years’ war with the piratical power of Tripoli, which with the other Barbary States of North Africa, had for many years made the Mediterranean52 unsafe for commerce. The weaker mercantile nations of Europe, after vainly endeavoring to suppress these outrages53, had consented to pay an annual tribute for the security of their vessels54. The United States did the same for a time, but having grown weary of this course declared war against Tripoli. The contest ended in 1804, and resulted in the partial suppression of the piracies55. It needed a second struggle in 1815 to induce Algiers and Tunis to give up all claims to tribute from the United{113}
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MAIN BUILDING, INTERNATIONAL CENTENNIAL EXHIBITION, 1876.
States, and this was accomplished56 under the same talented commander who brought the first war to a successful close—the gallant57 Commodore Decatur.
The history of the second war with Great Britain begins, as we have seen, as far back as 1796. The aggressive acts of that power were of a nature that would not be tolerated for a single month did they occur in the present day. An official report made in 1812 by the Secretary of State declared that five hundred and twenty-eight American merchantmen had been taken by England prior to 1807, and three hundred and eighty-nine after that period. The value of those vessels and cargoes58, estimated at the lowest figures, would amount to nearly thirty million dollars. An abundant warrant for war, surely; yet the declaration was carried in Congress by an astonishingly small majority. The Federal party, opposed to all the Jeffersonian measures, fought with especial bitterness—and with especial justification—the embargo59 which the executive had declared and which had really caused severe distress60 to the industrial classes. The depression continued throughout the war, and the suffering experienced gave strong support to the measures of the so-called “Peace Party,” who threw every obstruction61 in the way of its successful termination. Altogether it was a war for which no adequate provision was made. The{114} navy of the United States was in no condition to cope with that of England; the regular army numbered less than seven thousand men, and the other requisites62 of war were as poorly provided for. The time, however, was most opportune63. England was exhausted64 with her struggle with France, which even then was continuing, and required most of her attention. Yet so miserably65 was the war managed that the first year was a record of disaster to the United States. Our naval operations were successful from the start, and the striking series of victories at sea filled England with astonishment66 and dismay. These successes were followed by similar ones on the lakes, where two of the most notable battles of the war were won. In 1814 the British took possession of Washington, burned the Capitol, the President’s house, the public offices, the navy yard and arsenal67, and the bridge over the Potomac. They were repulsed68 by the Americans a few days later and forced to leave the Chesapeake. The British fleet then sailed south, and in December appeared before New Orleans. The gallant defense69 made by Jackson lasted nearly a month and resulted in victory for the United States. Before the first gun was fired the treaty of peace had been signed, but word did not reach the combatants in the South until February.
The treaty settled certain questions of boundary,{115} of fisheries, and provided the abolishment of naval forces on the lakes. On the subject of impressment it was silent, as it could very well have been, since America had amply proved her ability to defend her commerce and her citizens in any future difficulty.
The best result of the war was the rapid increase of American manufactories, caused by the impossibility, during the blockade, of obtaining goods from abroad. After the blockade was raised many of these manufactories were ruined, in consequence of the sudden influx70 of foreign goods, but the impetus71 given had been a healthy one, and home industries had received a start, at least. Agricultural products greatly increased in value, land and labor29 rose in proportion, and the shipping72 interests of the country grew more prosperous than ever. During this period there was evinced a growing tendency to the division of the country into a Northern and a Southern section. In the one, free labor and advancing commercial and manufacturing interests created one set of conditions, while in the South, slave labor and developing agricultural wealth induced quite another. With the invention of the cotton-gin, in 1791, cotton quickly rose to a prominent position among American industries. Slave labor, which had been growing undesirable73, now became of high value, and the slaves in the country increased from 657,047 in 1790 to—in{116} round numbers—1,600,000 in 1820. By this time slavery had almost vanished from the North, and the industrial interests of the country were becoming so widely different that the character of the people could not avoid suffering proportionate changes. In the North industry was commended above all things, and the worker was the peer of any man—theoretically speaking. In the South labor was looked down upon, and the planter gave himself up to social pleasures, even leaving the overseeing of his estate in the hands of an agent. While the tendency in the North was the breaking down of all class distinction, the South was becoming more and more of an aristocracy. This diversity of conditions was destined74 to increase with time, until its final outcome was most inevitably75 war for the preservation76 of those principles of freedom and democracy, on which the union was founded, and on which its existence depends.
During this period, also, the West was filling up with remarkable rapidity. State after State was admitted, until, by 1820, the original thirteen were increased to twenty-four. All the States east of the Mississippi were admitted by this time, and west of the river were Missouri and Louisiana. It was a very rude population that filled the frontier. Refugees from all the Eastern States fled to escape justice, and finally formed the majority of the inhabitants. For{117} many years villainy reigned supreme77, but the invading march of civilization gradually introduced a better element, and the West offered a less attractive harbor to the unregenerate.
Allusion78 must be made to the invasion of Florida by General Jackson in 1818. From 1812 difficulties had existed with the Seminole Indians, while many fugitive79 slaves fled to the northern part of the State and amalgamated80 with the savages81. These negroes settled on the Appalachicola River, and, furnished with arms by the British, defied the American authorities. Their stronghold was destroyed by General Clinch83 in 1816, but annoyance84 from the Seminoles continued. In 1818 General Jackson invaded Florida, destroyed the Indian towns, and took possession of the town of Pensacola and the Spanish fort of St. Mark’s. The controversy85 thus provoked with Spain resulted in the cession86 of the whole of Florida to the United States, February 22d, 1819.
The political state of the country from 1816 to 1820, during Monroe’s administration, was peculiar87 in that only one political party existed—a condition of affairs never witnessed before or since. This was known as “the era of good feeling.” Industrially, however, it was an era of great depression. The prosperity which followed the war of 1812 had vanished, and the natural revulsion from abnormally high prices{118} had come. The banks suspended specie payments and gold and silver disappeared. The Bank of the United States was in a demoralized condition, and ruin and bankruptcy88 prevailed everywhere. From this distress it took several years for the United States to recover. A notable feature of the time was the consideration in Congress of the problem of internal improvements. Large appropriations90 were made for a canal route across Florida, for a national road from Cumberland, Maryland, to Ohio, etc. The greatest enterprise was the Erie Canal, built by the State of New York at a cost of ten millions of dollars. Among other events worthy92 of mention was the founding of the Anti-Slavery Association in 1815, the formation of the first savings93 bank in Philadelphia, the founding of colleges and universities in almost every State in the union, and the crossing of the first ocean steamship94.
The history of this period must not be closed without allusion to the famous “Monroe Doctrine95.” America had long held itself aloof96 from interference in European affairs, but until now she had never asserted her determination not to be interfered97 with. In Monroe’s message of 1823, occurs the passage which, although it never received official sanction from Congress, immediately became a fixed99 and unalterable part of our national policy: that any{119} attempt to extend foreign systems of government to any part of this hemisphere is declared dangerous to our peace and safety, and shall be taken as a manifestation100 of an unfriendly disposition101 toward the United States.
In 1819 occurred the exciting controversy known as the “Missouri Compromise,” which settled one phase of the slavery question, and paved the way for its final solution. When Missouri applied102 for admission as a State, the House of Representatives voted to make that admission conditional103 on the prohibition104 of the further introduction of slaves, and the emancipation105 of all slave children born after the admission, as soon as they reached the age of twenty-five. The Senate, however, rejected this condition, and Congress adjourned without coming to any final decision. All during the next session the question was fought, until in the night between the 2d and 3d of March, 1820, the State was admitted on a compromise. Slavery was permitted in its territory, but forever interdicted106 in the territory, except Missouri, lying north of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes north latitude107. If the latter had affected108 Missouri alone it would have been comparatively insignificant109, but there were two great principles involved which bore upon the welfare of the entire nation. These were the questions of slavery and of State sovereignty as opposed{120} to United States supremacy110. The result of the Compromise was that the country was divided upon a fixed geographical111 basis into free and slave sections. Each of the two groups consolidated112 more and more, and the antagonism21 between the North and South inevitably increased.
In 1835 an event took place which was destined ultimately to be of great interest to the United States. This was the revolution in Texas, then a province of Central America. A Declaration of Independence was made on the 2d of March, 1836; on March 6th the famous massacre113 of the Alamo occurred, and two weeks later the battle of San Jacinto, in which the Mexican forces were beaten, and the President, Santa Anna, taken prisoner. As a condition to his release the Mexican troops left the country, and hostilities114 ceased. The independence of Texas was soon acknowledged by the United States and Europe, and in 1845, at its own request, the new republic became a State of the American union. Mexico, which had never acknowledged the independence of Texas, resented the action of the United States, and the following year collisions took place between the two countries on the Rio Grande. Two very deadly conflicts, one at Palo Alto and the other at Resaca de la Palma, could only result in a declaration of war on the part of our government. The army, under General{121} Taylor, proceeded at once to Palo Alto, where the Mexicans were defeated on the 8th of May. In September Taylor took Monterey. Another army under General Kearney had succeeded in occupying New Mexico, and after establishing a civil government, marched on to California to the assistance of Commodore Stockton and Captain Fremont. The war ended with victory for the Americans in September of the next year. It had been an unbroken series of successes for the United States. The treaty of peace was signed on the 2d of February, 1848; under its provisions Upper California and New Mexico were surrendered by Mexico, which in turn was granted all its conquered territory, with fifteen million dollars.
The same year that witnessed our accession of California proved the existence of gold in great abundance throughout a vast region of country, and in a few months’ time thousands of treasure seekers were already at work washing fortunes out of the sands. The history of the “Gold Rush” to California in the autumn of 1848 and all during the next few years is one of unique and most absorbing interest. The scenes to which it gave rise are unparalleled in the story of any other country, unless we except Australia. A short period served to exhaust the “placer” minings of California and more expensive methods had to be resorted to. The hydraulic{122} process was invented in 1852; quartz115 mining also came into vogue116. Rich silver deposits were discovered in Colorado and Nevada, and although the era of individual fortune hunting was past, an immense amount of wealth still remained in the rocks of the new country, and emigration proceeded with unexampled energy. Not only was the Pacific Slope found rich in gold, but in forests, and above all in agricultural facilities. With all these inducements on the coast, came the discovery of the wealth in the intervening prairie lands, and the great West began to fill up, until in forty-three years it has become the home of the boldest and most promising117 population within the United States’ limits. State after State has been admitted, railroads and telegraphs have been built across the continent, and an immense and flourishing domain118 has been added to the nation.
The next phase of American history which, in a recital119 of only the important events of national growth, must claim attention, is the development of Abolitionism. The slavery question was not buried after the passage of the Missouri Compromise Bill, as its supporters had promised and believed. The doctrine of abolition120 was first openly advocated by William Lloyd Garrison121 in his newspaper, The Liberator122, issued January 1st, 1831. Anti-Slavery societies were formed soon afterward, but they met with such violent{123} opposition in the North that they were forced to cease their meetings. The political strength of the idea was not manifested until 1844, when the candidate of the “Liberty” party made Polk President of the United States. It was, however, the close of the Mexican War and the subsequent large addition of property that brought the question into prominence123 before Congress. In the discussion of the treaty of Mexico, David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, proposed to add to the appropriation89 bill the clause that slavery should be prohibited in any territory which might be acquired as a consequence of the war. Although the “Wilmot Proviso” was rejected, it was received with warmest approbation124 throughout the North.
The Anti-Slavery faction125, organized in 1848, under the name of “the Free Soil Party,” and in the ensuing election returned its candidate, Martin Van Buren, to the Presidency126, sent Salmon127 P. Chase and Charles Sumner to the Senate, and a large number of its friends to the House of Representatives. The rapid settlement of the West added to the complication. California and Oregon in their territorial128 organization excluded slavery, and the former applied for admission as a State on an Anti-Slavery basis. A fierce debate followed in Congress, the Southern representatives insisting on the organization of California, Oregon, Utah, and New{124} Mexico without slavery restrictions129. The Free Soil party demanded, not only the admission of California, but the organization of the other territories with slavery absolutely prohibited. The dispute ended in a compromise, proposed by Henry Clay, in which California was admitted as a free State, no restriction130 enforced in Utah or New Mexico, and slavery prohibited in the District of Columbia, and provisions made for the return of fugitive slaves from all Northern States. The compromise was so agreeable to the majority of the people that for a time the Anti-Slavery agitation131 was greatly decreased.
In 1855 the Free Soil party was absorbed into the Republican party, destined to attain132 such power in later days. It was the clause relating to fugitive slaves which renewed the abolition sentiment in the North. For years previous to this time escaped slaves had found plenty of friends among the Northerners to help them to Canada, and in time the organization for aid and secretion133 of fugitive blacks became more complete, and very few slaves who succeeded in crossing the border line were ever recovered by their masters. Massachusetts even passed a law to secure fugitive slaves trial by jury, and Pennsylvania passed a law against kidnapping. A decision was finally made in the Supreme Court which gave to the owners of a slave the right to recapture him without process of law,{125} but this availed little against the growing sentiment against all slavery. In 1850 a Fugitive Slave law was passed which was so unjust in its measures that it left little hindrance134 to the kidnapping of free negroes to be held as slaves in the South. This law aroused the greatest indignation, and backed up the Abolitionists with a crowd of ardent135 sympathizers, where previously136 they had been regarded as wild radicals137. In December, 1853, the Territory of Nebraska was proposed for organization. An amendment138 to the bill was offered which should abrogate139 the Missouri Compromise and permit the citizens of the Southern States to take and hold their slaves within any of the new Territories or States. The bill was reported back from the committee, modified to propose the formation of two territories, Kansas and Nebraska. At the end of a contest lasting140 four months, the bill was carried, with the measure which had been in existence for thirty-five years nullified and the whole territory from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains thrown open to slavery. In 1857 the South gained a new victory when the Missouri Compromise was declared unconstitutional in the highest tribunal in the land. The Abolition party was now very greatly strengthened in the North, and before the slavery agitation, all other questions of public policy were subordinate. A re-organization of parties became necessary;{126} the Democrats141 divided into two sections, and the Free Soilers and a section of the Democrats and the old Whigs fused to form the Republican party.
The first hostilities resulting in bloodshed appeared in Kansas. An organized effort had been made by the anti-slavery societies of the North to secure Kansas by colonizing142 her with Abolitionists. Missouri made a corresponding effort to secure it to slavery, but rather by violence than colonization143. An armed band of two hundred and fifty Missourians marched upon the new town of Lawrence and ordered its settlers to leave the territory. The settlers refused, and their assailants retired144; but this battle of words was followed by a series of more serious assaults. An election for a Territorial legislature was ordered in 1855. The slave-holders of Missouri and Arkansas entered the Territory in large bands, took possession of the polls, and, driving the actual settlers away, cast their votes for the Pro-Slavery candidates. This fraudulent operation was ignored by Congress, and the proceedings of the Pro-Slavery legislature were indorsed. But the Free State settlers were too many to be dealt with thus, and in 1859 they held another convention, elected their candidates, and adopted a new Constitution, in which slavery was prohibited.
These violent methods of legislation were carried{127} to Congress, where, in 1856, Charles Sumner was brutally145 assaulted by Preston S. Brooks146, of South Carolina, after the delivery of the speech on “The Crime Against Kansas” by the former. This occurrence added to the bitterness of party spirit, and had its share in arousing the fanatical outbreak of John Brown at Harper’s Ferry. On the approach of the elections of 1860 the hot-headed leaders of Southern politics, rather than accept the moderate views of the Northern section of their party, chose to divide their ranks, thus insuring the election of a Northern candidate. When the Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, whose record on the question was embraced in one sentence of a recent speech, “I believe this government cannot permanently147 endure half slave and half free,” the issue was for the first time clearly defined in a political contest. For ten years the threat of secession had been openly made in Congress, whenever any Pro-Slavery measure was strongly opposed, but now it became more than a threat; it was a menace. Lincoln must have been elected, even if the issue had been less vital, and his successful candidacy was rather desired than dreaded148 in the South. Secession had been determined149 upon in South Carolina, and the “fire-eaters” of the South were delighted at what they deemed a direct provocation150.
In December, 1860, South Carolina passed an{128} ordinance151 of secession, and set up an independent government. Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Texas, Mississippi, and Louisiana followed; the Northern range of slave States waited until war had actually broken out.
The Southern element still had possession of Congress, and there was no fear of interference until after Lincoln’s inauguration152; the seizure153 of the United States forts and arsenals154 in the seceding155 States was therefore accomplished without opposition.
It was not until April that any decisive action was taken by the new administration. Even the fact that a convention had been held at Montgomery, Alabama, a Constitution adopted, and a President elected of the Confederated Southern States had received no active opposition; but when Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor was beleaguered156 by a Confederate force, preparations were made to relieve it at once, thus deciding the question of war. Early in April a fleet sailed southward and took possession of the fort. As soon as it became known in Charleston, hostilities were determined upon unless Major Anderson, the Federal commander, at once evacuated157 the fort. He refused, and on the 12th day of April, 1861, at the hour of five A.M., the first gun was fired which announced the beginning of the greatest civil war in history.
Of this war we shall not attempt to give a{129}
Image not available: LIBBY PRISON.
LIBBY PRISON.
detailed158 account, but shall merely pass in rapid review over the most important events, giving a general outline of the basis on which it was fought. The reduction of Fort Sumter was followed by a call from President Lincoln for seventy-five thousand volunteers, which were quickly furnished. Yet the valuable navy yard at Norfolk fell into the hands of the Confederates, and the capture of Washington was only averted159 by a hasty movement of the troops. The first situation was a little complex; there was in effect a double war—one in Virginia and the country north of it, the other in the States bordering the Mississippi River on the east. There were minor160 fields of campaigning west of the river, and along the coast where the blockade proved useful in isolating161 the South from foreign countries.
The seceding States having chosen Jefferson Davis as President, made Richmond, Virginia, their capital, and the two capitals—Richmond and Washington—were the points between which the war in Virginia raged during the entire four years, and the fury with which these cities were alternately assailed162 and defended went far toward exhausting the warring sections of the country. In the West and along the Mississippi the line of battle went southward, while a corresponding movement pushed toward the north from the enemy’s country along the river until{130} the two armies met and thus gave the Mississippi to the United States again. After this achievement the two fields of war began to combine in one, and the Western army, marching into the Atlantic States, pushed on to aid Grant in the final struggle.
The war began in earnest, when General McDowell with twenty-eight thousand men, advanced against General Beauregard, who was entrenched163 behind the small stream of Bull Run, south of Washington. Both armies were composed of undisciplined men. The fighting was severe on both sides, and it was only when Beauregard was reinforced by Johnston’s forces that the tide of war turned in favor of the Southern army. The National troops became demoralized, and the bulk of them fled from the field in disorder164. This defeat greatly startled and alarmed the North. It was seen that a gigantic struggle with a most potent165 and determined foe166 was at hand, and preparations were made to meet it. State militia167 regiments168 were mustered169 into the National army “for three years or the war,” and General George B. McClellan was put in command. The remainder of 1861 was spent in drilling and equipment of troops, etc., with the exception of a battle at Ball’s Bluff170, in which the Confederates were again victorious.
In the spring of 1862, General McClellan began{131} active work. His plans were most elaborately drawn171 and carefully matured. It was the campaign of an engineer, rather than of a fighting soldier. He moved toward Richmond with the bulk of his army by way of the James River Peninsula, while General McDowell advanced from Fredericksburg, and Banks and Fremont moved down the Shenandoah Valley. The last two commanders were met and beaten completely by General Thomas J. Jackson, best known as “Stonewall.” McDowell was held back to defend Washington. So McClellan and his army went on alone. He wasted some time in besieging172 Yorktown; and fought the battles of Williamsburg, May 5th, and Seven Pines May 31st, the latter being within six miles of Richmond. At Seven Pines the Confederate General, J.E. Johnston, was seriously wounded, and Robert E. Lee succeeded him as leader of the Southern hosts.
“Stonewall” Jackson having beaten Banks and Fremont in the Valley, now came down and joined Lee, and McClellan was driven back to Harrison’s Landing on the James River. During this retreat, the battles of Gaines’s Mills, Savage82 Station, Glendale, and Malvern Hill were fought, from June 25th to July 1st, all desperate and bloody173. Malvern Hill was a Titanic174 conflict, and in it the National army was victorious. But McClellan, instead of following{132} up his advantage, continued his retreat. He was constantly clamoring for reinforcements, and blamed the Government at Washington for his inability to whip the enemy. On August 29th and 30th the National forces under General Pope were vanquished175 at Bull Run, and soon after General Lee captured Harper’s Ferry, and crossed the Potomac into Maryland. McClellan met him on September 17th at Antietam, and defeated him in a bloody battle. Lee fell back, and McClellan did not pursue him.
The President had long been dissatisfied with the policy pursued by McClellan, who apparently176 was a victim to over-cautiousness. General Burnside was therefore put in his place, as Commander of the Army of the Potomac. He proved as rash as McClellan had been cautious, and the results of his rashness were disastrous177. On December 13th he fought at Fredericksburg a bloody but fruitless battle; and soon thereafter he was superseded178 in command by General Joseph Hooker. That commander was also incautious, and was commonly known as “Fighting Joe” Hooker, from his supposed brilliancy and courage in battle. He led the army against the Confederates at Chancellors179 ville, May 1st and 3d, 1863, and was terribly beaten. It was one of the worst defeats sustained by the union arms in the whole war.{133}
Now the Southern armies, flushed with victory, took the aggressive and invaded the North. They swept across Maryland and entered Pennsylvania, no effective opposition being offered. Hooker and his army started after them, but in the last week of June Hooker was removed from command, and General George Gordon Meade was put in his place. That wise and capable leader hurried the union army northward180, and on July 1st confronted Lee at Gettysburg. There, on July 1st, 2d, and 3d, was fought the greatest battle of the war, and one of the most important in human history. It cannot be described in detail here, but it resulted in the complete discomfiture181 of the Confederates, who retreated with all possible haste back to Virginia, and never sought to invade the North again. General Meade followed them, but was unable to overtake and capture them. During the remainder of that year Meade made two attempts upon Richmond, but without important results. Thus matters stood in Virginia at the beginning of 1864, when a new factor appeared upon the scene, before dwelling182 upon which some events elsewhere must be recounted.
Attacks had been made, up to this time, upon the Confederates along the coast by several expeditions. General T. W. Sherman and Commodore Du Pont had occupied Beaufort in November, 1861. Early in 1862 General Burnside{134} had taken Roanoke Island and Newberne. In the West, beyond the Mississippi, there had been much fighting, especially in Arkansas, and the National arms had been generally successful. On the water, also, the National fleets were supreme. At no time had the Confederates a fleet able to hold its own at sea. They had a number of fast cruisers, fitted out in England, which roamed the ocean as freebooters, preying183 upon American commerce. The most notable of these was the “Alabama,” which was finally destroyed off Cherbourg, France, by the “Kearsarge,” in June, 1864. They had also a number of powerful rams184 and ironclad gunboats, for coast and harbor defense. Most famous of these was the “Merrimack,” which, in Hampton Roads, destroyed the great frigates185 “Congress” and “Cumberland,” and bade fair to deal likewise with the whole union fleet. Opportunely186, the little ironclad “Monitor,” just built by John Ericsson, appeared upon the scene, gave battle, and vanquished the monster “Merrimack.” This was one of the epoch-making naval battles of the world. It not only saved the whole union fleet, and perhaps many Northern seaport13 cities from destruction. At a single stroke it revolutionized naval architecture and naval warfare187. The great wooden frigates were instantly made things of the past; thenceforth the typical war-ship was a heavily armored iron and steel machine, carrying only a{135} few guns in revolving188 turrets189, or in heavy iron casemates.
But the greatest of the operations leading down to 1864 were in the West Central States. At the beginning of 1862 the National commanders set out to regain190 possession of the Mississippi River. In January General Thomas defeated the Confederates at Mill Spring. In February Commodore Foote reduced Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River. A few days later General U. S. Grant, after most severe fighting, captured Fort Donelson and its garrison of 15,000 Confederate troops. This was the first really great union victory, and Grant at once became a dominant191 figure in the drama of civil war. Other operations followed, by which the Confederates were driven out of Kentucky, and largely out of Tennessee. In April General Pope and Commodore Foote captured Island No. 10, with 7,000 Confederates, thus clearing the Mississippi down to Memphis. Early in April a great two days’ battle was fought at Pittsburg Landing, on the Tennessee River, Generals Grant and W. T. Sherman commanding the National army, and A. S. Johnston and G. P. T. Beauregard the Confederates. On the first day the Confederates were successful, but on the second the National army rallied, regained192 its ground, and drove the foe before it in one of the bloodiest193 conflicts of the war. General{136} A. S. Johnston was killed—an irreparable loss to the Southern cause.
The union armies now moved southward into Alabama and Mississippi. Early in 1863 they gathered about Vicksburg, the “Gibraltar of the South,” the only important obstacle to the reopening of the Mississippi. Admiral Porter co-operated with his fleet. A long siege, marked by many desperate engagements, followed, ending with the surrender of Vicksburg, with 27,000 men to General Grant. This occurred on July 3d, at the very time when Meade was putting Lee to rout91 at Gettysburg. A few days later Port Hudson surrendered to General Banks; Admiral Farragut, in a naval conflict of surpassing splendor194, had already captured New Orleans; and thus the entire Mississippi was regained by the National authorities. Later, a great reverse was suffered. General Rosecrans was terribly beaten by the Confederates at Chickamauga, and driven into Chattanooga, where he was besieged195. This was on September 19th and 20th. But Grant was now free to turn his attention thither196, and he quickly drove the Confederates away from Chattanooga southward into Georgia.
Thus we come to the opening of 1864. General Grant’s brilliant successes in the West led the President to call him to the East, when he was made commander of all the National armies. Sherman was left in the West to command{137} there, under Grant’s direction. These two illustrious commanders matured their plans together, and simultaneously197, early in May, moved forward on the greatest campaign of the war. Sherman marched from Chattanooga southward, against the able Confederate General J. E. Johnston. Desperate battles were fought at Kenesaw Mountain and elsewhere, but Sherman was irresistible198. In August the war raged about Atlanta, and at the beginning of September that most important city fell into Sherman’s hands. The Confederate President, who hated Johnston, had foolishly removed him from command and put Hood199 in his place. The latter was a brave and gallant soldier, but was not—as he himself well knew—the equal of Johnston as a commander, and this change did the Confederates much harm. Despairing of checking Sherman, Hood sought to make a diversion by marching northward into Tennessee. He fought the battle of Franklin, where there was some of the most dreadful carnage of the war, and besieged Nashville. Sherman sent General Thomas thither, and he gave Hood battle. The slaughter200 was terrific, and at the day’s end Hood’s army was all but annihilated201. This was on December 15th. Sherman, meantime, cutting loose from his base of supplies, and severing202 all communications with the North, had set out with 60,000 troops for his famous “March to the Sea.” He made his way{138} almost unopposed across Georgia, from Atlanta to Savannah, capturing the latter city, with vast stores, on December 21st. Thence he made his way northward through the Carolinas to co-operate with Grant in Virginia.
In the meantime Grant had begun his campaign with the awful battles in the Wilderness203, May 5th and 6th; at Spottsylvania, May 8th-18th; at North Anna, and at Cold Harbor. The losses on both sides in these engagements were terrific. But the National army was readily reinforced by recruits, while the Confederates had no more supplies to draw upon. Grant therefore determined to press the fighting, and simply exhaust the enemy. A long struggle followed at Petersburg, south of Richmond. Finding himself steadily204 losing, Lee sought in his desperation to make a favorable diversion by sending his Lieutenant205 Early northward, up the Shenandoah Valley, into Maryland, and against Washington itself. At first Early was successful, and almost captured Washington. Then Grant sent General Philip H. Sheridan against him, and in two or three battles Early was utterly206 routed, the final engagement being the famous battle of Cedar207 Creek208, on October 19th.
The year 1865 opened with the National arms everywhere victorious. The war was now concentrated in Southern Virginia. The Confederates abandoned Richmond, and Lee strove to make{139} his way southward, to join J. E. Johnston in North Carolina. Grant and Sheridan headed him off, however, and he was compelled to surrender at Appomattox Court House, on April 9th. The surrender of Johnston to Sherman followed on April 26th. General Grant treated his prisoners with the most marked generosity209, bidding them keep their horses, which, he said, they would need for the spring work on their farms. And thus the Titanic conflict was practically ended. The other engagements that should be mentioned were the great battle in Mobile Bay in August, 1864, when Admiral Farragut destroyed the Confederate forts and fleet, and the capture of Fort Fisher by General Terry in January, 1865. Jefferson Davis was captured and held as a prisoner for some time, but was finally released and permitted to enjoy a life of liberty and prosperity in the country he had striven to disrupt. On April 14th, 1865, President Lincoln was murdered by a member of a desperate band of Confederate conspirators210, and the nation was plunged211 into mourning.
Constitutional amendments212, forever prohibiting slavery, and extending citizenship213 to the negroes, were adopted, the States lately in rebellion were “reconstructed,” and the restored and reunited nation resumed the career of prosperity that had been so rudely interrupted.
The events since the close of the war must be{140} only briefly214 alluded215 to. Within the space of twenty-seven years many important occurrences have been recorded. The effect of the great struggle was on the whole good. The two great disturbing questions which from the signing of the Constitution until 1861 divided the country, were now settled forever. Slavery was abolished; the most bitter source of sectional dispute. The doctrine of State rights was also laid at rest. Another benefit of the conflict was the national banking216 system. The finances of the country were placed on a more secure basis than ever before. The period of reconstruction217 was a painful one, of course, but in the end both sections of the United States found themselves stronger and better than ever before. Andrew Johnson, on becoming President, after the murder of Lincoln, took measures of which Congress disapproved218, and a bitter strife219 began which lasted all during the administration. The President declared at the outset that as a State could not secede220, none of the Southern States had been out of the union at all. This doctrine was ignored by Congress, which held that the seceding States were still out of the union and could only be re-admitted on such terms as Congress should prescribe. The Civil Rights Bill, which made the negroes citizens of the United States, was passed in 1866, and shortly afterward the fourteenth Amendment to the{141} Constitution was adopted. The breach221 between the President and Congress grew wider; bill after bill was passed over his veto, and in 1868 the House passed a resolution to impeach222 the President for “high crimes and misdemeanors” in the conduct of his office. The immediate98 provocation was the removal of Secretary Stanton, which proceeding19 was in contravention of the Tenure223 of Office Act, which provided that no removal from office should be made without consent of the Senate. The impeachment224 trial continued until May, when the final vote was taken, and it lacked the necessary two-thirds majority to impeach.
In pursuance of the “Military Act,” the South in 1867 was divided into five districts and placed under military governors. This exclusion225 of the better class of Southern citizens from civil duties placed all power in the hands of an inferior class of Northern men (called in the South “Carpet-baggers”), who had come hither after the war in search of position. The actions of these men did little to restore harmony between the sections. The situation was not improved by the existence of a body of Southern reprobates226 who called themselves the “Ku Klux Klan,” and rode about in disguise, doing acts of violence against the negroes and all who sympathized with them. This state of affairs was brought to a gradual change by the acceptance{142} of the terms proposed by Congress. In 1868 a pardon was extended to all who had engaged in the war, except those who were indicted227 for criminal offenses229; in 1870 the last of the States accepted the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, and with their admission to Congress the problem of reconstruction was solved and the country resumed its normal condition.
Many other questions have since arisen, but until they too are finally disposed of they can not properly take a place in history. Among these, the labor question, the temperance agitation, woman suffrage230, the tariff231, civil service reform, railroad and land monopoly, and the Indian troubles are evidence enough that the public mind is not at rest The Indian problem, it is hoped, is nearing solution. It is unquestionable that they have been treated with great injustice233 and it remains234 now for the United States to pursue the educating and civilizing235 policy which it was so late in assuming, but which has proved so satisfactory in its results.
In 1868 General Grant was elected President, in which office he continued eight years. During his administration the union Pacific Railroad was completed, thus connecting the two oceans. The first successful ocean telegraph was completed in 1866.
The most disastrous event of the period was{143} the Chicago fire, which broke out October 8th, 1871, and destroyed an area of buildings extending over a length of four miles. One hundred thousand people were left homeless, and two hundred people perished. Contributions to the amount of seven million dollars poured in, and almost without delay the process of re-building commenced. In a few years scarcely a trace of the disaster remained, and so rapid was the city’s new growth, that what in 1871 had been a ruined heap of ashes, in 1890 was found to be the second city in the United States.
The second term of Grant’s Presidency was marked with violent political agitation. The “Credit Mobilier” scheme to bribe236 certain members of Congress in favor of the Pacific Railroad Company was exposed; Secretary Belknap was impeached237 by Congress for fraud, but was acquitted238; other exposures still further shook public confidence.
The elections of 1876 gave rise to great excitement, and much bitter partisanship239 in consequence of the closeness of the Presidential vote, and the questionable232 methods of deciding upon the successful candidate.
The returns from Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina were disputed, and it finally became necessary to adopt a special method of deciding the contest. A commission of five members of each House of Congress and five associate{144} judges of the Supreme Court decided in favor of the Republican candidate, Rutherford B. Hayes. The decision gave great offense228 to the Democrats, and the question is one which is still disputed. In this year was held the Centennial Exhibition. Previous to this time a great financial panic swept the country, and carried ruin far and wide. The grasshopper240 plague created much suffering and famine through the West.
In 1880 James A. Garfield was elected President, and Chester A. Arthur Vice-President. The Civil Service Reform, begun under Mr. Hayes, was taken up vigorously by Garfield, and on this issue the party split into two factions241. Two leaders in the “Stalwart” section, Roscoe Conkling and Thomas C. Platt, resigned their seats in the Senate. The excitement caused by these events induced a lunatic office-seeker, Charles J. Guiteau, to a desperate deed. On the 2d of July, 1881, he shot and mortally wounded the President in the railroad depot242 at Washington. After months of suffering, the martyred President died, September 19th. The Civil Service Reform agitation survived its defender243, however, and the sentiment in favor of his ideas has grown enormously, and promises to become stronger.
In the Presidential election of 1884 the long continuance of Republican rule was broken by{145}
Image not available: INDEPENDENCE HALL, PHILADELPHIA.
INDEPENDENCE HALL, PHILADELPHIA.
the seating of the Democratic candidate, Grover Cleveland, who won an enviable record for himself during his administration, both for integrity and wise management. In 1888 he again came up for election, but was defeated by Benjamin Harrison, the Republican nominee244.
Thus the Nation has come down to the present day, in which it stands supreme among the powers of the world in freedom and prosperity and all the true elements of greatness. Upon such a basis of accomplished facts, the patriotic245 seer must cast, if he will, its future horoscope.
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1
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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seaports
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| n.海港( seaport的名词复数 ) | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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antagonisms
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| 对抗，敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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sloops
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| n.单桅纵帆船( sloop的名词复数 ) | |
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etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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piracies
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| n.海上抢劫( piracy的名词复数 )；盗版行为，非法复制 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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cargoes
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| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
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embargo
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| n.禁运（令）；vt.对...实行禁运，禁止（通商） | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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requisites
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| n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
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opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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71
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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72
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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73
undesirable
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|
| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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74
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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75
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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76
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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77
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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78
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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79
fugitive
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|
| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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80
amalgamated
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|
| v.（使）（金属）汞齐化( amalgamate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）合并；联合；结合 | |
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81
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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82
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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83
clinch
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| v.敲弯，钉牢；确定；扭住对方 [参]clench | |
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84
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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85
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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86
cession
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|
| n.割让，转让 | |
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87
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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88
bankruptcy
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|
| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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89
appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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90
appropriations
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|
| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
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91
rout
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|
| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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92
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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93
savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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94
steamship
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|
| n.汽船，轮船 | |
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95
doctrine
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|
| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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96
aloof
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|
| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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97
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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98
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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99
fixed
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|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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100
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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101
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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102
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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103
conditional
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| adj.条件的，带有条件的 | |
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104
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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105
emancipation
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|
| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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106
interdicted
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的过去式和过去分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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107
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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108
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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109
insignificant
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|
| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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110
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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111
geographical
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|
| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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112
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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113
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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114
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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115
quartz
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| n.石英 | |
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116
Vogue
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|
| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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117
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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118
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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119
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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120
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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121
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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122
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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123
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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124
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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125
faction
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|
| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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126
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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127
salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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128
territorial
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|
| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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129
restrictions
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|
| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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130
restriction
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|
| n.限制，约束 | |
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131
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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132
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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133
secretion
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| n.分泌 | |
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134
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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135
ardent
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|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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136
previously
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|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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137
radicals
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|
| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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138
amendment
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|
| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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139
abrogate
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| v.废止，废除 | |
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140
lasting
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|
| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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141
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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142
colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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143
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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144
retired
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|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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145
brutally
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|
| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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146
brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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147
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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148
dreaded
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|
| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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149
determined
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|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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150
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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151
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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152
inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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153
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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154
arsenals
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| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
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155
seceding
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|
| v.脱离，退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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156
beleaguered
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|
| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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157
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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158
detailed
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|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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159
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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160
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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161
isolating
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|
| adj.孤立的，绝缘的v.使隔离( isolate的现在分词 )；将…剔出（以便看清和单独处理）；使（某物质、细胞等）分离；使离析 | |
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162
assailed
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|
| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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163
entrenched
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|
| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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164
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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165
potent
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|
| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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166
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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167
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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168
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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169
mustered
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|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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170
bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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171
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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172
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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173
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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174
titanic
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| adj.巨人的，庞大的，强大的 | |
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175
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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176
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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177
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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178
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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179
chancellors
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| 大臣( chancellor的名词复数 )； （某些美国大学的）校长； （德国或奥地利的）总理； （英国大学的）名誉校长 | |
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180
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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181
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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182
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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183
preying
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| v.掠食( prey的现在分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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184
rams
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|
| n.公羊( ram的名词复数 )；(R-)白羊（星）座；夯；攻城槌v.夯实（土等）( ram的第三人称单数 )；猛撞；猛压；反复灌输 | |
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185
frigates
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| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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186
opportunely
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| adv.恰好地，适时地 | |
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187
warfare
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|
| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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188
revolving
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|
| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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189
turrets
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| （六角）转台( turret的名词复数 )； （战舰和坦克等上的）转动炮塔； （摄影机等上的）镜头转台； （旧时攻城用的）塔车 | |
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190
regain
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|
| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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191
dominant
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|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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192
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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193
bloodiest
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|
| adj.血污的( bloody的最高级 )；流血的；屠杀的；残忍的 | |
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194
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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195
besieged
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|
| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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197
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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198
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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199
hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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202
severing
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的现在分词 )；断，裂 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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secede
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| v.退出，脱离 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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impeach
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| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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reprobates
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| n.道德败坏的人，恶棍( reprobate的名词复数 ) | |
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indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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offenses
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| n.进攻( offense的名词复数 )；（球队的）前锋；进攻方法；攻势 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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civilizing
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| v.使文明，使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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237
impeached
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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grasshopper
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| n.蚱蜢，蝗虫，蚂蚱 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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242
depot
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| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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